1. Introduction
1. The terrorist attacks committed
by radical Islamists in Paris (France) on 13 November 2015 hit Europe like
a shock wave. The French attacks were perceived as an open assault
on the fundamental European values of living together peacefully
in a multicultural society. Something had changed overnight. While
massive terrorist attacks had hit other European countries, such
as Turkey, and neighbouring countries, such as Tunisia, in previous
months, many people, in Western Europe in particular, started wondering
if they were still safe going about their daily business.
2. In November 2015, people realised that the perpetrators of
the terrorist attacks were not foreign nationals but young people
who were born and had grown up in Europe as members of European
communities and lived as European citizens. They were neighbours,
acquaintances, friends or relatives drawn into extremist movements,
thus “radicalised”, a process often unnoticed by those around them.
Since the latest attacks, government officials and experts have
started calling for preventive action against youth radicalisation, including
measures tackling the “root causes”.
3. In its
Resolution
2031 (2015) “Terrorist attacks in Paris: together for a democratic
response” adopted in January 2015, the Parliamentary Assembly called
on member States to take “preventive measures aimed at eradicating
the root causes of radicalisation among young people” and “measures
to combat marginalisation, social exclusion, discrimination and
segregation among young people in disadvantaged neighbourhoods”.
As a direct follow-up to this text, I would like to explore the
lines of action which may constitute effective policies against
the radicalisation of minors.
4. As the Parliamentary Assembly’s General Rapporteur on Children
and a parliamentarian committed to children’s rights in my own country,
Azerbaijan, I am convinced that measures aimed at effectively preventing radicalisation
processes, be they of a religious or political nature, must reach
out to young people and children from an early age. This report
therefore intends to explore, on the one hand, the “root causes”
of the radicalisation of children in various contexts, without entirely
excluding the young people (up to 24)
they
will soon grow into, and, on the other hand, the actions required
to prevent children and young people from falling victim to extremist
movements of any kind which rob them of their future and endanger
their lives and those of others.
5. Fighting radicalisation is not only relevant for European
security issues; it is crucial from a children’s rights perspective.
Radicalised children and young people are not extremist “by birth”.
They are lured into extremist movements by vicious terrorist circles
for whom they are an “easy target”, susceptible to influence from
political and religious ideologies apparently providing them with
a meaningful place within their chosen “communities”. In the most
extreme form of radicalisation, that of “suicide bombers”, young
people are made to believe that they are the “heroes” of a global
cause, whilst being abused for the vicious fight of ideologists ready
to sacrifice the lives of peaceful people.
6. To take swift action following the dramatic events of early
2015 in Paris, the Committee on Social Affairs, Health and Sustainable
Development sought external expertise from Mr Bernard De Vos, Ombudsman
for Children's Rights of the Federation Wallonia-Brussels (Belgium),
as well as through a joint
expert hearing on “Preventing Islamophobia while combating radicalisation
of young people” with the Assembly’s “No Hate Parliamentary Alliance”
in June 2015 (thus before my appointment as rapporteur). I would
like to thank the experts involved for their most valuable contributions
reflected in this report.
7. Important recommendations for preventing extremism, in particular
political extremism, have already been put forward by the Assembly
in
Resolution 2011 (2014) on counteraction to manifestations of neo-Nazism and
right-wing extremism. To present conclusions and recommendations
which are complementary to this earlier text, and in the light of
the latest terrorist attacks which were carried out with an extremist
religious motivation, I will, in this report, examine radicalisation
trends driven by Islamist extremists and involving children and
young people in particular.
8. Preventing radicalisation has also been defined as a priority
for the Council of Europe, as demonstrated by the Committee of Ministers
in their Declaration entitled “United around our principles against
violent extremism and radicalisation leading to terrorism”, adopted
in Brussels in May 2015,
introducing a Council of Europe
Action Plan on “The fight against violent extremism and radicalisation
leading to terrorism”.
These documents shall serve as
references when it comes to elaborating relevant actions to be taken
by national governments and parliaments, alongside the European
Parliament resolution of November 2015,
whilst
for action to be developed at the local level, recent texts by the
Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe
contain useful recommendations.
2. The issue at stake: minors drawn into
radical and extremist movements
9. “There is not a single reason
why young people radicalise. … There is not a single root cause. Radicalisation
[is] a process that [can] occur in any society”, Professor Neumann,
Director of the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation
(ICSR) at King’s College London affirmed when addressing the United Nations
Security Council.
I would like to explore some of
the facets of the phenomena so as to prepare the ground for subsequent
recommendations aimed at immediate action which seems to be urgently
required.
2.1. Typical
processes and causes of radicalisation
10. Radicalisation can be defined
as “the process of supporting or engaging in activities deemed (by
others) as in violation of important social norms (e.g. the killing
of civilians)”. Experts also distinguish cognitive and behavioural
radicalisation according to whether radical ideas are expressed
by beliefs or action, as well as different causes of radicalisation
including domestic (socio-economic), geopolitical (the influence
of international events and terrorist groups) and ideological determinants
(ideological justification of violent acts).
11. Although the most recent terrorist attacks committed by radical
islamists have led to the present report I would like to underline
that both religious and political movements have similar ways of
drawing children and young people into their circle of influence,
and that the vulnerability of these age groups to such movements has
similar root causes.
12. National prevention and security services in Belgium have
noted three phases in the “radicalisation” process:
1) a stage of insecurity, which
then 2) finds expression in violence or even 3) terrorism. This
type of progression may be observed both in radicalisation processes
of political inspiration, such as in the neo-nazi “Blood and Honour”
movement present in various countries, as well as in processes of
“religious” radicalisation. For both types of radicalisation, individual
and social factors play a role. At the origin, the person in question often
suffers from feelings of injustice or frustration, for example due
to his or her social discrimination or a lack of socio-economic
opportunities. In political radicalisation, personal experiences,
such as altercations with minorities who make for easy scapegoats
(foreigners, homosexuals, etc.), a disadvantaged family background or
the loss of employment may accentuate the impact of ideology on
a vulnerable person.
13. The social character of certain political movements and gatherings,
involving both community activities (concerts, parties, seminars)
and distractions (alcohol, drugs), facilitates the acceptance of
a political movement’s values and dissipates possible suspicion
towards the transmitted ideology. Feelings of solidarity, peer pressure
and the secretive character of gatherings further push young people
into extremist movements and, in the long run, isolate them from
other social networks, thus generating the motivation to commit
violent acts on behalf of this adopted community.
14. Processes of “religious” radicalisation take place in a similar
way, but also include a quest for religious identity and a willingness
to commit to certain collective causes, for example to render justice
to members of the community suffering abroad. Surprisingly, in many
cases, young people are rather secular before they enter the radicalisation
processes, which often take place within informal social networks
of friends and peers and then social media. An important factor
of such processes seems to be the presence of a charismatic person delivering
persuasive speeches, in religious places, schools, universities,
prisons or through social media.
15. When looking at the causes of radicalisation, we need to distinguish
“pull” and “push” factors, that is factors actively drawing people
into extremist movements and those pushing them into such movements. Amongst
“pull factors” I would see the extremist movements themselves as
“seducers”, the ideology they offer to new recruits and their methods
of convincing people, often children and young people who are vulnerable and
influencable. Given that much of the ideology building, but also
the recruitment itself, is happening in distant countries or via
the Internet and social media, and that financial resources are
made available by extra-European organisations (such as the terrorist
group known as “Daesh”), these factors need to be addressed by highly
specialised law-enforcement and intelligence services.
16. “Push factors” for radicalisation would be endogenous factors
linked to living conditions of children and young people in Europe
and which can make them vulnerable to becoming victims of extremist
or even terrorist movements, and eventually to being exploited by
them. The recent terrorist attacks in France have drawn attention
to these factors, which are certainly amongst the first to be addressed
by public and private action within Council of Europe member States.
Of course “endogenous” and “exogenous” factors are closely linked when
minors are recruited as fighters for foreign conflicts. However,
my main personal interest is focused on what can be done to reduce
these children’s vulnerability and prevent them from being radicalised,
thus the endogenous factors of such processes.
17. The 2014 European Parliament study on “Preventing and Countering
Youth Radicalisation in the EU” confirmed that various causes, including
root causes reaching far back into childhood, could lead people
to become radicalised. It also showed that the State, through domestic
living conditions and foreign policy, could – to some extent – contribute
to the context in which some people were drawn into extremist movements.
In this context, experts recommended speaking of “escalation” and
“de-escalation” instead of using the notion of radicalisation (often
seen as a one-way street).
2.2. Processes
of religious radicalisation: general observations made across Europe
18. The radicalisation of minors
is an issue of growing concern both in Europe and North America.
In the United Kingdom, probably the most researched context in this
field, as reported by Professor Abbas from Fatih University (Istanbul)
in June 2015, there have been several waves of “jihadism”
involving Muslim youth leaving the
country to take part in foreign conflicts: 1) in the 1980s in Afghanistan
and Kashmir; 2) as of 1990, linked to the first Gulf War, in Iraq;
and 3) also in the 1990s, in Bosnia. The current wave of “jihadism”
began in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and concerns particularly
Syria and Iraq. The phenomenon has attracted the attention of analysts
and researchers since the 1980s, but at the time was neither recognised
nor penalised by British law.
19. The situation changed after the events of 11 September 2001
in New York, with the “war on terror” leading to restrictions of
civil liberties and a tighter grip on activities considered to be
linked with terrorism. In the United Kingdom, people involved in
the first waves of “jihadism” were second-generation British-born Muslims
of South-Asian origin (Pakistani and Bangladeshi). They mostly came
from urban environments, often from disadvantaged milieu in impoverished
cities, with limited socio-economic opportunities and aspirations. Discrimination,
resulting from anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim sentiment, further
affected certain communities, in particular working class people
and those with poor educational backgrounds, and made young people
even more vulnerable to external influences.
20. Experts working in other countries, such as Belgium, are not
necessarily able to identify a typical profile for young fundamentalists.
“Radicalised” young people in Belgium often seem to come from different
socio-economic backgrounds and have varying levels of education;
however, they all have in common a profound feeling of injustice
against them individually or their communities (communities sometimes
understood from a global perspective). This may prompt them to express
their solidarity with certain “great causes” expressed by religious
or political extremism abroad (see focus on the root causes below).
21. In particular, young people of Arabic/North African-Muslim
backgrounds in Western Europe very often seem to receive signals
of being different from and inferior to people in their social environments,
and fail to integrate into society, still being considered as immigrants
after many years (or generations) of residence. In such cases, religious
extremism, but also delinquency can be a way for them to manifest
their difference. It can also be a form of protest against mainstream
society’s limitations of expressions linked to religious beliefs
(such as the full face veil, feast of sacrifice or fasting during
the month of Ramadan). Their increased interest in radical ideology
and action often allows these young people to project the blame
for their suffering on society.
22. At this point, I would like to draw special attention to the
recent work by the Parliamentary Assembly on “Foreign fighters in
Syria and Iraq”
in the course of which the rapporteur,
Mr Dirk Van der Maelen (Belgium, SOC), has prepared a detailed analysis
of some of the underlying causes leading young people to engage
as foreign fighters, including their social conditions and search
for identity. In the resolution adopted, the Assembly notably expressed
its concern about the growing flow of foreign fighters, men and
women from across Europe who travel to Syria and Iraq in order to
join violent extremist groups committing crimes against both European citizens
and local populations of destination countries, noting that more
than 20 000 foreign fighters had joined militant organisations in
these two countries nearly a fifth of which were residents or nationals
of Western European countries (mostly France, the United Kingdom,
Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, as well as Sweden and Denmark
in proportion to their overall relatively small population).
23. The Assembly also rightly drew attention to the most worrying
trend of young women increasingly attracted by terrorist organisations
such as “Daesh”. Of the estimated 3 000 western migrants, around
550 are estimated to be women and girls.
There has been
a significant rise in numbers since the declaration of the “caliphate”
in 2014. Of the 550 western women, approximately 70 were German,
63-70 French, 60 British, 30 Dutch and 14 Austrian.
Very
often, their role does not consist of fighting in the conflict but
rather of supporting the terrorist organisation indirectly, for
example by recruiting new supporters.
A study by the Organization for Security
and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 2012 emphasises how important
it is to be aware of female radicalisation and that radicalisation
factors are often alike for men and women, boys and girls.
In
countering the radicalisation of young women and girls, the following
are seen as crucial: the importance of families in posing “barriers
to migration”,the key role of the Internet,
as well as the importance of
“better interact[ing] with small women’s organizations at the grassroots
level”.
24. Whilst the availability of data varies greatly across Europe,
specific country studies confirm the general trends and determinants,
such as a recent study on Bosnia and Herzegovina, where 156 men,
36 women and 25 children were observed travelling to Syria (December
2012-December 2014). Amongst the main causes for this movement,
experts identified a rapid erosion of socio-cultural values in the
post-conflict country, the perception of violence and ideology as
the only available measures for self-affirmation and protection
and a significant unemployment rate of 44% overall and 63% for young
people (the highest in the world), making youth (15-24) a particularly
targeted group.
25. Eastern European countries like my own, Azerbaijan, are also
familiar with the phenomenon of Islamist radicalism, following independence
from the Soviet Union. My country has notably seen the rise of significant Salafist
communities based on an extremist interpretation of Islam and a
sectarian division of different Islamic denominations (Sunni and
Shia). Radical movements in the country regularly try to recruit
Azerbaijani nationals, including young people, as fighters in foreign
conflicts, such as in Iraq and Syria. However, research findings
show that there has been a relative weakening of the phenomenon
of radicalisation in recent years, thanks to several positive measures,
such as the revision of the law on religious freedom and the monitoring of
mosques, both of which facilitate the detection of early signals
of radicalisation. As a multicultural, secular society, which fosters
a peaceful cohabitation between different communities and a moderate
interpretation of religion, Azerbaijan is regularly seen as a country
that could play a more active role as mediator in sectarian conflicts
in the Middle East and contribute to a more comprehensive dialogue
between the West and the Islamic World.
2.3. The
root causes as observed “in the field”: children’s social status,
opportunities and search of identity
26. A most valuable contribution
to the understanding by our committee of the root causes of child
and youth radicalisation was made by Mr Bernard De Vos, Ombudsman
for Children's Rights of the Federation of Wallonia-Brussels, who
was invited to speak to the Social Affairs Committee in March 2015.
The expert, who has been observing the radicalisation of minors
for several years, has notably addressed the issue with young people
in disadvantaged areas of Brussels, which has attracted much attention
following the latest Paris attacks (as some of the terrorists had
grown up in the Brussels district of Molenbeek).
27. In his work with children and young people in Brussels, M.
De Vos identified two main root causes for their radicalisation:
1) feelings of profound injustice, segregation or marginalisation,
often due to exclusion from “mainstream” society and discrimination
experienced by themselves or others (for example in accessing higher education
or the labour market); and 2) a lack of social purpose and utility.
These feelings lead young people to develop an interest in any social
action proposed to them, including by radical leaders who are skilful
in approaching young people in different contexts (Internet, communities,
associations, detention centres).
28. Many young people, in Belgium and elsewhere, are discriminated
against in the national educational framework from the very start,
and in employment opportunities later on – a development which can
certainly be seen as a time bomb and one of the main root causes
for radicalisation. Other young people find themselves stigmatised
after having left radical movements and have even more difficulties
re-integrating into society. We can therefore see that discrimination
and radicalisation are two elements of the same vicious circle,
first pushing young people towards extremist ideas, then making
it more and more difficult for them to leave extremist movements
once they have been in contact with them. In this context, ideology
often allows young people to “be someone” in a way seemingly legitimised
by a religious-political framework, and “the fundamental desire
to matter, to be someone, to have respect [becomes] a key element
in the paths towards violent extremism”.
29. To counter the negative dynamics observed in the field, experts
call for a non-ambiguous public discourse, which clearly points
to radical movements or terrorism, but does not confound them with
Islam as such. Interreligious and interethnic dialogue should go
beyond religious rituals, addressing problematic cultural habits
(like the “little prince” education for boys in some cultures, as
well as the excessive social control exercised over girls). As part
of the solution, European societies need to break such cycles of
disadvantage by providing equal opportunities to all young people
as well as by fighting the “Islamophobia” (see below), as for example
expressed at times through the mass media. At an individual level,
the moral resistance of children and young people needs to be reinforced
and a meaningful place in society should be given to each one of them,
either through education and employment or civil engagement. At
a collective level, the concept of community needs reinforcing.
Radicalisation is primarily a socio-economic challenge, with young
Muslims not being given the same opportunities as their peers, and
Islamophobic hate crimes on the rise.
2.4. Islamophobia
as an aggravating factor
30. Islamophobia, defined as an
“unfounded hostility towards Muslims, and therefore fear or dislike
of all or most Muslims”
is, in my view, not one of the root
causes of radicalisation, but can be an aggravating factor in some
of the vicious circles leading people into extremist movements.
Radicalisation and Islamophobia are therefore closely interconnected
and are products of the same social context in many countries. We
all regularly observe misrepresentation and disinformation regarding
European Muslims. The spotlight on terrorism and extremism takes
our attention away from the lives of ordinary Muslims, living as
peaceful citizens throughout Europe. It is also important to note
that European-born Muslims are very minimally involved in violent
“jihadism”, considering that Muslims account for as much as 5% to
10% of the population even in Western countries like Denmark, France,
Germany, the Netherlands or the United Kingdom.
31. As regards the United Kingdom, Professor Abbas explained to
our committee that Islamophobia had emerged only in recent times.
Previously, there had been no real concept of a Muslim community
in the United Kingdom, but rather of a community of Asian heritage,
with little religious connotation. Today, however, Islamophobia
is a real and concrete threat, in spite of efforts to counter it
in the media and in political spheres. At global level, the last
few decades have seen the emergence of a thesis on the “clash of
civilisations”, with growing incomprehension between the Western
world and Muslim countries. Against this background, some young
Muslims who do not have a precise understanding of Islam could consider
“jihad” as a form of salvation, providing empowerment through acts
which their radicalisation renders justifiable. Very recently, and
both in the light of the latest terrorist attacks and the refugee
crisis, it seems that Islamophobia and hate speech against Muslims
more generally, and migrants in particular, are welcomed by international
terrorist movements given that they make yet more people receptive
to extremist discourse.
32. In this context, the current refugee and migrant crisis Europe
is facing following, amongst other causes, the seemingly endless
violent conflicts in Syria and Iraq, is another sensitive development.
Various European countries currently see an uprise of anti-immigrant
and often anti-Muslim attitudes and acts, such as those in February
2016 in Germany, where refugee buses and camps were attacked by
small, but furious crowds protesting against their arrival.
Such events are bound to further
fuel the marginalisation of young people with an immigrant background
and, subsequently, their sensitivity to extremist discourse. They
also show how extremist movements of different backgrounds, religious
and political, can be closely linked to each other.
2.5. The
Internet as a place of recruitment
33. International research undertaken
by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) recently confirmed that the Internet has increasingly been
embraced by violent extremist groups, who use this technology to
promote hatred and violence based on ethnic, religious and cultural
grounds, to recruit young people, and to create on-line communities
with a global reach, in which violent extremist views and behaviour
can be encouraged, thereby contributing to processes of radicalisation.
As UNESCO notes, the Internet has become a strategic tool for enhancing
the visibility and influence of groups advocating sectarianism and
thriving as virtual communities even as they also develop an offline
presence on the margins of society. It is therefore important for
the international community to arrive at a clearer understanding
of the role of the Internet as a recruitment tool for extremism
and radicalisation and subsequently craft effective tools in response.
34. Particularly as regards Europe and the United Kingdom, the
Rand Corporation’s study of 15 violent extremists and terrorists
found that the Internet played a role in radicalisation.
The study confirms that the Internet
is a key source of information, communication and propaganda, which
creates more opportunities to become radicalised, and acts as an
“echo chamber”, providing stronger confirmation of existing beliefs
than offline interactions. However, the study concludes that the
Internet is (only) one aspect of radicalisation, and that it is
essential for future research to look both online and offline to
fully understand relevant processes and inform the development of
new strategies and policies.
3. Action
taken and recommended by stakeholders from European to local level
3.1. Radicalisation
in the light of Council of Europe standards
35. Freedom of expression is a
fundamental right protected by Article 10 of the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 5)and one of the foundations of democratic
and pluralistic societies. As such, it is applicable not only to
ideas that are favourably received, but also to those which may
offend, shock or disturb the State or the population, as expressed
by the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (“the Court”).
36. This fundamental freedom must, of course, respect other fundamental
rights and the rights of others; it may therefore be considered
necessary to prevent and sanction all forms of expression which
spread, incite, promote or justify hatred based on intolerance.
In my view, this includes expressions
made by radical movements against democratic societies and their
fundamental values, but also comprises any expressions of hatred
against religious movements present in Europe (such as “Islamophobia”,
see above). However, as confirmed by the Court’s case law, any “restriction”
or “penalty” imposed in the sphere of freedom of expression must,
of course, “be proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued”.
37. The fight against terrorism at Council of Europe level is
backed up by a strong legal framework comprising the Convention
on the Prevention of Terrorism (CETS No. 196) and its Additional
Protocol (CETS No. 217), the Additional Protocol to the Convention
on Cybercrime, concerning the criminalisation of acts of a racist
and xenophobic nature committed through computer systems (ETS No.
189), as well as other texts. Whilst good progress has been made
in recent years with regard to the adhesion to and implementation
of these instruments, it is regrettable that important recommendations
by the Parliamentary Assembly have not been taken into account,
such as those expressed in
Opinion
289 (2015) on the draft additional protocol to the Council of Europe
Convention on the Prevention of Terrorism where a reference to the
United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child had been proposed.
38. Besides its debate on “Terrorist attacks in Paris: together
for a democratic response” in January 2015, the Assembly has already
expressed its concern about the growing dissemination of hate speech,
especially in the political sphere and on the Internet, as well
as anti-immigration political parties and populist and extremist movements,
and has encouraged member States to develop specific strategies
and action plans in these areas.
39. The Council of Europe Action Plan on “The fight against violent
extremism and radicalisation leading to terrorism (2015-2017)”,
adopted by the Committee of Ministers at its 125th Session in Brussels
on 19 May 2015, calls on member States to reinforce the legal framework
against terrorism and violent extremism, and to prevent and fight
violent radicalisation through concrete measures in the public sector,
in particular in schools and prisons, and on the Internet. All Council
of Europe member States should be invited to support the implementation
of this action plan, including through reinforcing their legal framework
and more specific measures taken at the national level in the areas
of education, prisons and the Internet.
40. Further action at Council of Europe level, worth being mentioned
here and interesting as a source of inspiration for national action,
comprises activities in the educational field (notably on competences
for democratic culture, intercultural dialogue and access to education
and employment for refugees and migrants) on intolerance and discrimination
(through the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance
(ECRI) for example). In this context, I would in particular like
to underline the importance of the “No Hate Speech Movement” Campaign
which has been extended until 2017. The Assembly has strongly supported
this initiative in recent years, and will continue to do so through
its “No Hate Parliamentary Alliance”, a network with which my committee
has closely collaborated in preparing this report. Further initiatives
at Council of Europe level are under way with regard to child participation,
such as the work done by 1 200 schoolchildren on “tolerance and living
together in peace” for the World Forum for Democracy to be held
in Strasbourg in autumn 2016.
41. With a view to local action against radicalisation, the Congress
of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe adopted
a Strategy to combat radicalisation at grass-roots level in January
2015, and completed it in September 2015 through its Guidelines
for local and regional authorities on preventing radicalisation
and manifestations of hate at the grass-roots level. It recommends
local multi-agency strategies, the setting up of local safety partnerships,
the consideration of education as an important vector, the involvement
of civil society, the development of exit programmes for those wishing
to leave extremism, as well as the allocation of necessary funds
in local budgets to allow sustainable funding of prevention programmes.
42. Finally, I wish to refer to an event organised by the Council
of Europe’s European Centre for Global Interdependence and Solidarity
(North-South Centre), with support from the European Union, in the
framework of the programme “Towards Strengthened Democratic Governance
in the Southern Mediterranean”: the Lisbon Forum 2015 on “How to
combat radicalisation and terrorism: Prevention tools and shared
knowledge in the Mediterranean and European space”, held in Lisbon
on 3 and 4 December 2015, to which I contributed on behalf of the
Parliamentary Assembly. In their conclusions, conference participants
highlighted the strengthening of democratic governance and the promotion
of citizen participation at the local level as safeguards against
radicalisation and terrorism, whilst underlining the importance
of education, intercultural dialogue, inclusive societies and multi-agency
approaches in local communities.
43. Finally, specific recommendations have also been made by the
European Parliament through its Resolution of 25 November 2015 on
the prevention of radicalisation and recruitment of European citizens
by terrorist organisations, which calls for action including both
various repressive and law enforcement measures. I fully agree with
the European Parliament and its rapporteur, French MEP Rachida Dati,
that a severe and truly European response is needed.
3.2. Good
practice by civil society organisations
44. In regular co-operation with
the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, the European Forum
for Urban Security (Efus) has, over the past years, been carrying
out a series of activities aimed at strengthening the capacities
of local authorities faced with the phenomenon of violent extremism,
and will continue to propose training sessions for local authorities
in 2016.
On 18 November 2015 in Aarhus (Denmark),
the Forum organised a conference on the prevention of radicalisation
leading to violent extremism, resulting in the so-called “Aarhus
Declaration”, emphasising the key role of local authorities in implementing
anti-radicalisation strategies and setting up early warning systems.
I would like to underline the importance
of civil society players for reaching out to children and young
people in their daily environment, as some of the following good practice
examples will also show. It is therefore evident that anti- or deradicalisation
strategies, in particular at the local level, need to follow multi-stakeholder
approaches.
3.3. Examples
of good practice observed in different member States
45. Interesting approaches to deradicalisation
are, for example, to be found in the United Kingdom, such as the
“West London Initiative” (WLI).
The WLI is an NGO working in first-line
deradicalisation with young people of Muslim background at risk
of developing extremist beliefs propagated by extremist ideologues.
The agency’s targets are converts, as well as second- and third-
generation Muslims born and brought up in the United Kingdom, and
their families. In close co-operation with governmental agencies,
the WLI pursues a broad range of objectives aimed at ensuring young
people’s participation in mainstream society and building bridges
for peaceful dialogue and initiatives. At the national level, the
Channel programme supports local panels and their partners in the
framework of the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 (the CT&S
Act).
Data gathered for this programme
has shown to what extent children are affected by processes of radicalisation:
of the 796 individuals referred to the government’s programme for
possible intervention, 312 were found to be under 18.
46. Other countries, such as France, have expanded preventive
approaches in the wake of the recent terrorist attacks. Whilst the
private Centre of Prevention of Sectarian Derivatives linked to
Islam (Centre de prévention contre les dérives sectaires liées à
l’Islam (CPDSI)) has been operational for several years, the creation
of public deradicalisation centres has just been announced by the
French Government.
47. Useful preventive strategies are, once again, to be found
in Belgium, where a Federal Programme for Preventing Violent Radicalisation
was adopted in 2013 (to implement the relevant European Union Strategy and
Action Plan of 2005). The Belgian programme is based on six pillars:
1) improving general awareness about radicalisation; 2) an action
plan against frustrations that could lead to radicalisation; 3)
increasing the moral resistance of vulnerable groups; 4) support
for local authorities; 5) involvement of communities and diasporas;
and 6) the fight against radicalisation on the Internet.
48. Several local authorities in Belgium have also used interesting
approaches, such as the town of Verviers, which has set up a prevention
unit composed of radicalisation experts, psychologists and social
workers, as well as a platform for multidisciplinary concertation
between all services concerned (police, judiciary, youth support
services, radicalisation experts, schools and youth associations).
49. In 2014, the Norwegian Ministry of Justice and Public Security
presented an Action Plan Against Radicalisation and Violent Extremism,
detailing comprehensive lines of action, including a section on international
crime prevention (notably in the context of Nordic countries) and
prevention of radicalisation and recruitment via the Internet.
With regard to the latter, an enhanced
police presence is specifically recommended in order to prevent
discrimination, harassment and hate speech, and to increase knowledge about
how to take action against undesirable experiences on the Internet.
50. According to a 2010 European Union study, Denmark was considered
a “lead country” on deradicalisation and disengagement. In 2009,
the country presented its first national strategy to prevent radicalisation
and extremism, both left- and right-wing, as well as militant Islamism.
Like other initiatives, the plan had a strong focus on direct contacts
and dialogue with vulnerable young people (for example in disadvantaged
areas, prisons, etc.) and local partnerships.
Although a few years have passed
since this study, we may certainly consider that Denmark is amongst
the pioneer countries in this area as is also shown by a 2012 conference
organised under the Danish EU presidency.
51. Of course, many other countries have taken far-reaching and
exemplary action, but I will not be able to cite them all here.
However, on the route to effectively preventing the radicalisation
of children and young people across Europe, exchanges of good practice
at government, parliament, local authority and civil society levels
will be essential; and as a parliamentarian committed to children’s
rights and protection, I am deeply engaged in promoting such exchanges.
3.4. Effectively
fighting the radicalisation of children and young people – expert recommendations
52. International organisations
and experts approach the matter of radicalisation of children and
young people from different angles. The most hands-on approach is
certainly followed by experts working in the field with minors.
Some of the most convincing elements against child and youth radicalisation
were therefore, in my view, presented by the Belgian Ombudsman who
called for the following, quite comprehensive, set of measures:
- fighting the discrimination,
segregation and marginalisation (and subsequent feelings of injustice)
of children of all ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds;
- providing all children and young people with equal opportunities,
life perspectives and a sense of purpose and social utility, as
well as perspectives for social mobility;
- using education as a resource for integrating children
from an early age, including through specific education on democratic
citizenship;
- preventing “dysfunctional” family situations, notably
by involving women as the main “educators” of children in the family;
- building veritable partnerships at the local level by
mobilising the capacities of local communities instead of isolating
them, and by “pacifying” the relationships between young people
and the institutions that serve them (schools, police, social services
and others), including by making families understand the purpose
of such institutions;
- avoiding the stigmatisation of children and young people
who were previously involved in radical movements;
- avoiding verbal generalisations and attacks against Islam,
overcoming an excessive focus on religious symbols (and engaging
an interreligious dialogue on essential issues and in a context
favourable to religious pluralism) and distinguishing Islam as a
world religion separate from extremist religious movements, such
as the terrorist group known as “Daesh”;
- continuously monitoring radical movements but avoiding
“ethnic profiling” in law enforcement.
53. In his presentation to our committee in June 2015, Federico
Ragazzi from the University of Leiden (Netherlands), one of the
authors of the European Parliament study, added that one of the
main challenges in fighting youth radicalisation was the current
absence of a clear division (“firewall”) between social integration work
and police work (i.e. those helping should not be reporting). To
effectively fight youth radicalisation, EU experts further recommend
improving data collection, examining the human rights impact of
anti-radicalisation policies, rebuilding trust in existing democratic
institutions, avoiding limits to fundamental freedoms which may provoke
further radicalisation, defining clear rules and limits for police
and intelligence intervention (for example limiting peer reporting),
and basing judicial action on acts committed (and not anticipated).
4. Conclusions
and recommendations
54. Through the first international
strategies, as well as expert analyses, we can see that the radicalisation of
children and young people is a complex social phenomenon of the
21st century. As General Rapporteur on Children of the Parliamentary
Assembly, I would once again like to underline the importance of
working with children and young people from an early age. To fight
radicalisation effectively, it is important to orient young people
in their life choices before crucial decisions influence their socio-economic
development and while their identities and political opinions are
still developing.
55. As former rapporteur on “Ending child poverty in Europe”,
I
believe that education and employment are key aspects of social
inclusion: As a parliamentarian, I regularly meet with children,
teachers and families, and can see that education and professional
training are essential for giving a meaningful place in society
to all children and young people, for allowing them to take ownership
of the fundamental values of European societies and to be aware
of the risks of being lured into radical movements through the Internet
and social media.
56. I personally believe that awareness raising and dialogue should
be promoted in all European societies: interpersonal dialogue between
children, their families and other educators, dialogue and communication between
States jointly fighting the increase in radical movements, groups
and hindering the cross-border movement of terrorists, and last
but not least, interreligious dialogue striving for peaceful co-existence
instead of violently combating other political, societal and religious
systems.
57. As rapporteur, I am also strongly convinced that the effectiveness
of preventive action against radicalisation increases dramatically
when these actions are carried out in close co-operation with the
target populations. Anti- and deradicalisation strategies must be
led by local authorities and communities and with families and young
people’s peers. All these stakeholders need to be involved as partners
and not as “clients” of top-down and theoretical approaches. In
various institutions, reference persons should be specially trained on
radicalisation trends and deradicalisation strategies to help them
interact with children in their daily environment.
58. As politically active members of European societies, we must
not forget that we are also observing a general rise of extremist
ideas in our societies. Several European countries are currently
experiencing an increase in extremist political parties and movements,
be it against a background of an enduring economic crisis or the
massive arrival of refugees asking for asylum. The fight against
extremist ideas does not only serve the purpose of protecting us
against terrorist attacks, but is to our societies’ benefit as such,
by preserving the highest standards of democracy and human rights.
We may therefore all feel concerned by the list of measures included
in the draft resolution.
59. Whilst my main focus here was on the “endogenous” root causes
found in the immediate environment of children and young people,
there certainly is the need to strike the right balance between
repressive action preventing further crimes by “religious” or political
movements (“exogeneous” root causes) and preventive community action
avoiding discrimination and abuse of vulnerable youth. However,
I strongly believe that a committed fight against international
terrorism must be vigilant about respecting fundamental rights and
the rule of law. Anti-radicalisation strategies in all Council of
Europe member States must be accompanied by measures against Islamophobia
and other forms of hate speech which, left unchecked, might further
reinforce vicious circles of discrimination and the mistrust between
political and religious systems that fuel extremists.