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Doc. 8300
15 January 1999
Honouring of obligations and commitments by Turkey
Information report1
Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe
Co-Rapporteurs: Mr András Bársony, Hungary, Socialist Group and
Mr Walter Schwimmer, Austria, Group of the European People's Party
Summary
Monitoring procedures in respect of Turkey under Order N° 508 (1995) on the honouring of obligations and commitments by member States of the Council of Europe, were opened in April 1996, after adoption of Assembly Recommendation 1298 (1996) on Turkey’s respect of commitments to constitutional and legislative reforms.
Since then, the rapporteurs made three fact-finding missions to Turkey, most recently on 6 – 9 September 1998.
In this information report, they analyse the present situation in the country. They report on areas where they have seen progress and identify problems which warrant further action and assistance.
In summary, the co-rapporteurs wish to draw the attention of the Turkish authorities to the following important steps to be taken :
- legislative changes to improve freedom of expression, freedom of association and the rights of detainees ;
- improvements in the implementation of legislative changes already enacted, especially as regards torture and the treatment of detainees ;
- readiness to engage in a dialogue on cultural rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin and, together with the European Union, to foster the economic development of the south-eastern provinces of Turkey ;
- continuing willingness to engage in constitutional reform and, as Party to the Partial Agreement on the European Commission for Democracy through Law, to use the possibility of consulting this Commission.
Acknowledgement
The co-rapporteurs wish to thank the Turkish Parliamentary Delegation and its Secretariat for the perfect organisation of this visit, as well as of the preceding visit on 23 – 26 November 1997.
They wish also to express their gratitude to all interlocutors who, in the course of both visits, made themselves available and supplied information in a frank and cordial way. Apart from the Turkish parliamentarians and officials, this includes also the Ambassadors, the representatives of the UNHCR, the Human Rights Foundation, the Human Rights Association, the Mazlum Der Organisation of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People, the Turkish Medical Association, the representatives of the press and all those who spontaneously replied to questions of the co-rapporteurs.
The co-rapporteurs regret that the success of their most recent mission was overshadowed by the refusal of the Ankara Closed Prison Authorities to allow a scheduled visit of the former DEP members.
Contents
Pages
FOREWORD 4
A. INTRODUCTION 5
B. MAIN ISSUES 6
i. Torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment 6
ii. The rule of law 7
iii.. Freedom of expression and Article 8 of the Prevention of Terrorism Act 8
iv. Imprisoned former DEP parliamentarians 9
v. Constitutional reform 9
vi. Respect for the rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin 10
C. CONCLUDING REMARKS 11
APPENDICES
I. Parliamentary Assembly documents and adopted texts on Turkey 13
II. Programme of the fact-finding mission to Turkey (6-9 September 1998) 14
III. Programme for the visit to Ankara and Istanbul (23 - 26 November 1997) 16
IV. Comments of the Turkish authorities on the draft information report on Turkey 18
- Letter from the Chairman of the Turkish Delegation to the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe 18
- Opinion of the Turkish authorities 19
- Comments of the Motherland Party 30
- Comments of the True Path Party 33
- Comments of the Republican People's Party 40
- Comments of the Nationalist Movement Party 43
- Comments of the Virtue Party (main oppositions) 46
FOREWORD
1. Over the years, Turkey has, more than any other member State, been the subject of recommendations, resolutions and orders of the Parliamentary Assembly; your co-rapporteurs have reproduced a list in Appendix 1 to this information report. And yet, we are all impressed by the efforts made by the respective governments, by the many activities and unconditioned co-operation of the Turkish Parliamentary Delegation, by the number of Conventions signed and ratified 2and, in general, by progress made towards full implementation of the obligations and commitments under the Council of Europe membership.
2. In this information report, the co-rapporteurs will try and analyse the present situation in the country. They will report on the areas where they have seen progress and they will identify the problems which warrant further action and assistance. But they will also endeavour to create understanding for the reasons why in some respects this important and devoted member State takes a specific position in the Council of Europe and define guidelines for further development. In doing so, they have no pretention to give an authoritative interpretation of the history of Turkey; they merely wish to explain the background against which they view the developments in Turkey and they would be grateful for any complementary remarks by their Turkish collegues.
3. Turkey in its present form was created as of 1923 by one of its greatest statesmen, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. His doctrine, referred to as Kemalism, was characterised by a number of principles, which would allow the country to make the enormous jump from the Ottoman heritage into modern society. The influence of these principles can still be found, more or less prominently, in the Turkish Constitution. These principles are the following:
Republicanism, the creation of a republic;
Unitarism, which required the new state to maintain and defend, at all costs, its unity and territorial integrity;
Secularism, the separation of state and religion. As in the Islamic world of that time, state religion could present a serious hindrance on the way to modernism, secularism in the new Turkey was extended to separate strictly religion, not only from the State, but from politics altogether. This may explain why in Turkey certain religious parties have been banned. On the other hand, secularism is not always implemented in a strict way, eg religious education .
Nationalism, the supremacy of State interests over anything else – including the rights of the individual or groups of individuals. It is this principle which caused, and still causes, considerable difficulties in the full respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Etatism, the determination to accelerate the transition of tradition into a state-controlled economic development;
Populism, the effort to mobilise popular support from the top through such characteristic devices as the People’s Houses (1931 – 51) which spread the new concept of a national culture in provincial towns and the village institutes, which performed the same educational and proselytising role in the countryside;
Revolution, which was implicit in the whole radical reorganisation of the political, social and economic systems.
4. Through the strict implementation of these principles, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk succeeded in introducing a democratic regime in a country which had not achieved a more gradual transition towards democracy in Western Europe; although he established democracy by authoritarian means, it was clearly for the benefit of his fellow citizens. These citzens are still grateful for this accomplishment and respect Kemalism as their indivisible heritage: where in other member States government offices and public places are ornamented with pictures of the Head of State in office, in Turkey every official room and even many private houses bear an image of Atatürk.
5. Since the instalment of democracy in Turkey, the country is characterised by some traditions which have gradually disappeared elsewhere: the nearly untouchable position of the military and the police forces, the extensive powers of the public prosecution, the respect for, in particular, the senior civil service and the influence of university professors. The co-rapporteurs have gained the impression that today, contrary to the reformist intentions of the founder of the Republic of Turkey, in certain circles in Turkey these principles in their original , petrified form of 1923 are being considered and applied as still valid doctrines to solve the topical problems of modern Turkey.
6. There can be no doubt that Turkey is a democracy – with a multiparty system, free elections and an active and independent legislature. However, in general the Turkish nation is more patriotic, more disciplined and more obedient to authority; it is more easily ready to accept the limitations of fundamental freedoms and human rights when the integrity and the independence of the Turkish State so requires. This respect of the heritage of Kemalism causes clashes when individuals or groups of individuals want to implement norms and standards which are applied in other member States where the supremacy of the State is less evident.
7. When they take into account the above conception of human rights and individual freedoms, the co-rapporteurs can more easily understand why in Turkey, notwithstanding the efforts made and progress achieved, there are still some areas where there is room for improvement in the fulfilment of obligations and commitments. These areas are set out in the following report.
A. INTRODUCTION
8. Following visits in November 1996 and March 1997 within the framework of the former monitoring process of Order 5083 the Rapporteurs visited Turkey from 23 to 26 November 1997 and from 6 to 9 September 1998. The purpose was to extend and deepen
dialogue with the Turkish authorities, in cooperation with the Turkish Parliamentary Delegation, on a certain number of issues which the Committee had determined as "priority"
following an exchange of views with the Delegation at the Committee's meeting in Strasbourg on 25 September 1997. The programmes are contained in Appendices 2 and 3.
9. For many observers outside Turkey the country has a negative human rights image, which seems justified by a number of facts, and it is important to take action. This image reflects negatively on the Council of Europe and on Turkey, notably as regards its aspirations for membership of the European Union. There is therefore a common interest in seeking to determine whether the dynamics exist in Turkey for improving the human rights situation, taking into account mainly the obligations and commitments entered into by Turkey with respect to the Council of Europe but also to the history and the geopolitics of the region.
B. MAIN ISSUES
i. Torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment
10. The most damaging criticism of Turkey is recourse to torture and to inhuman or degrading treatment of detainees as part of its administrative culture. In this respect, the co-rapporteurs refer, inter alia, to the 1996 Declaration made by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
11. However, times have changed since 1995 when the Assembly expressed its deep concern about human rights violations in Turkey in Recommendation 1266. Human rights in general, and these aspects in particular, have become a persistent theme of domestic political debate. Moreover, they have now become a part of Government policy, including in its foreign relations dimension, as shown by the Prime Minister's circular of 3 December 1997. It contains the following passage: "...bearing in mind that the violation of human rights is a disgrace for humanity, that it adversely affects public opinion in our country and in the civilised world and that it can cause damage for our country which is difficult to remedy, the measures set out below shall be implemented without fail and their implementation shall be monitored by the authorities responsible"
12. The co-rapporteurs were impressed by the activity of the High Coordinating Committee for Human Rights which has now met 52 times, to propose new laws or amendments to existing legislation, promote deregularisation and improve training and education. They regret, however, that the Parliament has not yet started to discuss these proposals, mainly because of the lack of strength of the ruling coalition.
13. The co-rapporteurs also noted that the Parliamentary Inquiry Committee on Human Rights had toured the country and was preparing a report on the respect of human rights in Turkey. They express the hope that this report will be finalised as quickly as possible and given due publicity.
14. This growing awareness of the need to put an end to degrading treatment and torture of
detainees in particular has resulted in a number of practical measures, both preventive and repressive, such as training and education of police officers, the distribution in police stations of rules for correct interrogation and of the texts of the related Conventions, medical checks before and after interrogation and investigation and punishment in cases of torture. In this respect, the co-rapporteurs refer to the following initiatives which have been taken:
- a draft law amending articles 243, 245 and 354 of the Turkish Penal Code and redefining torture, ill treatment and abuse of power and introducing or increasing penalties, has been approved by the TGNA Justice Commission;
- a “Regulation on Apprehension, Detention and Release Procedures”, which constitutes a reform in this field and improves the current practice, has entered into force on 1 October 1998;
- a draft law on the prosecution of civil servants and other public officers has been approved by the TGNA Justice Commission;
- a draft Criminal Code, lifting death penalty, defining torture and imposing penalties has been presented to the TGNA Justice Commission;
- a Circular has been issued by the General Directorate of Security in June 1998 which states that “ until it is proven by law that a person is guilty, he is presumed innocent”.
15. The co-rapporteurs welcome these initiatives as important steps forward but are not yet convinced that they are or will be systematically implemented in practice. One reason for the continuing torture might be the importance which is attached to the confession in Turkish criminal law, which in itself is sufficient for conviction of the suspect. Another difficulty lies in the fear of suspects to report on torture which they have undergone; here measures should be taken to establish formal and safe procedures for such complaints to be investigated objectively. Furthermore, the co-rapporteurs recommend that the initial period of detention for persons accused of “political offences” (eg terrorism, narcotics) should be the same as for ordinary suspects and thus be reduced from 4 days to 48 hours; similarly, detainees brought before the State Security Court should be provided with the same rights as “normal” suspects in police custody, in particular the right to consult a lawyer without delay.
16. Concern about still ongoing torture and inhuman or degrading treatment seems justified in the light of information supplied by the Diyarbakir Bar Association and non-governmental human rights organisations in Turkey, such as the Human Rights Association, the Human Rights Foundation, the Mazlem Der Organisation of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People and the Turkish Medical Association, who can play a very important role in this context. The co-rapporteurs firmly recommend that these organisations, which are now tolerated by the authorities, will in the near future be assisted in their work, in particular by facilitating their access to detainees.
ii. The rule of law
17. The co-rapporteurs noted that a number of important amendments to existing laws, including the Penal Code and the Prevention of Terrorism Act, have been prepared which, if enacted, would improve the respect of human rights in Turkey. The text of these amendments was, however, not yet available in English and it was said that these amendments might still be modified. The co-rapporteurs have asked to be kept informed about developments in this respect.
18. The co-rapporteurs welcomed improvements already made in existing legislation, such as certain rules on the treatment of detainees. However, after their visit to the Aksaray Security Headquarters in Istanbul, they wish to express their concern that some changes made in the relevant laws should be strictly implemented, in particular respect for the right of the detainee to consult a lawyer, medical examination and the duration of detention.
19. Another aspect of the rule of law in Turkey is the existence of emergency rule in certain parts of the country, justified by the Turkish authorities as necessary to fight terrorism perpetrated by the PKK (Workers Party of Kurdistan). While Turkey has the right, like any other state, to combat terrorism and preserve its territorial integrity, in the medium and long-term such emergency rule is incompatible with the rule of law. Since 1987, emergency rule has been imposed in a number of provinces of Turkey. After the number of provinces subject to such rule had decreased, it was again extended, by a decision of the National Security Council on 29 June 1998, for four months in the provinces of Diyarbakir, Hakkari, Siirt, Sirnak, Tunceli and Van.
20. Under these emergency rules a number of villages have been evacuated and even destroyed. The fact that such dramatic actions are being taken can only underline the immediate need for peace to be established in the region. In that context, an accompanying feature of emergency rule in these provinces is the existence of a village guard system. The village guards are a force of approximately 50,000 ethnic Kurdish villagers armed and paid by the Government to fight the PKK. Pressure to join the village guards and reprisals by the security forces against those who refuse, or retaliation by the PKK against those who consent, puts the local population in an impossible situation. In two cases by the European Court of Human Rights, Turkish security forces were found guilty of burning houses to force the evacuation of villages in the south-east which refused to join the village guard system.4 In the most recent case also linked to the village guard system, the Turkish authorities failed to protect a Turkish citizen’s right to life on account of the defects in the planning and conduct of a security forces’ operation and the lack of an adequate and effective investigation.5 The co-rapporteurs therefore recall the appeal to abolish the village guard system contained in Assembly Recommendation 1377 (1998) on the humanitarian situation of the Kurdish refugees and displaced persons in South-East Turkey and North Iraq.
21. The co-rapporteurs furthermore consider that it is incompatible with the rule of law for military staff to participate as judges in State Security Courts and thus sit in judgement over civilians.
22. Although there are no more executions in Turkey, the co-rapporteurs observe that the death penalty still exists in Turkish law and that death sentences are still pronounced by the courts. After their visit to Turkey, they have been informed that a Draft Turkish Criminal Code has been presented to the TGNA Justice Commission, providing inter alia for the abolishment of the death penalty. Pending the adoption of this Code and its enactment, the co-rapporteurs recommend that Turkey sign and ratify Protocol N° 6 to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms concerning the Abolition of the Death Penalty.
iii. Freedom of expression and Article 8 of the Prevention of Terrorism Act
23. The right of freedom of expression is one of the pre-conditions for democracy and as such confirmed by Article 10 of the Human Rights Convention. The exercise of this freedom may be restricted by law on very precise conditions, as indeed most member States have done. The criticism of Article 8 of Turkey's Prevention of Terrorism Act is that it sanctions but does not clearly and sufficiently define "offences of opinion". This opens the door to arbitrary action by the State against individuals for “crimes of thought”, not only in violation of the right to freedom of expression but also of the rights to freedom of thought and conscience and to freedom of peaceful assembly and association (Articles 9, 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights).
24. The recent prosecution and imprisonment of some journalists for terms of 10 to 40 months is but one example of the different interpretation by the Turkish authorities of Article 10 of the Human Rights Convention. The co-rapporteurs are concerned about many other incidents, not only involving journalists but also elected officials, particularly from the Virtue and HADEP Parties, which have been reported to them and which would seem to indicate that freedom of expression is excessively restricted on matters considered to be sensitive. The co-rapporteurs recommend that Article 8 in the Prevention of Terrorism Act should be adapted to prevent any interpretation contrary to the Human Rights Convention.
iv. Imprisoned former DEP parliamentarians
25. Four former DEP parliamentarians continue to serve a 15-year sentence.6 Convicted under Article 168 of the Criminal Code for "membership of and assistance to separatist gangs", they claim they are being punished for their political views. This claim is rejected by the Turkish authorities, which shows, once again, how extremely narrow the margin is in Turkey between freedom of expression and prohibited propaganda. Their application to the European Commission on Human Rights was declared admissible in October 1997. In discussions with the co-rapporteurs on 24 November 1997, they affirmed their commitment to work for constitutional reform through Turkey's democratic institutions and without challenge to Turkey's territorial integrity. The Council of Europe and the OSCE Parliamentary Assemblies as well as the European Parliament and NATO have all made appeals for their release.
26. For their visit on 6 – 9 September, the co-rapporteurs had asked to be enabled to visit again the former DEP parliamentarians, and this visit had been arranged for 7 September at 9.45 am. When the co-rapporteurs arrived at the Ankara Central Prison at 9.45 am, they were kept waiting for 15 minutes in front of the gates, with press and public watching, before being told that the Prison Administration could not ensure their safety and therefore could not let them enter. According to an article in the Turkish Daily News, riot teams from the gendarmerie and the police had carried out on the preceding Sunday morning a search for prohibited objects and had transferred more than 100 inmates to other prisons. According to the article, police and gendarmerie officials had said that all necessary security measures had been taken inside and outside the prison. The co-rapporteurs regret that they were thus prevented from meeting the former DEP parliamentarians and, in particular, that they had not been informed of this before their trip to the prison.
v. Constitutional reform
27. In Article 2 of its Constitution Turkey is affirmed to be a democratic State, committed to respect for human rights. This affirmation was challenged by Assembly Recommendations 1266 (1995) and 1298 (1996). Some Articles of the Constitution and Article 8 of the Prevention of Terrorism Act were amended in 1995. Other Articles of the Constitution (on freedom of thought and expression, on freedom of science and the arts, and on rights and freedoms of the press) are now being examined, with a view to amendment, by the Turkish High Co-ordinating Committee for Human Rights. The co-rapporteurs welcome the pledge made on 7 August 1998 by the Human Rights Minister that he would push through legal measures to ease restrictions on freedom of expression and shorten jail sentences for “separatist propaganda”. It will be important to act on this pledge before parliamentary elections set for 18 April 1999; during the visit on 6 September the Minister voiced however some doubts about this possibility.
28. A basic concern of the Assembly, however, is still not being addressed. The Turkish Constitution, adopted under military rule in 1982, leaves room for (although it does not necessarily entail) conceptions of the relationship of the State to the individual which are authoritarian and not compatible with the Council of Europe's Statute and the European Convention on Human Rights.
29. A recent report by the Civilian Affairs Committee of the North Atlantic Assembly referred to the general weakness of political forces vis-à-vis the military establishment.7 The most important aspect in this context is the existence of the National Security Council (NSC).8 The NSC was set up during military rule and given constitutional status in 1982 (see Article 118 of the Constitution). It has been described as a “State within the State” because the scope of its activities has extended beyond security to cover the economy, foreign policy, education, human rights and religion. The co-rapporteurs therefore share the conclusion by the North Atlantic Assembly’s report that if Turkey wishes to move in the direction of a modern democracy, the issues of domestic and foreign security and national defence must be differentiated, and the Turkish Armed Forces’ sphere of interest must be restricted to national defence. In line with one of the points made in Recommendation 1377, this entails that civilian control must be established over all military activity in Turkey.
30. A democratic state is characterised, among others, by a multi-party system. In this respect, the co-rapporteurs wish to voice their concern about the issue of the ban in Turkey of certain political parties.
31. Radical changes of a Constitution are not easy to envisage. However, adjustment to the Preamble might suffice, since it governs interpretation of the General Principles (set forth in Part One). The co-rapporteurs suggest that the opinion of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (the “Venice Commission”) be sought on these constitutional issues.
vi. Respect for the rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin
32. From the very beginning of the monitoring procedure, the co-rapporteurs have paid
special attention to the Kurdish question. In addition, Order No. 545 (1998) instructed the Monitoring Committee to study the issue of the Kurdish minority in the framework of the monitoring procedure concerning Turkey.
33. Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin, notably in the south-eastern part of the country, who
wish to maintain their languages and traditional cultural identities should be able to do so. The Turkish authorities, in their observations on this report, have argued that 30 local radio and television stations broadcast in Turkish and Kurdish, that there is no restriction on the sale of magazines and music casettes in Kurdish and that 15 newspapers and periodicals are printed in Kurdish. However, several interlocutors told the co-rapporteurs in the course of their visit to Turkey that the freedom of expression of Kurdish media is severely limited, that many Kurdish publications have been banned and that access to the remaining publications is difficult.
34. The co-rapporteurs do not consider it useful to exchange arguments as to whether there
is an obligation on the Turkish State to regard any groups of citizens as "national minorities". They merely wish to underline that here is clearly a case of an ethnical group with a cultural identity and common traditions which in accordance with the principles and norms of the Council of Europe should be preserved and protected and that such protection is not in contradiction with the Turkish Constitution nor with the Treaty of Lausanne. The essential point is that any such group should have the opportunities and material resources to use and sustain its natural languages and cultural traditions in circumstances and under conditions now clearly and reasonably defined by two important Council of Europe Conventions: the Framework Convention on Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, as well as by Assembly Recommendation 1201 (1993) on an additional protocol on the rights of national minorities to the European Convention on Human Rights. The argument that this would threaten the unity of the Turkish State is unconvincing. The effect is more likely to be the contrary, as terrorism is progressively brought under control.
35. Since the Treaty of Lausanne which established Turkey's borders in 1923, conceptions of international law and of obligations of States vis-à-vis their citizens have considerably evolved. States with a unitary structure which are reluctant to sign and ratify certain Council of Europe texts are nonetheless ready to accept these texts as enlightened statements of principle and to translate these principles into policy. As political, economic, social and cultural conditions improve in the south-east, the Turkish authorities, including the military, should accept the concepts and principles of the rest of Europe, and act accordingly. Many examples in
Europe show that the implementation of cultural rights for ethnic groups that are different from the majority of the population do not harm the territorial integrity of the State.
36. In this respect, the co-rapporteurs discussed with the Turkish authorities the “cease fire” offer by the leader of the PKK as from 1 September 1998. The authorities considered that this was a political manoeuvre and would not be respected. In fact, it was withdrawn less than two weeks later.
37. One important aspect of the restoration of peace and prosperity in the south-east are measures to reconstruct and revive the economy. The co-rapporteurs refer in this respect to Recommendation 1377 (1998), in which the Parliamentary Assembly asks the Committee of Ministers to use its influence with the European Union to resume promised financial co-operation with a view to fostering economic development in Turkey, particularly in its south-eastern provinces. The co-rapporteurs therefore also support all efforts by the Turkish authorities which go in that direction so long as they are also accompanied by confidence-building measures in favour of the Kurdish population in the cultural and social fields. Altogether, these measures would encourage those members of the Kurdish population who desire to return to do so, thus also supporting the activities of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
C. CONCLUDING REMARKS
38. In summary, the co-rapporteurs wish to draw the attention of the Turkish authorities to the following important steps to be taken:
- legislative changes to improve freedom of expression, freedom of association and the rights of detainees;
- improvements in the implementation of legislative changes already enacted, especially as regards torture and the treatment of detainees;
- readiness to engage in a dialogue on cultural rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin and, together with the European Union, to foster the economic development of the south-eastern provinces of Turkey;
- continuing willingness to engage in constitutional reform, and as a Party to the Partial Agreement on the European Commission for Democracy through Law to use the possibility of consulting this Commission.
39. The co-rapporteurs submit these considerations to the Assembly so that it can take stock of the situation on the honouring of obligations and commitments of Turkey. Thereafter they expect to return to the country to verify whether progress has been made with regard to the aforementioned steps to be taken and, if appropriate, submit a final report to the Assembly within the next twelve months.
APPENDIX I
PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY DOCUMENTS AND ADOPTED TEXTS ON TURKEY
Rec 904 (1980) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4621 (Steiner) - CR 32/18 - CM reply Doc 4645, 4659
Order 392 (1980) Members of the Turkish delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly - Doc 4621 - CR 32/18
Order 395 (1981) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4657 (Steiner) - CR 32/26
Order 397 (1981) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4723 - CR 33/6
Order 398 (1981) Term of office of the Turkish parliamentary delegation - Doc 4727 - CR 1981/3, 4, 5
Res 757 (1981) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4784 (Steiner) - CR 33/15
Rec 936 (1982) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4841 (Urwin, Ludwig Steiner) - CR 33/26
Res 765 (1982) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4841 (Urwin, Ludwig Steiner) - CR 33/26
Order 406 (1982) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4841 (Urwin, Ludwig Steiner) - CR 33/26
Rec 938 (1982) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4865 (Ludwig Steiner) - CR 33/CP
Order 413 (1982) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4965 - CR 34/19
Res 786 (1982) Situation in Turkey - Doc 4965 (Steiner) - CR 34/19
Res 794 (1983) Situation in Turkey - Doc 5008 (Steiner) - Doc 5014 opinion (Bardens) - CR 34/27 - CM reply Doc 5169
Res 803 (1983) Situation in Turkey - Doc 5117 (Steiner)- CR 35/16 - CM reply Doc 5169
Res 822 (1984) Situation in Turkey - Doc 5208 (Steiner), Doc 5216 opinion - CR 36/
Res 840 (1985) Situation in Turkey - Doc 5378 (Ludwig Steiner) - CR 37/3
Res 860 (1986) Situation in Turkey - Doc 5546, Doc 5547 opinion (Ludwig Steiner) - CR 38/7
Rec 1094 (1989) Iranian and Iraqi refugees and asylum-seekers in Turkey- Doc 5995 (Mrs Luuk, D, SPD) - CR 40/19 et 20 - CM reply Doc 6042
Rec 1151 (1991) Reception and settlement of refugees in Turkey - Doc 6267 (Eisma) - CR 43/4 and 5 - CM reply Doc 6482
Res 985 (1992) Situation of human rights in Turkey - Doc 6553 (Mrs Lentz-Cornette and Mrs Baarveld-Schlaman) - CR 44/10 - CM reply Doc 6672
Order 478 (1992) Situation of human rights in Turkey - Doc 6553 (Mrs Lentz-Cornette and Mrs Baarveld-Schlaman) - CR 44/10 - CM reply Doc 6672
Res 1030 (1994) Arrest and detention of six members of the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 2 and 3 March 1994 - Doc. 7067 (Jurgens) - CR 1994/13
Res 1041 (1994) Consequences of the dissolution of the Party for Democracy (DEP) in Turkey -Doc 7112 (Jurgens) - CR 1994/22
Doc 7159 Addendum Information report on the visit to Ankara (Turkey) of the ad hoc committee on Resolution 1041 (1-3 Septembre 1994) (Mr Martinez, President of the Assembly)
Rec 1266 (1995) Turkey's military intervention in northern Iraq and on Turkey's respect of commitments concerning constitutional and legislative reforms - Doc 7290 (Bársony), Doc 7295 avis (Cucó) - CR 1995/13 - CM reply Doc 7334
Rec 1298 (1996) Turkey's respect of commitments to constitutional and legislative reforms (follow-up to Recommendation 1266 (1995)) par la Turquie des engagements concernant la réforme constitutionnelle et législative <suites à donner à la Recommadation 1266 (1995)> - Doc 7445 and Addendum I (revised) (M. Barsony) - CR 1996/15
Doc 7994 Credentials of the Turkish delegation (Mr Juris Sinka)
Rec 1377 (1998) Humanitarian situation of the Kurdish refugees and displaced persons in South-East Turkey and North Iraq - Doc 8131 (Mrs Vermot Mangold)
Order 545 (1998) Humanitarian situation of the Kurdish refugees and displaced persons in South-East Turkey and North Iraq - Doc 8131 (Mrs Vermot-Mangold) - CR 1998/22
APPENDIX II
Programme of the fact-finding mission to Turkey
(6-9 September 1998)9
Rapporteurs: Mr András Bársony (Hungary, SOC) and Mr Walter Schwimmer (Austria, EPP/CD)
Sunday 6 September
Arrival in Ankara, check in at Hotel Sheraton (Tel: 90 312 4685454/Fax: 90 312 4671136)
Mr Schwimmer: 8.45 a.m. on flight TK 384 from Izmir; Mr Ausems : 5.30 p.m. on flight TK134 from Istanbul; Mr Schade: 6.35 p.m. flight TK1606 from Frankfurt
9.00 p.m. Dinner hosted by Ismail Cem, Minister of Foreign Affairs
[Place: Residence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Sehit Ersan Cad. No. 7]
Monday 7 September
2.15 a.m. Arrival of Mr Bársony on flight LH 3502, transfer to Hotel Sheraton;
8.30 a.m. Deputy Ambassador of Greece (Michael Christides), Ambassadors
of Hungary (György Kery) and Austria (Ralf Scheide) and EU
(Sören Södergaard) and UNHCR Representative (Lina Sultani)
[Working breakfast, Hotel Sheraton]
9.30 a.m. Departure from the hotel
[9.45 a.m. Ankara closed prison, contacts with former DEP parliamentarians
Hatip Dicle, Ohran Dogan, Selim Sadak and Leyla Zana – cancelled]
11.00 a.m. Parliamentary spokespersons of opposition parties
[Place: meeting room of Foreign Relations and Protocol Department]
12.00 p.m. Working lunch at Parliament with Parliamentary spokespersons of government parties [Place: National Assembly Guest Lounge]
1.00 p.m. State Minister Hikmet Sami Türk,
Chairman of the High Coordinating Committee for Human Rights
2.00 p.m. Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, Hikmet Çetin
3.00 p.m. Interior Minister Kutlu Aktaş
4.00 p.m. Departure for the airport
5.10 p.m. Flight to Diyarbakir TK 640
6.30 p.m. Arrival in Diyarbakir and transfer to Kervansaray Hotel10
8 p.m. Working dinner with Furio de Angelis, UNHCR Head of Legal Unit, and Erdogan Kalkan, UNHCR Field Assistant in Silopi
[Place: Restaurant at Dicle Univesity]
Tuesday 8 September
9.15 a.m Governor of State of Emergency Administration Aydin Arslan
10.15 a.m. Head of Diyarbakir Bar Association Hüseyin Tayfun and other members
12.30 p.m. Working lunch with Mayor of Diyarbakir Ahmet Bilgin
2.00 p.m. Deputy Head of HADEP party in Diyarbakir Selim Kurbanoglu
3.00 p.m. Mehmet Vural and Sezgin Tanrikulu of the Human Rights Foundation and the President of Mazlum-Der Yilmaz Ensaroglu
[Place: Office of the Foundation, Mimar Sinan Cad. Binevs Apt. A Blok,
Daire 2]
4.00 p.m. Head of Security of Diyarbakir Gaffar Okkan
5.00 p.m. Returnee center/village near Diyarkbakir, “Besyüz Evler”
7.30 p.m. Departure for Istanbul TK 641
9.25 p.m. Arrival in Istanbul and check-in at the Hilton Hotel11
Wednesday 9 September
9.00 a.m. Departure from the hotel
9.30 a.m. Istanbul Director of Security Hasan Özdemir
10.00 a.m. Istanbul Police Security Headquarters (Aksaray)
11.30 a.m. Mayor of Istanbul Recep Tayyip Erdogan
13.00 p.m. Head of the Turkish Journalist Association Nail Güreli
and other media representatives
[Place: Türkocagi Sok. No. 1, Cagologlu]
2.00 p.m. Departure for the airport
Mr Schwimmer: 3.05 p.m. on flight OS 894
Mr Ausems and Mr Schade: 3.25 p.m. on flight TK 1589 to Frankfurt
Mr Bársony: 4.40 p.m. on flight MA 203
APPENDIX III
COMMITTEE ON THE HONOURING OF OBLIGATIONS AND COMMITMENTS
BY MEMBER STATES
Chairman: Mr Guido De Marco
TURKEY
Rapporteurs: Mr András Bársony (Hungary, SOC) & Mr Walter Schwimmer (Austra, EPP/CD)
Programme for the visit to Ankara and Istanbul
Sunday 23 to Wednesday 26 November 1997
Sunday 23 November arrival in Ankara & check-in at Hotel Sheraton tel: 90 312 468 5454
fax: 90 312 467 1136
Mr Bársony 00 h 55 on flight TK 160 from Istanbul
Mr Schwimmer 00 h 55 on flight TK 160 from Istanbul
Mr Hartland 18 h 50 on flight TK1606 from Frankfurt
Mr Schade 18 h 50 on flight TK1606 from Frankfurt
20 h 30 dinner hosted by Mr Cevdet Akçali, Member of the Turkish Parliamentary Delegation
Monday 24 November
08 h 30 working breakfast with German Ambassador Hans-Joachim Vergau 5
11 h 30 arrival of Mr Bársony and Mr Schwimmer in Ankara 6
13 h 00 working lunch
State Minister Hikmet Sami Türk
Chairman of the High Coordinating Committee for Human Rights
European Union Representative Jörg Ketelsen
14 h 30 State Minister for European Affairs Sükrü Sinä Gürel
15 h 00 Interior Minister Mr Murat Basesgioglu
16 h 00 Ankara Closed Prison, contacts with former DEP parliamentarians MM Hatip Dicle, Ohran Dogan, Selim Sadak and Ms Leyla Zana
17 h 30 Justice Minister Mr Oltan Sungurlu
20 h 00 working dinner hosted by the Turkish Parliamentary Delegation
Restaurant Kale Washington
Tuesday 25 November
07 h 15 working breakfast
Mrs Füsun Sayek, President, Turkish Medical Association
Mr Akin Birdal, President, Turkish Human Rights Association
Dr Sabri Dokuzoguz, Turkish Human Rights Foundation
08 h 15 leave for airport
09 h 30 flight to Istanbul
11 h 30 check-in at Hilton Hotel
13 h 00 working lunch
Mr Esber Yagmurdereli
Mr Yavuz Önen, President, Human Rights Foundation
14 h 30 Briefing by diplomatic community in Istanbul
16 h 00 Istanbul Director of Security, Mr Hasan Özdemir
18 h 00 Mayor of Istanbul Mr Tayyip Erdogan
20 h 00 working dinner hosted by the Political, Economic & Social Foundation (SISAV)
[President Memduh & MM Akçali and Mimaroglu]
Restaurant Borsa
Wednesday 26 November
9 h 30 Governor of Istanbul Kutlu Aktas
11 h 00 Mr Öztürk, Editor of Hürriyet, and Mr Civaoglu, columnist for Milliyet
and presenter on Channel D
12 h 00 Mr Hasan Cemal, Columnist for Sabah
13 h 30 leave for airport
Mr Bársony flight OS 894 to Vienna 15 h 05
Mr Schwimmer flight OS 894 to Vienna 15 h 05
Mr Hartland flight TK1589 to Frankfurt 15 h 10
Mr Schade flight TK1589 to Frankfurt 15 h 10
APPENDIX IV
Comments of the Turkish authorities on the
draft information report on Turkey
_________
Letter from the Chairman of the Turkish Delegation
to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
Ankara, 21 December 1998
Dear Mr Chairman,
In conformity with the request conveyed in your letter, dated 24 September 1998, I have the pleasure to forward to you, the written comments of the Turkish authorities, on the preliminary draft report of the Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States, on Turkey.
I hope these comments, which, as requested by the Committee, reflect different shades of political opinion, will help the Committee in formulating its final report.
I also would like to request, on behalf of the Delegation of Turkey, that these comments are distributed together with the final report, as annexed to it, so that the views of the Turkish authorities are duly reflected in the same document.
Yours sincerely,
Cevdet AKÇALI
The Chairman of the Committee on the
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments
by Member States
Council of Europe
Strasbourg
France
Opinion
of the Turkish authorities
on the draft information report
on Turkey
by the "Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe"
Rapporteurs: Mr András Bársony (Hungary, SOC) and
Mr Walter Schwimmer (Austria, EPP/CD)
The opinion of the Turkish authorities on the observations and assessments contained in the draft information report is introduced below, following the order of presentation in the draft report.
Acknowledgement
We are pleased that the rapporteurs, after their comprehensive observations and talks in Ankara, Istanbul and Diyarbakir, have noted the achievements in the field of human rights and the strong will which is the basis for these positive developments. The rapporteurs, during their stay in Turkey, contacted several political figures, the authorities of public institutions, the representatives of NGOs and media, as well as the representatives of international organisations and foreign missions without any restrictions. We are also content with the recognition of this fact in the draft report.
However, it is rather upsetting that the rapporteurs, without expressing the actual reason, have claimed both in this section of the report and in paragraph 25, that "…Ankara Closed Prison authorities refused to allow a scheduled visit of the former DEP members" and that "… The success of the mission was overshadowed by this occurrence". The rapporteurs, as well as the officials of the Secretariat accompanying them, had been informed beforehand that the visit to Ankara prison was cancelled on short notice. The rapporteurs had also been informed of the disturbances, the day before the visit. In fact, when the rapporteurs arrived at the prison, they saw a large group of journalists and cameramen in front of the prison's premises. It was well known that the members of the media were present to dispatch the news of the events. Consequently, the prison authorities refused to allow a scheduled visit of the rapporteurs of the former DEP members on security grounds. When one recalls that the rapporteurs, on their previous visit to Turkey, did in fact meet the DEP parliamentarians, it all becomes more obvious that this inconvenience was solely the result of the disturbances in the prison.
Foreword
It is worthwhile to touch briefly upon some of the assessments in paragraph 3 of this section, which gives a general overview of the Kemalist doctrine. This is of particular importance, since the reflections in this section have imposing effects on further observations in the report.
In paragraph 3, the rapporteurs point out that "Unitarism" required the new state to maintain and defend, at all costs, its unity and territorial integrity. This expression, "at all costs", should not be misinterpreted. The territorial integrity of the Republic of Turkey, like every other state, is indivisible. It is the right and responsibility of all states to stand against any attempt aiming to damage its integrity.
It is alleged that the principle of secularism caused certain religious parties to be banned. The Turkish Constitution stipulates that the Republic of Turkey is a democratic and secular state. No person or institution can have a disposition above and beyond the law. In Turkey it is within the competence of the jurisdiction to ban political parties which do not abide by the law. In some countries, it is also illegal to establish political parties which uphold certain ideas. In the USA, parties which base their ideology on the discrimination between coloured and white people, in Germany parties which aim to revive nazism cannot be founded. In Italy, according to the constitution, it is forbidden to renew the Fascist Party under any form whatsoever. In Austria, the law forbids defending nationalist-socialist ideology and political institutionalising in line with this doctrine. In Spain, the Political Parties Act lays down a comprehensive list of limitations with reference to the Penal Code. The Spanish Constitution bans any organisation whose aims and working methods are not in line with the law and constitute a crime.
In this connection, certain restrictions were also put on the freedom of speech in the member countries. Jean Marie Le Pen is a good example of this: the parliamentary immunity of a politician with a potential of 17% of the votes in general was lifted in the European Parliament. Same can be said for the parties which support separatist terrorism. The most recent examples are the Basque Separatist Party Henri Battasuna in Spain and the CP'86 in the Netherlands which was banned on charges of discrimination against ethnic minorities.
Furthermore, the following facts have to be recognised as regards secularism:
Secularism is one of the founding pillars of the republic. Ninety-eight per cent of Turkey's population is Muslim. Turkey, as a consequence of her geographical location, is under the threat of Islamic fundamentalism and has to be extremely careful with individuals and circles trying to politicise Islam. Consequently, it is only natural for Turkey to implement her laws in full effect to overcome the threat posed by those who abuse Islam under the disguise of human rights and make a rational distinction between religion and state.
On the other hand, nationalism cannot be seen as a factor which has caused and still provokes difficulties in fully implementing human rights and fundamental freedoms in Turkey. Atatürk's principle of nationalism does not have ethnic connotations. On the contrary, nationalism is an "umbrella concept" vis-à-vis citizenship and it is independent of racial origin. In effect, this principle is a uniting element rather than a dividing one.
The main purpose of Atatürk's nationalism, is the betterment and improvement of the individual and the nation. With this understanding, it is evident that nationalism constitutes a substantial basis for the nation to advance, rather than causing difficulties in full respect of human rights. On the other hand, it will be a paradox to accept that 200 years of partnership can create an "American identity", whereas 1 000 years of association in Anatolia is not good enough for a "Turkish identity". People of France are also composed of different ethnic stock. However, the concept of "French" stands for the citizenship of France. Similarly in Turkey, the word "Turkish" defines the citizenship link and not ethnicity at all.
Consequently, it will be a crucial mistake to believe that the principle of nationalism, which has no ethnic roots and which is only an expression of citizenship, causes setbacks in the full respect of human rights.
Paragraph 4: The statement that Atatürk established democracy by dictatorship, disregards the contributions made by the founder of the Republic of Turkey, together with the cadres around him, to various aspects of democratic life, including some early initiatives for a democracy based on multi-party system. Therefore this statement is wrong, if not prejudiced. The ideologies of some statesmen who were contemporaries of Mustafa Kemal and who have been considered as dictators at their time, are hated today. However Atatürk is still recalled and cherished, by both the Turkish people and international community, as a prominent leader and a revolutionary statesman. In fact, this is acknowledged in the first sentence of paragraph 3.
Paragraph 5: The circles which interpret Atatürk's principles as "petrified doctrines" are generally either Islamic fundamentalists or orthodox communists or chronic dogmatists who oppose Turks and Turkey. For this reason, it is unfortunate that the analogous terminology is used in the draft report.
In the same paragraph the linkage attributed to Atatürk's principles and the traditions of the Turkish society is astonishing. The position of the military, the powers of the public prosecution, the respect for senior civil service and the influence of university professors cannot be cited as a result of Atatürk's principles, for there is no correlation between these.
Paragraph 6: Once again in this paragraph, the rapporteurs' assessments on Turkish political history and Kemalism do not comply with the standards of accuracy. It is a misinterpretation of historical and present day realities to claim that Atatürk's principles hinder Turkey's attempts to adopt European norms, since those principles in fact aim to upgrade Turkey, in words of Atatürk, to the "contemporary level of civilisation".
Introduction
Paragraph 9: In this paragraph, it is assessed that "there is … a common interest in seeking to determine whether the dynamics exist in Turkey for improving the human rights situation". Evidently there is no need to doubt the existing will. It is an unfortunate prejudice that such a statement, which downgrades all efforts and various important improvements achieved in the field of human rights in recent years, appears right at the introduction of the draft report.
Main issues
Turkey shares the same goals with other democracies in the field of human rights and fundamental liberties and comprehensive programmes are launched by the Turkish authorities for further improvement in these fields. Some of these efforts have already yielded results and more results are expected in the short term. We deem it useful to give the following information on the progress, which have not been duly reflected in the report.
—A draft law, concerning the amendment of Articles 243, 245 and 354 of the Turkish Penal Code, which redefines torture, ill treatment and abuse of power against individuals by public officers has been sent to the parliament. These amendments to Articles 243 and 245 redefine torture and foresee higher penalties, while amendments on Article 354 foresee penalties for physicians and other medical personnel who fake reports on torture. The draft law has been approved by the TGNA Justice Commission and is currently before the General Assembly.—
—Th e "Regulation on Apprehension, Detention and Release Procedures", which has been arranged by updating regulations of the General Directorate of Security and the Gendarmerie, was published in the Official Journal and has entered into force on 1
October 1998. The English translation of this regulation has been forwarded to the rapporteurs. This regulation constitutes a reform in this field and improves the current practice up to the standards prevailing in the West and even further.—
—Ac cording to this regulation which is in force, suspects who are apprehended and taken under custody, are given a "Suspect and Detainee Rights Form" which informs them of their rights to remain silent and to benefit from defence, as well as their right to inform their relatives, regardless of the nature of their offence on crime.Ac
According to Article 128 of the Code on Criminal Procedure, against apprehension or extenuation of the custody period following the written order of the Prosecutor, the apprehended person, or his lawyer, first or second degree blood relatives, or the spouse may apply to the judge, to obtain a release order.
According to these new arrangements, the lawyer may see the detainee any time. The only temporary exception to the rule is for crimes perpetrated against state security.
—A "Custody Monitoring Unit" has been set up by the General Directorate of Security, in order to improve relations between the police and the people and to monitor the above-mentioned practices.—
—Th e draft law which facilitates the prosecution of public officers, entitled "Draft Law on the Prosecution of Civil Servants and other Public Officers", has been amended and sent to the parliament. It has been accepted by the TGNA Justice Commission and is currently on the agenda of the General Assembly of the parliament.—
—A draft law on "Public Inspector" or "Ombudsman", is being prepared. With a view to benefit from their experiences, Ombudsmen from some other countries have been invited to Turkey. In this context, Swedish Parliament and Press Ombudsmen, and Irish, Finnish and TRNC Ombudsmen and OSCE Ombudsman experts have come to Turkey.—
—On the other hand, the new draft law on the Penal Code, which will abrogate the previous one has been prepared and forwarded to the TGNA Justice Commission.Th
This new draft lifts the death penalty and replaces it with heavy life imprisonment. In the new draft law, torture is defined in detail and heavy penalties are imposed.
—A new law which resolves the creation of workshops in prisons and detention centres has been sent by the government to the parliament and entered into force upon its approval, on 6 August 1997. According to this law, new lines of work for convicts and detainees are envisaged, as well as new financial means for prisons.—
—Th e General Directorate of Security issued a circular on 26 June 1998. This circular was based on Article 6/2 of the European Convention of Human Rights and Article 38/4 of the Turkish Constitution, which states that, "until it is proven by law that a person is guilty, he is presumed innocent". The circular stresses that, during the preliminary investigation, persons who are suspected of having committed a crime may not be presumed guilty by security forces and may not be exposed to the media, and that the investigation must be carried out.—
—To overcome concerns regarding human rights violations, to make justice prevail, to set compatibility between the units which carry out technical analysis during judicial investigation and inquiry units, and to carry out the preliminary investigation according to the rules of the "Regulation on Apprehension, Detention and Investigation", training courses for the police authorities began last November.—
—To train the members of the security forces in the field of human rights, academicians give human rights lectures at the Police Institute. In the courses, torture and crimes against humanity, all forms of discrimination, international human rights monitoring mechanisms, human rights according to Police Law are studied.—
—A "Human Rights Working Group" was set up within the General Directorate of Security/Police Academy in 1997, to come up with proposals on deficiencies in the institutions where police officers are trained, and to determine allegations and criticism within the country and abroad and to take the necessary measures.—
—Mu lti-dimensional programmes are launched to ensure the economic and social development of southeast Anatolia. In this context, to encourage investments, new laws have been introduced for the allocation of public land and tax exemption schemes. Furthermore, aid is granted to the region from the Emergency Support Fund and "return to village" project is currently being carried out.—
—On the other hand, Article 22 of the Law on Terrorism states that, "citizens who have lost their lives or who have endured property damages receive priority aid from Social Aid and Solidarity Incitement Fund". Damages are calculated through commissions set up by governorates and local aid is given accordingly. However, it is evident that this aid is not enough to compensate all the damage. Thus, a sub-commission has been established under the Human Rights High Co-ordinating Committee to draft new legal arrangements to compensate citizens who endured damage as a result of terrorism acts or in the fight against terrorism. This study is about to be finalised. It will be evaluated by the Council of Ministers before the draft is forwarded to the parliament.—
—Th e state of emergency, which was previously in force in ten provinces, was lifted in three provinces on 6 October 1997 reducing the area of state of emergency in southeastern Anatolia to six provinces (Diyarbakir, Tunceli, Van, Şirnak, Hakkari, Siirt).—
—Th e return of citizens of Kurdish origin to their evacuated villages is being carried out by Turkish authorities, in cases where security conditions allow. The UNHCR or similar institutions do not have any mandate nor any authority on this matter. The number of our citizens which were forced to emigrate to northern Iraq escaping the PKK, and who wish to return to Turkey recently has been increasing. Since 1996, 2 000 people voluntarily returned to Turkey. As from September 1998, approximately 404 persons came back to Turkey. For return procedures, we co-operate with the UNHCR and our government's attitude in this field is appreciated by the said organisation. Indeed, the report published by the UNHCR, at the beginning of December 1998, entitled "1999 Global Appeal", indicates on page 322 that "Working relations between the UNHCR and the Turkish Government are excellent".—
—Fo llowing permissions granted to private media institutions in 1993, we have witnessed a considerable development in this sector. (There are 260 private televisions of which 15 broadcast nation-wide, 1 200 private radios are on air and almost 1 800 newspapers are published.) Security forces, which are claimed in the report to be immune to criticism, are in reality highly criticised in the media sometimes. As a result of the multiplying awareness supported by the media and the impact of the administrative and legal arrangements of the Human Rights High Co-ordinating Committee, human rights issues are discussed in all segments of the society. It is witnessed that this generates a higher consciousness in the administration and contributes to spreading of "human rights culture" in the society. From this perspective, we witness that the report does not reflect sufficiently the activities of the Human Rights High Co-ordinating Committee and the sensitivity in Turkey in this field. Enclosed herewith is an information note on these activities.Pa
Paragraph 14: The rapporteurs claim that confession is very important in the Turkish Penal Code and it is sufficient for the conviction of a suspect and that this situation causes the recurrence of torture cases.
According to case law passed from the court of appeals, a confession may not be the basis of proof by itself and that they can be taken into consideration only with other evidence. Furthermore, in the jurisprudence of the court of appeals, it is stated that evidence cannot be gathered by violating the law. This is also stipulated in the Code of Penal Procedure.
We welcome the satisfaction voiced by the rapporteurs concerning the administrative measures taken by relevant authorities to prevent torture, as a positive attitude which will encourage the will behind such measures. However, the hesitation expressed as to whether these measures are systematically applied is surprising. Greatest care is displayed to see the application of these measures. Between 1994-30 July 1998, from 1 098 preliminary investigations by the prosecutors of the republic, 948 were put to trial for violation of Articles 243 and 245 of the Turkish Penal Code. 201 are being evaluated by the prosecutors of the republic, 949 were dismissed. The rapporteurs should have taken these developments into account.
In the same paragraph, as per presentation, one gets the impression that terrorism and drugs are quoted as examples of political crimes. According to international law, it is not possible to qualify any of these crimes as political crimes. Terrorism means the violation of the basic human right that is the right to life. All democratic states must combat terrorism by all means within the rule of law. Drug smuggling is an illegal source of income which nourishes terrorism and it constitutes one of the most dangerous crimes for humanity.
Lastly, contrary to what is indicated in this paragraph, the custody period for political crimes is not four days but forty-eight hours just like ordinary crimes. This period may be extended only upon decision of the prosecutor.
Paragraph 15: Alleging that torture continues in Turkey, in line with the statements of a separatist organisation aiming at malicious propaganda, cannot be considered as an impartial method. The rapporteurs should have investigated seriously whether civil society organisations did provide impartial information which reflects realities. We witness that some organisations give distorted versions of realities in Turkey, and some which have subscribed to extreme ideologies pursue their activities through financial assistance they receive from organisations abroad. These are, unfortunately, regarded as credible just because they are non-governmental organisations.
The Turkish authorities attach importance to serious investigation of torture allegations, and in individual cases, officials who have resorted to this method are punished by judicial authorities. Turkey continues its full co-operation with the monitoring mechanisms of the UN and the Council of Europe. Within this context, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, N Rodley, came to Turkey from 9 to 19 November 1998, and held comprehensive talks with official authorities and civil society organisations in Ankara, Istanbul and Diyarbakir. Mr Rodley will submit his report concerning these meetings to the UN Human Rights Commission in March 1999. The CE Committee for the Prevention of Torture came to Turkey ten times until now. Reference made in the report to the "Public Statement" by the committee in 1996 is yet another example of the prejudiced attitude of the rapporteurs. For, the committee, in its subsequent visits, had the opportunity to witness and note the well intentioned efforts and activities of the Turkish authorities. We wish the same could have been observed by the rapporteurs. Turkey, which always had straightforward relations with the committee, continues its preparations to make public the report of the committee regarding its visit in September 1997.
Paragraph 18: As mentioned previously, the Emergency Rule is being lifted gradually. However, as it is also indicated in the report, struggle against terrorism and separatism is the right and duty of the Turkish Republic. The PKK terrorist organisation has been perpetrating attacks since 1984 against Turkish citizens, regardless of any distinction as to whether they are soldiers, elderly, children, women or men. Many of the victims are Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin. There are 112 teachers among the victims. From 1 January to 31 October 1998, in six provinces of the emergency region, in 841 terror cases, PKK terrorists killed 87 civilians among which 11 were children, and 44 were women. For this reason, the lifting of the Emergency Rule depends on the termination of terrorism in the region.
Paragraph 19: The allegation that the village guard system is imposed to civilians and that those who refuse are subject to pressure is not true. The village guard system is voluntary and was established in co-operation with local population to protect them from the merciless PKK terror. Therefore, it is wrong to pass judgments looking at some individual cases.
Meanwhile, the comparison between the number of the complainants of the village guard system and the number of our citizens who consider this structure as an assurance and express their satisfaction, indicates the success and the accuracy of the system. The success of the system, contrary to the observation in the report, gives rise to an increase in the pressure of the terror organisation on citizens and the pursuit of a systematic negative propaganda by terror sympathisers abroad. However, it should be regretted that the positive reflections of our citizens, concerning the exercise of the village guard system and their voluntary contributions to the system unfortunately have no repercussions outside Turkey. These have not found a place in the draft report either.
It is widely known how and on the basis of which report the Assembly Recommendation 1377 (1998), referred to in this paragraph, was adopted. Our opinions on this issue were submitted by the Turkish parliamentary delegation in the Assembly in an extensive written form. To refer to Assembly Recommendation 1377 (1998) which contains unacceptable assessments and allegations about Turkey, under some pretext even like the "village guards", is dismaying and frustrating.
Paragraph 20: The rapporteurs' allegations that participation of military judges in state security courts is incompatible with the rule of law comprise an unjust observation. The procedures regulating the election and assignment of military judges in state security courts and the assurances they are granted for carrying out their duties are sufficient vis-à-vis the independence of these judges. Furthermore, the Military Criminal Code stipulates sanctions against putting pressures of any form on the military judges. It should not be forgotten that the decisions of state security courts, as the decisions of all First Instance Courts, are subject to the supervision of the Supreme Court of Appeal.
Another mistake is that the rapporteurs define military judges not as judges, but as "military staff". In the state security courts, judges, rather than "military staff" are assigned. The conscience and the legal career of a judge are irrelevant to whether he is of civilian or military origin. The rapporteurs should not make discriminations which we do not have in our legal system, judicial hierarchy or public opinion.
Paragraph 21: The rapporteurs state that the death penalty in Turkey should be abolished. Death penalty is de facto abolished in Turkey and not executed since 1984. In addition, as indicated in the Main Issues Section, the new draft Turkish Criminal Code consisting of 522 articles, submitted to the Justice Commission of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA), abolishes death penalty.
All these indicate that an important and in-depth effort for the abolishment of death penalty is under way in Turkey. It would have been favourable if this point had been referred to more clearly in the report.
Paragraphs 22 and 23: The articles of the Turkish Criminal Code and the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which supposedly restrict the freedom of expression, aim in fact at preventing the activities sabotaging Turkey's territorial integrity and security and are of no nature to limit the freedom of expression. It would not, in any case, be a right attitude to expose the legal measures which Turkey, has taken to safeguard her territorial integrity and internal security against separatist and fundamentalist activities, to criticisms ignoring the basic realities.
In some European states (Spain, United Kingdom, Ireland, etc), which are subject to terrorism, the need for consolidated new legislation is generally acknowledged. But when Turkey resorts to the same as a country fighting separatist terrorism over fifteen years, this imperative necessity is denied with an unjust approach. Nevertheless, Turkey, aiming at more conformity with the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights, has made genuine efforts to realise appropriate modifications in her legislation in accordance with national conjuncture.
In the above context, draft amendments prepared by the government were submitted to the parliament.
As for the members of HADEP and Virtue Party, they also are subject to provisions of legislation in force, particularly the Constitution and the Political Parties Law, and are obliged to comply with these provisions. The majority of the journalists mentioned in the report are those who don't even possess a press card, that is to say they are not genuine journalists, and were sentenced due to crimes of incitement to terrorism which have no relation with freedom of thought.
Paragraph 24: The former DEP parliamentarians were not sentenced for, as alleged in the report, expressing their political views. They were found, by the court, guilty of crimes of "striving to establish an independent Kurdish state by separating the east and southeast Anatolian territories of Turkey, conducting intensive separatist activities in Turkey and abroad in accordance with the orders and instructions of the leaders of the PKK, an armed gang and terrorist organisation struggling for the same ends, exerting intensive efforts to provide the PKK a legitimate identity in international fora, making written and oral propaganda against indivisible integrity of the state of the Republic of Turkey. Only four of these former DEP parliamentarians still serve their sentences.
Paragraph 27: The Turkish Constitution was adopted in a referendum held on 7 November 1982 with 90% of the votes. The rate of the participation to the referendum was 90.1% while 17 000 000 of 18 800 000 valid votes were for the constitution. The high rate of the participation and overwhelming majority of the affirmative votes should be taken into consideration. Accordingly, it is not right to use a statement like "the Turkish Constitution [was] adopted under military rule" and display an approach underestimating the enthusiasm of the Turkish people with regard to the referendum and the constitution.
It is an oversight of the rapporteurs failing to register the above-mentioned realities while elaborating on the constitutional arrangements, looking into the relations between the state and the individual. It is, for that matter, impertinent to claim that these stipulations do not comply with the Statute of the Council of Europe and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
Paragraph 28: The National Security Council is a constitutional institution with its powers and responsibilities determined by the constitution as an advisory body. Its powers are restricted to suggesting recommendations to the government.
Those who are of the opinion that the National Security Council is the assurance of the republic and democracy in Turkey with its statutory nature and consultative responsibilities comprise the majority, including politologs, political analysts, authors and philosophers. Then again the rapporteurs could not have the time to grasp this situation and perhaps were satisfied with taking merely the views of some circles successful at impressing them systematically. Otherwise they could have made a thorough analysis of Turkey's national and geopolitical needs.
Paragraph 29: No person or institution, as mentioned before, is above the constitution or legislation. In this context, it is a requirement of the democratic government concept, that the acts incompatible with the constitution and legislation of any person or institution must be punished. In Turkey, as in any other democratic state, political parties do not have the freedom to infringe the constitution or existing legislation.
Paragraph 30: It would be wrong to consider that constitutions are merely texts which could be restricted to certain forms or patterns. An approach which could comprehend the specific problems arising from the political evolution of the Turkish society; economic, political and geographic circumstances of Turkey; and Turkey's geopolitical position, can only flourish in the Turkish Grand National Assembly.
The power to amend the constitution belongs only to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. The Turkish Grand National Assembly has sufficient knowledge and experience accumulated over fifty years. The constitutional tradition in Turkey is about to complete its 147th year. It would be wrong to expect a contribution from the Venice Commission. This Commission is charged with the task of transforming the communist constitutions of central and eastern Europe countries to constitutions in conformity with the standards of the Council of Europe. The Turkish Constitution surely does not fit in this category.
Paragraphs 31, 32 and 33: It should be welcomed that the rapporteurs have used statements indicating that it is a mistake to impose on the Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin "national minority" identification. Nevertheless, the points below should be explained to reveal the inaccuracy of some subsequent comparisons and assessments.
The reason for the incidents in southeast Anatolia is, as everyone is aware, the bloody and internationally-linked terrorist acts of the PKK.
The national minorities in Turkey were determined by international treaties. Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin do not have minority status. However, they enjoy all rights granted to every Turkish citizen. More than one hundred parliamentarians of the Turkish Grand National Assembly are of Kurdish origin. This number itself proves that our citizens of Kurdish origin are represented in the parliament with a ratio exceeding their real population. Their constituencies are not limited to southeast Anatolia. There are numerous parliamentarians of Kurdish origin elected in various provinces of western and central Anatolia. Furthermore, according to our constitutional system and parliamentary traditions, the parliamentarians represent not only the provinces they were elected in, but the entire country and Turkish people as a whole. In addition, citizens of Kurdish origin can be seen in all high-level official postings.
On the other hand, in accordance with both international treaties and the perception accumulated during the course of 1 000 years in Anatolia, the yardstick to recognise a community as a minority is religion. Identification of minorities according to ethnicity can be seen only in western culture and history. Such an understanding cannot find fertile ground in Anatolian culture, which welcomes all ethnic groups, but refuses to characterise any group with racial connotations and discriminate against.
Furthermore, allegations which indicate separatist attitudes assert that cultural and social rights are not respected. This is in total contradiction with the facts. The most outstanding example is the alleged ban on Kurdish language. Such a limitation is non-existent. Moreover, the state provides interpreters for the citizens of Kurdish origin, who cannot converse properly in Turkish with the judiciary authorities. Thirty local radio and television stations broadcast in Turkish and Kurdish. There is no restriction on the sale of magazines and music cassettes in Kurdish. There are fifteen newspapers and periodicals printed in Kurdish. One would expect that these facts would have been detected in the draft report by the rapporteurs, who made on the spot observations.
Paragraph 34: In this paragraph the rapporteurs give a very good example on the statements and commitments of the PKK leadership which are characterised by political propaganda motives only and are far from being genuine.
Paragraph 35: The statement that "the Turkish Government's self-sustained and outstanding efforts to reconstruct and revive the economy in the southeast are noted and supported" is encouraging. In particular the call to the European Union to financially support these efforts within in the framework of the existing contractual commitments is worthy of attention. However it is not pertinent to state that the efforts of the Turkish authorities are supported as long as they are accompanied by confidence-building measures in favour of the Kurdish population in the cultural and social fields. Our views on this observation were explained in the above paragraphs. Moreover, it is astonishing that statements giving the impression that the Kurdish citizens are "refugees" or "displaced persons" in Turkey and that UNHCR supports the "voluntary repatriation", are included in the text. The statements as such are not at all in conformity with the truth and the actual situation, the role of the UNHCR and its approach on issues about Turkey have been dealt with.
Paragraphs 36 and 37: Our opinion on the issues covered in paragraph 36, in which the main evaluations and assessments were summarised, was explained thoroughly above, in the related sections. We are confident that our rapporteurs will go through the above reflections with due attention. We accordingly believe that they will also take these into consideration during their next visit to Turkey which is planned for the year 1999 and will include their assessments produced in the light of Turkey's realities in the final report, which will be submitted to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
Comments of the Motherland Party concerning the draft information report dated 15 September 1998
The comments of the Motherland Party concerning the draft information report prepared by the rapporteurs of the Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe, Mr András Bársony (Hungary, SOC) and Mr Walter Schwimmer (Austria, EPP/CD) are submitted below:
In this framework, the Motherland Party deputies in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Mrs Lale Aytaman, Mr Sükrü Yürür and Mr Süha Tanik, have considered that all the replies put forward by the Turkish authorities are appropriate.
In addition to these comments, it will also be efficient to take into consideration the matters indicated below:
The co-rapporteurs do not mention adequately the achievements and reforms realised by the 55th government in Turkey. Besides, the co-rapporteurs underestimate the young and dynamic group constituting the 60% of the Turkish population that is self-developing and seeking for new achievements compared with the elderly population of most of the European countries as well as the importance of these economic and social powers for our country in the future.
In most part of the report, the co-rapporteurs are criticising the attitude of Turkey towards human rights issue.
Human rights question is not unique to our country. Everywhere in the world, in every country, even in Europe, several cases of violation of human rights are continuously reported to the public knowledge. By the way, the inhuman discrimination against the people of Turkish origin living in Greece, has been undertaken by the same Commission in a different way; that is Greece has not been monitored despite the fact that there exist many inadequacies and wrongnesses in implementation though not in legal sense.
In paragraph 9, it is stated that there exist some doubts about Turkey's willingness and determination to take action in human rights issues. Indeed, the circular issued by our Prime Minister and Party Chairman, Mr Mesut Yilmaz, and the High Council of Human Rights established under the leadership of Mr Hikmet Sami Türk, Minister of State, show how seriously the matter has been dealt with and how closely the implementations are monitored. Moreover, lots of importance has been given to the in-service training and education of security forces (police officers and gendarmerie) concerning the human rights and in this way, it is tried to remove the lacking points in implementation mentioned by the co-rapporteurs.
In paragraph 25, the co-rapporteurs state they regret that they were prevented from meeting the former DEP parliamentarians and they had not been informed of the situation in the prison before. However, the events suddenly occurred in the prison and the rapporteurs had already met the DEP parliamentarians before.
In paragraph 29, it has been criticised that certain political parties are banned in Turkey. However, the illegal acts of these political parties have not been mentioned at all. In every country, the constitution should be respected. Therefore, it is not appropriate to underestimate this fact when Turkey is the case.
The use of the term of "Kurdish minority" harms the objectivity of the co-rapporteurs. These two parliamentarians who have been carrying out a research on Turkey for quite a long period of time have to know that the "minorities" are only considered within the framework of the Treaty of Lausanne.
In our country, there are people of various ethnic origins. Laz (east Black Sea region), Circassian, Georgian, Albanian, etc. The Republic of Turkey is indeed constituted by the multi-colour mosaic and it should be understood that this mosaic will highly contribute to the strengthening of our country when the problems of terrorism and infrastructure are solved.
It seems that the co-rapporteurs prepared their draft report inadequately in the sense that they did not consider the effects of terrorism in all fields in Turkey.
By the way, the effective measures taken by our government against illicit drug trafficking which is the main source of terrorism and threatens all the world, are not mentioned in the report at all. Nevertheless, all western countries including the Council of Europe, being aware of the fact that it causes tremendous problems for world youth, have signed several treaties and conventions in order to take measures against organised trafficking of illicit drugs on the Middle East, Turkey, Europe and America line.
Terrorism supported by external powers uses a particular ethnic group as a tool to disintegrate a country by making discrimination between groups of people of different ethnic origins who have lived together for many centuries. It can easily be observed how much this game might be perilous for our world when it would be played in the United States and Europe with people of different ethnic origins living there.
Turkey spares more than US$ 50 billion in her budget to struggle against terrorism. If she could spend this sum for the development of the eastern and southeastern provinces of Anatolia and if the level of welfare between western and eastern Turkey was balanced, most of the problems would be solved.
Moreover, the importance given by the government to eastern and southeastern Anatolia and the investments realised there are neglected.
The recommendation "Readiness to engage in a dialogue on cultural rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin and together with the European Union, which does not even include Turkey among the twelve candidates, to foster the economic development of the southeastern provinces of Turkey" which takes place in the final part of the report results from the lack of understanding the matters that we have indicated above.
The recommendation about "willingness to engage in constitutional reform in consultation with the Venice Commission" is unacceptable. In the Republic of Turkey, both in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and in other institutions, there are experts having adequate international knowledge and experience. The Venice Commission is an institution established with the aim of assisting the new members of the Council of Europe to accomplish their transition to democracy, in preparing their constitutions.
The evaluation of Turkey in the same level as those countries means to hurt Turkey that is a seventy-five year old republic.
Comments of the True Path Party concerning the draft information report dated 15 Sepember 1998
The draft information report dated 15 September 1998 which was prepared by Mr András Bársony, MP from Hungary and Mr Walter Schwimmer, MP from Austria, both of whom are the co-rapporteurs for Turkey of the Monitoring Committee following their fourth visit to Turkey has been examined and the view of the True Path Party on this report has been submitted below.
In the foreword of the report when the principles of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk were considered, there is a statement that "… secularism is not always implemented in a strict way, for example religious education."
In the preamble of the constitution of the Turkish Republic, it is stated that "… religious sentiments shall not interfere with the state affairs and politics;" and in Article 2 of the constitution it is written that "The Republic of Turkey is a democratic, secular and social state governed by the rule of law; bearing in mind the concepts of public peace, national solidarity and justice; respecting human rights; loyal to the nationalism of Atatürk, and based on the fundamental tenets set in the preamble.
Likewise, in Article 24 of the constitution it is stated that "everybody has the right to freedom of conscience, religious belief and conviction. Acts of worship, religious services, and ceremonies shall be conducted freely, provided that they do not violate the provisions of Article 14 (fundamental rights and freedoms should not be abused).
No one shall be compelled to worship, or to participate in religious ceremonies and rites, to reveal religious beliefs and convictions, or be blamed or accused because of his religious beliefs and convictions.
Education and instruction in religion and ethics shall be conducted under state supervision and control. Instruction in religious culture and moral education shall be compulsory in the curricula of primary and secondary schools. Other religious education and instruction shall be subject to the individual's own desire, and in the case of minors, to the request of their legal representatives.
There is a decree that "no one shall be allowed to exploit or abuse religion or religious feelings, or things held sacred by religion in any manner whatsoever, for the purpose of personal or political influence, or for even partially basing the fundamental, social, economic, political, and legal order of the state on religious tenets."
In view of these articles of the constitution it is not possible to show "religious education" as an example for not applying secularism definitely.
Individuals shall enjoy the right of conscience, religious belief and conviction and they will conduct freely worshipping, religious services and ceremonies and shall never be compelled in these subjects.
The children of the Turkish citizens whose country population is 99% Muslim will be taught religion and ethics not by the inefficient persons and institutions but by the schools under the state supervision.
It is no point to consider and demonstrate these issues as harming secularism.
The Turkish nation, throughout her history and from the first days of the Ottoman Empire accepted and executed the freedom of religion and acts of worship comprehensively, kept mosque and church and synagogue alive as secret temples and respected all divine religions.
Even in the periods, when Europe had experienced the chauvinism, for the nation such as Turkey, the tolerance of which was admired by the others cannot be considered that she would violate the necessities of secularism.
In the report the principle of nationalism among the principles of Atatürk was examined and by stating "Nationalism: the supremacy of state interests over anything else including the rights of the individual or groups of individuals. It is this principle which caused, and still causes, considerable difficulties in the full respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms." the principle of nationalism has been explained as a hindrance to the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
There is no accuracy in this expression.
The nationalism of Atatürk does not mean rationalism.
In Article 66 of our constitution, it is stated that "Everyone bound to the Turkish state through the bond of citizenship is a Turk" and with this article there is no reason for any hesitation at all.
It is also impossible to think that nationalism is an obstacle for human rights in practice in Turkey.
Respect for human rights is a deep-rooted feature of Turkish culture. It is for this characteristic that the Turkish nation who embraced the Jews that were being eliminated in Europe and who allowed them to settle in Turkey has never adopted a fanatic nationalist stance. One cannot think that Turkey which showed this tolerance for a different race would not show it after centuries to her own citizens or such kind of toleration would be prevented by nationalism.
Likewise, recently, Turkey's acceptance of 700 000 Iraqi Kurdish people who fled from the oppression of the Iraqi state while demand for help from all the states in the world has been refused should be taken into account.
It is also not possible to consider the Turkish nation such as Circassian, Abkhasian, Laz and Kurd. Such a discrimination would be contrary to Article 3 of the constitution, namely "the Turkish state, with its territory and nation, is an indivisible entity".
In the introduction of the report, paragraph 9, it is noted that "For many observers outside Turkey the country has a negative human rights image, which seems justified by a number of facts, and it is important to take action. This image reflects negatively on the Council of Europe and on Turkey, notably as regards its aspirations for membership of the European Union."
In the second part of our constitution, namely fundamental rights and duties, the individual rights of citizens have been explained in detail. There has been no provision in the articles involved which would injure the human rights.
In practice, Turkey cannot be perceived as a country behind most of the European countries and especially those that are likely in a stage of acceptance.
This wrong image stems from the wrong attitude and propaganda created continuously by some persons, groups and nations that cannot be friends with Turkey.
It cannot be thought that Turkey which granted all kinds of human rights to several societies in three continents for centuries with a fair administration … should not grant relevant rights to her own citizens in her own country.
No state can tolerate activities and movements aiming at destroying the constitutional regime, her country's division and separation in the name of freedom. This situation can be seen in Germany, the United Kingdom, Spain and these countries' attitude towards these movements were not recognised as the violation of human rights.
Actually respect to freedoms and human rights do not constitute an obstacle for protecting the state herself against the activities aiming at destroying the state, disturbing the constitutional order.
Every society improves her laws, applications and approach in accordance with the changing conditions. It is not possible to find and seek any countries' application in the same way in another country.
Every country which develops, changes and improves makes some innovations in her laws and administration and prepares a much more perfect state for the future generations.
There have been improvements in Turkey with regard to human rights owing to the state's wish and the conventions that Turkey is party to.
In the section of the main issues of the report, Article 10 says that "the most damaging criticism of Turkey is recourse to torture and to inhuman or degrading treatment of detainees as part of its administrative culture". Following this some recommendations have been given.
The Regulation on Arrest, Custody and Interrogation which has been put into practice after being published in the State Paper on 1 October 1998 with number of 23480 has the nature to remove the most defects.
This regulation has aimed at eliminating the defects caused from practice in those laws, namely Law on Judicial Reforms Package with the number of 1412, Law on Foundation and Judicial Proceedings of Juvenile Courts with the number of 2253, Law on Judicial Proceedings of Crimes in the Act with the number of 3005, Law on Police Duty and Authority with the number of 2559, Law on Gendarme Organisation's Duty and Authority with the number of 2803 and Law on Sea Guard Commandership with the number of 2692.
The matters including arrest, measures to be applied to those who were arrested and who will be brought before the competent legal authority, the check of the things in one's possession, information of the relatives, medical check, procedures into custody, period of detention, application to the competent court in case of an arrest, bringing before the competent legal authorities or the release, prohibition of rearresting, special statutes about minors, appointment of a counsel for the defense, the analysis of the documents of the case by the counsel, the rules of receiving one's deposition, prohibited methods in receiving depositions, the characteristics of detention rooms in the police stations, respect to the secrecy during the preparatory investigation, obligations, qualifications and training of the staff are rearranged in the regulation in a way to prevent all the critics.
In the following part of the report entitled (Freedom of expression and Article 8 of the prevention of Terrorism Act), with reference to Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, it has been mentioned that "the right of freedom of expression is one of the pre-conditions for democracy and the exercise of this freedom may be restricted by law on very precise conditions, as indeed most member states have done."
Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights is not actually about the right to freedom of expression but to the freedom of thought. Indeed, it is not possible to prohibit or restrict the thought.
The restrictions are related with the right to freedom of expression mentioned in Article 10. In paragraph 2 of the same article it is stated that "The exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary."
In this article, it has been clearly indicated that each state can take necessary measures in accordance with its own needs and circumstances. The evaluation of that cannot be realised by comparing with other states and there is actually no possibility to limit the aforementioned restrictions as "… may be restricted by law on very precise conditions, as indeed most member states have done."
Also, as the freedom of peaceful assembly and association are described in Article 11 of the Convention, there is not any possibility of underestimating the broad restrictions existing in paragraph 2 with subjective points of view.
On the other hand, the claims existing in the part entitled "Respect for the rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin" is full of misleading arguments.
The term of "Kurdish minority question" in Turkey is a considerably wrong allegation.
In Turkey, people of Kurdish origin are considered as Turkish citizens by the explicit article of the constitution and the Turkish nation accept this as so.
In Turkey, there exist different groups of Turkish citizens under different names. The citizens of Kurdish origin do not use the term of "minority" that has been used for and accepted by none of these ethnic groups.
As well as the members of all other ethnic groups, the citizens of Kurdish origin can be employed as active and responsible public servants in all state levels and can work and invest in all fields of the economy all over the country.
There is no discrimination between the ethnic groups in Turkey.
The term of "minority" which has been exclusively stated for the citizens of Kurdish origin is a manifestation of the claim that the external powers which tried to break up the territorial integrity of Turkey by enforcing the Treaty of Sèvres before the foundation of the republic, could not realise but seem to be insistent on until today.
A claim such as "Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin who wish to maintain their languages and traditional cultural identities should be able to do so." does not belong to the Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin but to those who encourage and provoke them in order to establish a separate state and who present this as a justification.
We consider the statement "The co-rapporteurs do not consider it useful to exchange arguments as to whether there is an obligation on the Turkish state to regard any groups of citizens as 'national minorities'." and the following statements of the report as expressions beyond the limits of seriousness and sincerity.
The real intention behind those statements is to consider each group of Turkish citizens as different states.
Turkish citizens do not possess different cultures. They may use their own languages at home and among each other.
Obviously, a claim such as "the languages of each ethnic group should be effective in all state affairs" cannot be put forward. Perception, comprehension and rationality prevent this.
Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin is not discriminated from any other ethnic group. No different treatment is a matter of subject for them.
So many Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin, being merchant, industrialist, artist, bureaucrat, politician, parliamentarian and minister, do not claim and act for separatism.
The protection of a murderer who has committed a crime of humanity by several brutal assassinations, is obviously not an attitude compatible with human rights.
In Article 33 of the report it is stated that "Since the Treaty of Lausanne which established Turkey's borders in 1923, conceptions of international law and obligations of states vis-à-vis their citizens have considerably evolved … As political, economic, social and cultural conditions improve in the southeast, the Turkish authorities, including the military, should accept the concepts and principles of the rest of Europe and act accordingly". We do not think that this statement is consistent with the respectability of the Turkish Republic.
Certainly, since 1923 many changes took place. However, the mentality that prepared the infamous Treaty of Sèvres before Lausanne has not been modified.
The first sentence of Article 35 cannot be a matter discovered by the co-rapporteurs:
The Republic of Turkey endeavours to foster economic and social development and to provide all kinds of industrial and technical improvement not only in the southeast but all over the country.
Moreover, those who carry on terrorist activities on behalf of the Kurds do not have such a claim or desire. On the contrary, by the order of the leader of those terrorists hosted by Europe nowadays, thousands of babies, elderly, men and women mostly of Kurdish origin have been murdered in their homes; their possessions were burnt down, their schools were destroyed, their teachers were slaughtered, the construction machines building roads and bringing other opportunities to their villages were destroyed and their staffs were killed. There is no objective and sincerity in considering Turkey's efforts in order to prevent all these atrocities, as an unjust attitude.
Conclusion
PKK is a terrorist organisation with its terrorist activities and mass slaughters. Such an organisation cannot be protected due to the sensibility shown to human rights. It is not possible to protect this organisation under the umbrella of human rights and to provide political asylum for its leader who murdered 30 000 Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin including babies, elderly, women and men and committed sabotages in cities.
One should not forget that terrorism would be painful for states in the twenty-first century as well and any concession and tolerance given to terrorism will encourage it. Those, whoever they are, tolerating terrorism would have to share this crime of humanity.
Our opinions have been put forward concerning the draft information report which seems to be, in general, a product of contacts made with distorted-minded people and institutions and prejudiced ideas as well as the issues deemed as necessary.
—Le gislative changes have been and are still being enacted to improve the freedom of expression and association and the rights of detainees.—
—Th e reforms in the treatment of detainees and torture are included in those improvements above.—
—We do not consider the statement "readiness to engage din a dialogue on cultural rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin and together with the European Union, to foster the economic development of the southeastern provinces of Turkey." as a valuable recommendation.Si
Since:
1. Those citizens do not have such a demand.
2. With whom and on the grounds of which titles such a dialogue would be established? Is it possible for a state to initiate a dialogue with a terrorist who is the murderer of
30 000 people?
3. How, with the European Union, the economic development in the southeast would be fostered? Does the European Union want to realise that in spite of its isolating position towards Turkey? The economic development of this region in which Turkey has made and continues to make the greatest investments, is not neglected deliberately. Therefore, this does not need to be mentioned as a wish.
Comments of the Republican People's Party
concerning the draft information report dated 15 September 1998
The draft information report prepared by Mr Bársony and Mr Schwimmer, rapporteurs for Turkey of the Monitoring committee, has been examined by our group.
It is understood from several parts of the report that with regard to the promotion of human rights and democratisation, there is the impression that legislation exerts the necessary effort whereas jurisdiction is inefficient. For example, in paragraph 12 of the report it reads "They regret, however, that the parliament has not yet started to discuss these proposals, mainly because of the lack of strength of the ruling coalition". The Republican People's Party Group does not share this view and considers that the main interlocutor of the criticisms within the report should be mainly the government itself.
According to our group, these two esteemed members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe are generally sincere in their evaluations with regard to the relations between Turkey and the Council of Europe, Turkey's position within the Council of Europe, comments on the principles and reforms of Atatürk and the sensitivity of our people towards the integrity and independence of Turkey.
However, it is impossible for us to agree with some evaluations regarding the lack of understanding and misunderstanding of secularism and nationalism, two principles of Atatürk, and insufficient examination of legislation. For example, the explanation within the report stating that "principle of secularism leads to banning of parties" is one of such evaluations. According to our legislation and constitution the statute, programs and activities of political parties cannot be in contradiction with the principles of secular and democratic Republic, such a contradiction constitutes the reason for banning of political parties.
It is a European standard to respect, with the understanding of a state governed by the rule of law, to the decisions taken by judiciary organs in line with the provisions provided for in our constitution and laws against the parties having activities contradicting the principle of secularism and a will towards an anti-secular order.
Furthermore, nationalism, one of the principles of Atatürk, does not base on a racist nationalism but bases on an understanding which considers that everybody, regardless of its ethnicity, bound with equal and free citizenship ties to the Republic of Turkey within the concept of nation.
Taking into consideration these aspects, it would be appropriate to alter the third paragraph of the report.
As it is known, the Republican People's Party has a special sensitivity towards human rights, freedom of expression, torture, inhuman or degrading treatment and has expressed its opinion regarding these issues on every platform for many years. When the issue is considered from this aspect, we would like to indicate that we agree generally with the opinions and criticisms of the rapporteurs.
On the other hand, we think that the report lacks the necessary coverage with regard to the alternations to our constitution and laws on human rights especially with the leadership of the Republican People's Party.
It would be appropriate to clarify the claims on the acknowledgement and paragraph 25 of the report with regard to not being allowed to visit the former DEP parliamentarians in prison. Because the demand of the rapporteurs on meeting the former DEP parliamentarians, was rejected due to the riot in the prison, despite the efforts of Mr Ali Dinçiner, member of the Turkish Grand National Assembly of the Republican People's Party and of the Turkish delegation to the parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
The validity of the technical reasons of some explanations in the report can also be discussed. For example, there is a statement in paragraph 14 of the report which reads "one reason for the continuing torture might be the importance which is attached to the criminal law, which in itself is sufficient for the conviction of the suspect". Such a claim or statement should be discussed before it is included in the final report.
Another aspect which should be underlined is that narcotics and terrorism is shown as an example for political offence in paragraph 14. We would like to express that we consider this example as a slip of the tongue and that we do not agree with an approach which includes terrorism and drug trafficking and smuggling, carried out to provide financial support for terrorism, within offence concept.
There exist similarities between the views on the report concerning state security courts, death penalty, Article 8 of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and evaluation of our party.
Our group deems it necessary to review the evaluations made under "Kurdish question", since it is impossible to share some of the evaluations of this part.
For example, it is not appropriate to mention our citizens of Kurdish origin as "Kurdish minority" in paragraphs 31 and 32. The Republic of Turkey is a state which has more than twenty ethnicity and which of them carry the "minority" status has been drawn up in international treaties.
It is a mistake to define our citizens who are not defined as minority in these treaties. We find it useful to indicate that Republican People's Party takes the citizenship concept as a basis for the "Kurdish question" and that inclines towards solutions of "strengthening of local authorities, democratisation, giving importance to the cultural freedom the citizens with their single identities.
Furthermore, within the same context, in paragraph 35, we find it false to consider our citizens of Kurdish origin as "refugee" within the country and to state the voluntary repatriation efforts of the UNCHR. Because, there are movements in Turkey either voluntarily or involuntarily, due to economic reasons and terrorism in Turkey.
These movements should not be identified as "taking refugee" and "refugee". However, it should be noted that it is incumbent upon the state to provide help to everybody for settlement and, if there is, for repatriation and the evaluation should be made within this direction.
There are some points which need to be clarified within the report. For example in paragraph 33, it is stated that "Since the Treaty of Lausanne which established Turkey's borders in 1923, conceptions of international law and of obligations of states vis-à-vis their citizens have considerably changed" and views are expressed which can be considered negative in terms of validity of the unitary state. As a matter of fact this evaluation is not directed only to Turkey and evaluations that European countries live through such a process are put forward. But, the Republican People's Party thinks that there should not be even a minimum doubt with regard to the unitary state structure of Turkey.
In paragraph 18 emergency rule, in paragraph 19 village guard system and in paragraph 28 National Security Council are mentioned. The opinions of the Republican People's Party on these issues are known. Therefore, it is not necessary to explain our views once more. We would like to state that, taking into consideration that parliamentarians are sincere, it would be beneficial to further enlighten them on these issues and save them from such dilemmas as "Should be or not", "should be lifted or not", to equip them with additional information with regard to possible alternatives of arrangements.
The Republican People's Party is always open to discuss on every platform the political system, judiciary system, implementations of human rights and democratisation in Turkey with correct and faulty sides. We attach great importance especially to the work and discussions carried out and to be carried out on these issues on the Council of Europe platform to which Turkey is a member even one of the founders.
In paragraph 30, as the Group of the Republican People's Party, we do not consider it a positive approach towards Turkey, one of the founders of the Council of Europe, to ask for the evaluation of our constitution by the Venice Commission, acting as the counsellor to the former eastern block countries and that necessary alterations should be decided, taking into account the criticisms, by the Turkish Grand National Assembly.
As stated in paragraph 9 of the report in Europe "... there is therefore a common interest in seeking to determine whether dynamics exist in Turkey for improving the human rights situation". Taking into consideration that unfortunately guest parliamentarians coming to Turkey for such visits is far from explaining sufficiently either this phenomenon or Turkey's rightful position and her thesis on international platforms, we highly recommend that they meet group members of the political parties and their interlocutors at the Turkish Grand National Assembly.
Comments of the Nationalist Movement Party
concerning the draft information report dated 15 September 1998
Foreword
Article 3:
Secularism: The rapporteurs' criticism on this issue is superficial and prejudiced.
Nationalism: It is impossible to admit that this principle is said to "... caused and still causes considerable difficulties in the full respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms". Such an approach, which means that the principle of nationalism is incompatible with democratic order displays a prejudiced tendency and is not a scientific one either. Perception and expression of nationalism as such demonstrates the rapporteurs' way of thinking and the backstage of their tendency.
B. Main issues
Article 14:
The rapporteurs recommend that "... political offences (for example, terrorism, narcotics) should be the same as for ordinary suspects and thus be reduced from four days to forty-eight hours ...". It is impossible to understand why the rapporteurs take example terrorism and narcotics for political offences. It is known that in Turkey members of the separatist terror organisation are intensively engaged in drug trafficking. In such a case, it is doubtful whether the rapporteurs intend to provide protection to the members of the separatist terror organisation caught because of terror and drug trafficking, by including them within the political offenders.
Article 15:
The rapporteurs, getting into contact with NGOs, mot of which have certain political prejudice, note that their views and assessments on "torture, inhuman or degrading treatment" have been confirmed. A significant number of these organisations have been externalised by the Turkish nation due to their views and implementations and have been subject to public conscience. It is interesting that the rapporteurs ask for only the opinions of these NGOs but not Türk-İş, Kak- İş, DİSK (Labour Trade Unions) and Intellectuals Society, Turkish Society, which have significant standing before the public opinion. For example, there are seventy-one Bars in Turkey. However, the rapporteurs find sufficient only the claim of the Diyarbakir Bar and form their views accordingly.
Article 21:
The regulations of each country on Penal Law is drawn up in line with its social, cultural, political and economic characteristics and needs. Abolition of the death penalty which is proposed by the rapporteurs is in fact on the agenda of Turkey. Taking into consideration her developments and commitments in the international field, Turkey will conclude the conditions and problems which covers this issue in a way most appropriate to her national interests.
Article 22:
The Prevention of Terrorism Act was drawn up as a result of the natural outcome of the struggle of Turkey against separatist terrorism.
The first article of the Prevention of Terrorism Act defines terrorism as any kind of act, which among other offences, damages the indivisible unity of the state with its territory and nation, by means of pressure, force, violence, terror, intimidation, oppression or torture.
In Article 2 of this act, those committing the offences, or belonging to such an organisation or committing offences on behalf of the organisation provided for Article 1 of the same act are considered offender of terrorism.
It is not always easy to make a differentiation between active terror and crime of thought, freedom of forming association and conscience in terms of law technique. Turkish jurisdiction is very sensitive in this regard. However, it is impossible to accept an approach which includes offenders of terrorism into the status of criminal of thought pleading the problems driving from the difficulty mentioned above. The opinions of the rapporteurs in this article is just similar to the one in Article 14.
Article 23:
our opinions expressed for Article 22 is also valid for this article.
Paragraph 24:
A careful study of the file concerning the trial of the former DEP parliamentarians, reveals beyond any doubt that those parliamentarians were in full co-operation with the terrorist organisation PKK, and that they conducted their acts in Turkey with the consent and authorisation of the PKK. The allegations which assert that former DEP members were sentenced because of their political thoughts, is the outcome of the systematic efforts of some circles who aim to put separatist terrorist in the same category with the "criminals of thought" and "political criminals".
Paragraph 26:
It is made clear by the statements in this paragraph that the rapporteurs, when talking about human rights and freedoms, exclusively mean the members of the separatist terrorist organisation and its advocates. The rapporteurs openly state that they welcome the pledge made by the Human Rights Minister that " ... he would push through legal measures to ... shorten jail sentences for separatist propaganda".
vi. Respect for the rights of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin
Paragraphs 31, 32 and 33:
The rapporteurs, in paragraphs 31, 32 and 33 try to open to discussion the articles of the Treaty of Lausanne, signed in 1923, which define minorities. The term "Kurdish minority" is frequently used in these paragraphs. Furthermore, the rapporteurs by using the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages try to evaluate both the citizens of Kurdish origin and the separatists within the same context.
Turkey faces separatist activities as have been explained above. It is the right of every state to take necessary measures when faced with such a threat. In face, Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which was frequently referred to in the draft report states that the exercise of some freedoms may be subject to conditions, restrictions or penalties in the interest of (a) national security, (b) territorial integrity, (c) public safety, (d) for the prevention of disorder or crime.
Turkey cannot open to discussion any article of the Treaty of Lausanne. There is no question about Turkey's determination on this issue. Indeed, today, neither the practices nor the legislation puts the language and cultural identity of any group under any risk.
Conclusion
The report, as a whole, mainly deals with separatist terrorism and the terrorists both of which has external support and it reveals an approach as if the human rights and fundamental freedoms should exclusively be granted to the individuals in this group. It seems that the rapporteurs have chosen their sources of information partially. Furthermore, the efforts to open to discussion of the Treaty of Lausanne and the interpretation of the term "minority" in a biased manner, even though the international treaties unquestionably define the term, are all indications of the rapporteurs prejudiced approach to Turkey.
Comments of the Virtue Party (main opposition) concerning the draft information report dated 15 September 1998
General assessments
1. According to our constitution, the Republic of Turkey is a democratic, secular state governed by the rule of law. Democracy is undoubtedly the desire of the political parties as well as the entire people. It is a fact that Turkish democracy, in comparison to contemporary democracies, has some deficiencies and shortcomings. In this context, our democracy has many deficiencies when compared to the democracies of the countries which we are trying to accomplish the same level of standard. On the other hand, it is also another fact that our democracy is much more advanced when compared to the Middle East and other Muslim countries.
2. Turkey is one of the oldest members of the Council of Europe and a signatory to the European Convention on Human Rights. The basic founding philosophy of the Council of Europe is to secure the democracy, pluralism, human rights and freedoms, and the rule of law in the member states and to see that these are realised in acceptable standards. Turkey, due to her respect towards her own people, has upheld the principles of the Council of Europe and has actively contributed along with these principles.
3. In recent political history it has been witnessed that Turkish democracy had been damaged by anti-democratic interventions due to some reasons. As a result of these interventions political party leaders had been judged, some democratic rights and freedoms in the country had been temporarily banned. These anti-democratic periods had given an opportunity to criticise Turkey harshly because of anti-democratic incidences that took place during these interim periods.
4. We must admit that Turkey has to apply universally accepted principles of the democracy and human rights conventions since these principles were approved by the Turkish constitution and laws, and the Turkish people deserve them. It is impossible for Turkey, which has narrow democracy and where human rights were damaged and argued in her territory, to be in the same league with other democratic countries. Turkey with her current level of democracy, therefore, cannot be together with democratic countries in international organisations. This conflicting situation would, henceforth given an opportunity to European powers to be unfair toward Turkey since they have already had several historical prejudices against our country.
5. To pretend as if nothing has happened in Turkey in regards to the violation of human rights and narrowing the limits of democracy would only help these organisations to prepare several reports against Turkey. Those who do not see the incidences that have been occurring especially in the past one-and-a-half years and that are in conflict with democracy, human rights and rule of laws are responsible for the preparation of several reports by the international organisations against Turkey.
Attitude of the rapporteurs
1. The Rapporteurs of the Monitoring Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe visited Turkey between the dates indicated in the report and had made several contacts. In this period, many important political developments took place in Turkey. For instance, the Welfare Party was outlawed, some mayors were arrested, and as a result of several terrorist attacks many soldiers and policeman died. At the same time we experienced many headscarf problems in Turkish universities.
2. When the persons and institutions that the delegation have contacted and the subject matters that were emphasised in their report are considered, it can easily be understood that the report is partly prejudiced and written without sufficient perception of the realities in Turkey.
3. Especially, the part regarding our problem in the southeast Anatolia and terrorism is far away from being realistic and written in a prejudiced way.
Our comments with regard to various points in the report
1. We agree with the view that in our country bureaucracy, especially the military, police forces, public prosecution, senior civil servants hold an untouchable position with regard to their powers and influence.
2. The points expressed in paragraph 11 proves how the rapporteurs are far away from the realities of Turkey. Although in the Prime Ministry Declaration dated 3 December 1997, it has been declared that "Human rights have become a government policy", just the opposite were done in practice. In this period, existing fundamental rights and freedoms were restricted by regulations and decrees. When we look at the practices of High Co-ordinating Committee for Human Rights, it is obvious that the committee did not function as the protector of human rights and freedoms. On the contrary this committee took an adverse position towards the violation of human rights and freedoms. This period is a period in which people were labelled and registered; bureaucrats were discriminated against according to their background; civil servants were treated according to high schools that graduated from. In this period, people were removed from their offices because of their wives and daughters' dresses. Also, there has been widespread application of discrimination in the universities, students with headscarves and beards going into universities. The university students were punished because of their dresses, hairs or beards. These incidences received great coverage both in domestic and foreign media, the rapporteurs have shown that they are not familiar with these realities.
3. It is also apparent from paragraph 12 that the rapporteurs are not aware of the matters explained in the paragraph. They state that laws concerning human rights and freedoms have not yet been discussed " ... because of the lack of strength of the ruling coalition". This is totally unrealistic. The current coalition intentionally prevented the discussion of these proposals at the Assembly. These proposals, adopted by the committees with the support of the opposition parties and submitted to the assembly, were prevented by the government itself despite the insistence of the opposition.
4. In paragraph 14, the rapporteurs, while stating their views on Turkish criminal law, confused the "political offenders" and "terrorism and narcotic offenders". Neither terrorism nor narcotics has nothing to do with political offences. The rapporteurs overlooked the level of terrorism and drug trafficking that reached in Turkey.
5. The "village guard" system mentioned in paragraph 19 of the report has become a highly debatable matter and it cannot achieve its objectives that have been declared when this system was initially implemented. Therefore, w believe that this system should be abolished gradually.
6. We share the considerations concerning the "state security courts" stated in paragraph 20 of the report. State security courts have enlarged their authority areas with the aim of excluding the ordinary courts and have harmed the independence of law. The imprisonment of the mayors of Istanbul and Kayseri and the confinement of the mayor of Ankara by the sate security court whose authority area has been defined by the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and several other sensational imprisonment's resulted in decision of non-prosecution are examples. Moreover, the prosecutions of the previous prime-minister and many parliamentarians with death penalty, have been weakening confidence in the courts.
7. We agree on the part concerning the crime of thought in paragraphs 22 and 23 of the report. Today, many politicians, mayors, journalists and authors have been prosecuted and imprisoned because of the paragraph 312 of the Turkish Penal Code and paragraph 8 of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. Despite the fact that, there exist some draft amendments concerning these paragraphs, their entrance into force has been delayed deliberately by the government.
8. In paragraph 25 of the report, it has been stated that the rapporteurs had been prevented from meeting the former DEP parliamentarians. The officials who did not allow them to see deputies should have known that such an act would be used against Turkey in abroad the officials must have prepared all necessary conditions for the meeting of the rapporteurs with DEP deputies.
9. We share the views mentioned in paragraph 27 of the report relating to our constitution. The improvement of individual freedoms in our constitution in line with the European Convention on Human Rights is the desire of our people as well as all the political parties.
10. We agree on the considerations of the rapporteurs indicated in paragraph 28 concerning the National Security Council, demilitarisation and the power of the civilian authority.
11. We agree on the rapporteurs' concerns stated in paragraph 29. When we take into consideration the number of political parties banned in Turkey in the last fifteen years, we see that a bad and negative image abroad has emerged for Turkey. Moreover, it is a fact that banning political parties has become easier than banning associations as a result of the amendment of the Constitution in 1995 and the abolition of certain paragraphs of the Political Parties' Act by the Constitutional Court in the last year. This shows a threat to the Turkish political system since all the political parties have become vulnerable.
12. The Venice Commission of the Council of Europe, mentioned in paragraph 30 of the report, consists of independent lawyers and do assist the member states in transforming their constitutions in accordance with the Council of Europe's standards. Taking into consideration the fact that the opinions of this Commission are completely recommendatory and the authority belongs to the Turkish Grand National Assembly, we suggest that the views of this Commission could be taken into consideration.
13. "The Kurdish minority" approach stated in paragraphs 31 and 32 is not correct. In accordance with the Lausanne Treaty minorities and minority status is explicitly drawn up. There is no Kurdish minority in Turkey. But instead we have citizens with different ethnic origins who lived for hundreds of years on the same land enjoying equal rights according to our constitution. However, democratic rights of all citizens should be enlarged.
14. There is no remark with regard to the PKK's being a separatist terrorist organisation and having international links. It is not possible and definitely incorrect to show this terrorist organisation which is responsible for the massacre of nearly 30 000 citizens in southeast Anatolia as the representative of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin.
Conclusion
Despite prejudiced and incomplete information, there are correct approaches as well. We agree especially with the approach regarding human rights, freedoms and democratic standards presented in the report. Turkey should be together with the contemporary democratic countries and should improve her standard of democracy, human rights and freedoms just because her citizens deserve it. Within this point of view, the refusal of some negative realities in our country, leads questioning of Turkey by many international organisations to which Turkey is a member. We believe that in order not to be subject to such accusations that our people do not deserve, we should undertake the necessary arrangements as soon as possible by our own will.
Reporting committee: Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States.
Reference to committee: Resolution 1115 (1997) of 27 January 1997.
Information report approved by the committee on 12 January 1999.
Members of the committee: Mr Sole Tura (Vice-Chair), Mrs Gelderblom-Lankhout (Vice-Chair), MM. Glotov (Vice-Chair), Akselsen, Atkinson, Averchev, Mrs Aytaman, MM. Bársony, Bindig, Brunetti, Christodoulides, Columberg, Dagys, Davis, Dinçer, Domljan, Dumitrescu, Mrs Durrieu, MM. Eltz, Fico, Figel, Mrs Fleetwood, MM. Frunda, Gjellerod, Gross, Gusenbauer, Hagċrd, Jansson, Jaskiernia, Jurgens, Mrs Kautto, MM. Kelam, Kiratlioglu, Kostytsky, Koulouris, Kuzmickas, Leoni, Magnusson, Marmazov, Martelli, Marten, Melcak, Mota Amaral, Mozetic, Muehlemann, Pahor, Mrs Poptodorova, Mr Ramirez Pery, Mrs Ringstad, Lord Russell-Johnston, MM. Sceberras Trigona, Schwimmer, Mrs Severinsen, MM. Shishlov, Sinka, Smorawinski, Steolea, Mrs Stoyanova, MM. Tahiri, Urbain, Valkeniers, Weyts, Mrs Wohlwend.
N.B.: The names of those members who took part in the meeting are printed in italics.
Secretaries to the committee: Mr Ausems, Mr Dufour and Mrs Chatzivassiliou
1 This draft report is based on a memorandum circulated following the Rapporteurs' visit to Turkey from 23 to 26 November 1997 (see AS/Mon (1997) 40) which was revised following the Rapporteurs’ follow-up visit from 6 to 9 September 1998.
2 On 15 September 1998, Turkey had signed 31 conventions and ratified 75.
3 See documents AS/Jur (1997) 5 and 20 and the reply thereto by the then Chairman of the Turkish Parliamentary Delegation (and current Minister for Foreign Affairs), Mr Ismail Cem, document AS/Jur (1997) 22.
4 Akdivar, 16 September 1996 and Mentes, 28 November 1997.
5 Ergi, 28 July 1998.
6 Hatip Dicle, Ohran Dogan, Selim Sadak and Leyla Zana.
7 See the Migone report, March 1998, AR63, CC(98)3, following the visit to Ankara and Diyarbakir in February 1998.
8 The NSC is composed of the President of Turkey, the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Defence, Interior, Foreign Affairs, the Joint Chief of Armed Forces and the four Commanders of the Armed Forces.
9 Contact in Turkey: Ms Elif Eren, Foreign Relations and Protocol Department, Turkish Parliament
Tel: 90 312 420 5149, Fax: 90 312 420 6768
10 Tel: 90 412 228 9606/ Fax: 90 412 223 7731
11 Tel: 90 212 231 4646 / Fax: 90 212 232 0909
5 The breakfast had to be cancelled because of the delayed arrival of the rapporteurs due to fog. The other meetings foreseen with Ministers in the morning were rescheduled as shown.
6 following delay due to fog.