Parliamentary Assembly

Mr President, honourable representatives, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honour to present to you today the newly-formed sovereign state of Slovenia and to reconfirm and substantiate the application of Slovenia for full membership of your valuable institution. The Council of Europe has always signified to Slovenia an association of democratic states who accepted the same rules of democracy, protection of civil rights, mutual respect and civilised intercommunication. Acceptance into the Council of Europe will be, for Slovenia, the culmination of many years of effort and will provide confirmation that we have really become an equal member of the European family of democratic states.

Mr President, honourable representatives, it is one of the most unusual of life’s coincidences that I am today presenting the application and intention of Slovenia to become a member of your respected institution for the second time. However, it is probably not so much a coincidence as an expression of our great wish, our perseverance and resolute determination to achieve this aim.

I first presented our application within the framework of the former common state of Yugoslavia on 7 May 1990. When I stood as a candidate in the first free and direct elections for the Slovene member of the former Yugoslav presidency a year previously, my platform could be summed up by three points: inclusion in Europe, democracy and a market economy. The people of Slovenia supported such an orientation at that time with great enthusiasm. There was a large turnout in the elections and a high majority. At that time, we were still trying to achieve our aims within the framework of the wider state, to establish our own way of life, our own concept of democracy, our affiliation to European culture and tradition. We made a final attempt democratically to transform the former multinational state, which was largely based on a one-party system that also ensured mechanisms for keeping together this state of a few decades’ existence, although it had been created very artificially.

When, in May 1989, I departed with such a message from the people of Slovenia, to perform this demanding task in Belgrade, I was seized with an indefinable feeling of great unease. At that time, some of the coming signs of spring were already appearing in eastern and central Europe. However, the Berlin wall was still standing. The Warsaw Pact still stood firm. The entire socialist bloc was being challenged from within, although it still operated powerfully, and through intimidation. In Yugoslavia the determined voice of democracy was heard in the north-western republics, while in the south and east of the country, the picture was obscure and threatening. Militant Serbian nationalism, closely bound to the old party and military structure, threatened serious disorder in the province of Kosovo through the denial of autonomy for the Albanians. A state of emergency had already been declared and there were various violations of human rights. The then Serbian regime, with the aid of revolutionary meetings, changed the regimes in Montenegro and Vojvodina. The more and more varied movements made quite different demands to those coming from the northwest of the state.

When I arrived in Belgrade in this atmosphere, as representative of Slovenia, on the one hand I tried to implement the Slovene concepts and proposals, and on the other, to prevent the ever more threatening tragedy, the ever clearer danger of an appalling civil war. At times it seemed that we might perhaps be successful, with great effort and with the support of the international community, in which I would stress the support of the Council of Europe and of its representatives, especially Mrs Lalumière and the President of the Assembly. After great tension, we managed to lift the state of emergency in Kosovo and to free political prisoners. We attempted to establish a political dialogue between the Serbs and the Albanians. During this year, Slovenia expressed very decisively for the first time, its demand for sovereignty and a separate path if it was unable to achieve its demands and its notions of democratic life and the sovereignty of nations.

The first multi-party elections were organised in Slovenia and Croatia in the spring of 1990, despite the sabre-rattling and the ever more explicit threats of the generals. A genuine market-oriented transformation of the economy was also initiated. When I presented the application of the then Yugoslavia for membership of the Council of Europe in May 1990, I was actually implementing the Slovene demand within the existing federation. Partial democratic advance had been achieved and at that time, it appeared that democratic transformation would perhaps be successful.

You, too, honourable representatives, warmly welcomed the achievements of that time in this very Assembly. However, events did not turn out according to our optimistic expectations. The helm of state in the then presidency was taken over by Serbia. There was renewed oppression; new tensions and other ideas were enforced. Various threats were made that we could only live in such a state as was acceptable to the strongest nation. There was no positive response to our rational suggestion that some form of common life was possible within a loosened confederation. In such an atmosphere, Slovenia called a plebiscite on sovereignty and independence in December 1990. The people of Slovenia chose independence by a massive majority. We wanted to achieve it in a peaceful way, through negotiations by which we would arrange and unravel the various inter-relations from the past.

However, our offer was not taken up. When Slovenia declared independence six months after the plebiscite, on 25 June 1991, immediate military intervention in Slovenia followed. The Yugoslav Army attacked and, in our view, this was the tragic turning point in the entire development of the Yugoslav crisis. From negotiation and attempts to resolve the complex situation peacefully, we arrived at military solutions – at the use of force.

Why did it come to this? Serbian politicians, who had the critical voice in the Yugoslav army, at a particular point decided that they could achieve more by the use of force than through negotiation and democratic dialogue. They considered that they were militarily stronger, that they had the entire army at their disposal, and that they could easily establish their supremacy. They also anticipated that the international public would not react very strongly, since they were acting on behalf of territorial integrity and the preservation of the common state.

However, their military intervention in Slovenia did not achieve its aims. Slovenia successfully defended itself in the 10-day war, so the Yugoslav army experienced defeat. A truce was agreed, in which important roles were played by the European Community, Europe as a whole and the Council of Europe. I still have abiding memories of the dramatic discussions with Mrs Lalumière in the days when Slovenia was under attack and the battle still continued. Her support, and immediately thereafter the support of the entire Assembly of the Council of Europe, were great moral comfort to us, and provided us with a ray of hope that our situation would be favourably resolved. The effectiveness of the Slovene military defence, together with the intensive international diplomatic efforts, led first to a truce and then to negotiations on the complete withdrawal of the Yugoslav army from Slovene territory.

By the Brioni Declaration of 7 July 1991, Slovenia agreed to a three-month moratorium on its independence; and after discussions with Belgrade, on 18 July, the Yugoslav army began to withdraw from Slovenia, with total withdrawal achieved in three months. Slovenia thus became entirely sovereign on its territory and began to demand rightful international recognition of such sovereignty. Such recognition came in January 1992, firstly from Europe, by which Europe again justified our expectations, our hopes. Other states followed suit, until 22 May of this year, when Slovenia became a full member of the organisation of the United Nations.

It had taken approximately two years to achieve this after the first multi-party parliamentary elections in Slovenia. Throughout this time, the Slovene Parliament, in which ten political parties are represented, performed its task very responsibly and effectively, in very complex and often unpredictable circumstances. The entire process of achieving independence and dissolution of the former state was conducted with strict adherence to legality, according to all the existing constitutionally envisaged procedures, with all required legal acts and time limits. Even in the most critical situation, Slovenia was not diverted from its democratic activities and decisions. A new constitution was adopted, together with a number of systemic laws which arrange every aspect of life in the newly created state. Slovenia is still faced with the process of succession. She is currently involved in this within the framework of the Geneva conference on Yugoslavia and is prepared to carry through the entire process of the division of the assets and liabilities of the former common state correctly and fairly.

A number of very important laws have been adopted, including a new electoral law which the Slovene parliament accepted recently, on the basis of which an election will be carried out by the end of this year. This will finalise the democratic transformation of all state institutions, in accordance with the new Slovene constitution. It will also establish a new structure of the parliament. The new law on denationalisation has been accepted and a new privatisation is under way and there are extensive and very detailed discussions on an all-embracing privatisation law which is intended to accelerate and bring to a conclusion the demanding process of transforming the previous model of social ownership. We are firmly convinced that we have adapted our new constitution and all its associated legislation as closely as possible to European standards and the European rules of the game.

Slovenia was always the most developed of the republics of former Yugoslavia and always the most oriented to international trade with developed states. That is reflected in the comparative openness of Slovenia to the world – above all, in the large number of international links and the familiarity of Slovene managers and professionals in general with the demands of market conditions in developed European and other states. That enables Slovenia to adapt relatively easily to the new, very demanding economic conditions. The traditional diligence of the people of Slovenia, their successful economic tradition, self-reliance and well-educated personnel will allow Slovenia a relatively fast transition from the former economic system into a developed market economy.

The difficulties will not, of course, be negligible. Slovenia lost important markets in the former Yugoslav republics practically overnight. The GDP therefore fell by 15% in a single year. If to that is added the damage from the war in Slovenia and the effects of uncertainties arising from the disintegration of the former state and the still grave crisis points in the near vicinity of Slovenia, it is abundantly clear that the Slovene economy must have performed, and must go on performing, some heroic deeds to compensate for all this.

The Slovene GDP per capita was more than 8 000 dollars a few years ago. Today, it is about 6 000 dollars, which is still comparatively high in relation to other countries in transition. We are investing great efforts in stabilising economic conditions and restructuring the economy, as the basis of new development and new economic growth.

Last October, after the expiry of the moratorium on independence, Slovenia introduced her own currency. The Slovene tolar was introduced in uneasy, turbulent conditions and began life against a background of monthly inflation of 21%. Consistent economic policies and, in this context, strict monetary policies, enabled the Slovene Government and the Central Bank of Yugoslavia gradually to reduce inflation to about 2% a month over the last three-month period, with the expectation of a further reduction. We are firmly committed to our currency being stable and convertible.

Full international convertibility has already been achieved, and its rate of exchange is formed freely by the market. Slovenia has managed, in one year, to create foreign exchange reserves of more than one thousand million dollars, having started from practically nothing, since the Slovene foreign exchange reserves remained in the Central Bank of Yugoslavia in Belgrade.

Slovenia is an active exporter and has a regular positive balance of payments. We have already largely liberalised the foreign trade regime and intend to continue the process. Slovenia is already well integrated in European markets, since two-thirds of our trade is with the European Community. We are attempting to finalise the process of inclusion in international financial institutions, above all the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Negotiations are taking place with the European Economic Community on a trade and co-operation agreement, which we expect will be concluded and ratified by the end of the year. All these processes are, in a sense, rounding off the process of Slovene independence in the economic and financial fields. The same rules of the game already apply, or will soon apply, in Slovenia, as apply throughout the developed world.

Mr President, honourable representatives, I believe that Slovenia also meets European standards in other fields. Cultural co-operation is well developed with the world, and with Europe, since Slovenia has long followed or been part of European cultural traditions.

Since the question of nationalities and minorities on the territory of former Yugoslavia is extremely complicated, it is necessary to distinguish the case of Slovenia and point out that there are no such problems there. There are Italian and Hungarian minorities in Slovenia and we are quite sure that provision for them exceeds that in many other states.

We have built the protection of human rights into all state institutions and we are prepared to accept all criteria and mechanisms which are developed by the Council of Europe in connection with the protection of individual human rights.

I should like, finally, to comment on some matters related to the former Yugoslav state. Apart from resolving the question of the succession of the former state, Slovenia is trying actively to contribute to the resolution of the crisis and an end to the war on the former Yugoslav territory. We are actively co-operating in all international endeavours to find a political solution. We are striving for and earnestly desire peace in this part of the world. We are greatly affected by the refugee situation in relation to Bosnia-Herzegovina, since there are already around 72 000 refugees in Slovenia. This is more than 3% of the Slovene population and we consider that we are at the extreme limit of our ability to accept and support the refugees who are coming from the war zones. Despite our own economic difficulties, we have invested great efforts and large material resources in solving the problem of refugees. We are absolutely convinced that the international community must share the burden of the refugees more equitably, and be involved in its resolution. Slovenia is far too small to go on participating to the same extent in the solution of these problems, especially if the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina continues and there is a new wave of refugees.

Mr President, honourable representatives, allow me in conclusion to express once more our profound conviction that Slovenia meets all the criteria for acceptance into the Council of Europe and that it is prepared to respect all its conventions. I express the deep interest, and expectations, of all the people of Slovenia finally to achieve full membership of the Council of Europe and thus to conclude the process not of the acceptance of Slovenia into Europe but of the return of Slovenia to Europe. We are returning to where we have always been in terms of our lifestyle, tradition and thinking.

I should like to end by thanking you for all the moral and political support that the people of Slovenia have received from your institution – from you, Mr President, from you, Madame Secretary General and from all representatives and members of the Council of Europe – in the process of achieving the independence of Slovenia, in the process of international recognition, and especially at the most critical moments when it helped us to escape from a most terrible civil war. I hope that such fortune will also soon attend the other states which have been created on this territory. We can then strive together for long-term peace, democracy and a full life for every individual.