1. Introduction
1. In 2017, Leo Varadkar became
Prime Minister of Ireland at the age of 38. He is the country’s
youngest prime minister, the first Irish political leader of Indian
descent and the first openly gay prime minister. “If somebody of
my age, of my mixed race background and of all the things that make
up my character can potentially become leader of our country, then
I think that sends out a message to every child born today that there
is no office in Ireland that they can't aspire to”, Leo Varadkar
told the media.
2. Change is indeed on the way for the European political landscape,
but it is slow. In 2018, women, persons with disabilities, visible
minorities, young women and men, people with an immigration background and
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people
still remain poorly represented in politics at local, regional,
national and European levels. This representation deficit perpetuates
the idea that political institutions are the realm of a select cast,
composed mostly of white, heterosexual men over fifty.
3. Increasingly in recent times, parliaments have been criticised
for being distant from the electorate and not understanding the
real concerns of the people. This has contributed to reinforcing
the lack of trust of large parts of the electorate in traditional
elected institutions and to creating fertile ground for populist
parties and movements, who portray themselves as the real expression
of the people. As stressed by Thorbjørn Jagland, Secretary General
of the Council of Europe, populist parties “thrive most easily where
people have lost trust in their governments, parliaments and courts,
where critical journalism and NGOs already struggle to be heard, where
minorities have not been integrated into wider society and where
large numbers of citizens feel deprived of opportunities”.
4. If they want to continue to enjoy democratic legitimacy, parliaments
need to open up and better reflect the societies they serve. Promoting
higher participation and representation of women, young people,
people with an immigration background, persons with disabilities,
visible minorities and LGBTI people in politics is a way not only
to ensure that institutions are recognised as the mirrors of society,
but also to ensure that their concerns are truly taken into account
in the political decision-making process.
2. Scope
of the report
5. The issue of diversity in politics
is vast. With a concern for coming to grips with the systemic nature
of discrimination against women and the consequences of their imbalanced
representation in politics, the Parliamentary Assembly has repeatedly
dealt with this matter, most recently in Assembly
Resolution 2111 (2016) on assessing the impact of measures to improve women’s
political representation.
It stressed that the representation
of women in politics was still largely disproportionate in most
Council of Europe member States and explained how quotas were the
most effective positive measures, when coupled with sanctions for
non-compliance and specific accompanying measures.
6. Recently, the Assembly has also looked at the issue of the
political rights of persons with disabilities, with
Resolution 2155 (2017).
It underlined that many
persons with disabilities still faced difficulties when trying to
exercise their political rights. It analysed the challenges they
encountered and also proposed concrete action to increase the political
participation of persons with disabilities, such as removing the
link between the right to vote and legal capacity, providing assistance
with voting and ensuring the accessibility of public buildings and information
about electoral processes, voting procedures and political programmes.
It also stressed that it could contribute to breaking down stereotypes
and combating discrimination against persons with disabilities.
7. In the present report, I do not intend to repeat the findings
and recommendations of
Resolution
2111 (2016) and
Resolution
2155 (2017), which I fully share. Rather, I would like to look at
the issue of diversity, equality and inclusion in politics across
the board. I will focus my explanatory memorandum on the participation and
representation in politics of visible minorities, women and men
with an immigration background, young people and LGBTI people, in
an attempt to cast a light on a little explored subject.
3. Methodology
8. In the framework of the preparation
of this report, I sent a questionnaire to the national parliaments
of all 47 member States of the Council of Europe, asking a series
of questions about diversity and equality in national parliaments
and measures taken by political parties. I received information
from 32 parliaments
on
measures taken to encourage the participation and representation
of people from diverse backgrounds in political life. While most
of them could provide data on the numbers of women and men elected,
and on the age of their members, hardly any of them could provide
statistics broken down by ethnic origin of their members. I also received
a few answers on the issue of sexual orientation.
9. In addition to desk research, I carried out a fact-finding
visit to Brussels on 13 and 14 June 2017, where I held bilateral
meetings with a number of representatives from NGOs and the European
Parliament secretariat, as well as a few political figures from
Belgium.
10. I participated in a workshop of the OSCE/ODIHR Contact Point
for Roma and Sinti Issues on “Strengthening diverse leadership,
participation and representation of Roma, including women and youth,
in public and political life” on 27 and 28 March 2017 at the European
Parliament in Brussels. I also had a bilateral meeting with Mr Valeriu
Nicolae, former Special Representative of the Secretary General
of the Council of Europe for Roma Issues, on 27 April 2017 in Strasbourg.
A consultant worked on the preparation of an information memorandum
on the participation of national minorities in politics in the Western
Balkans.
4. Benefits
of diversity and equality in politics
11. Increasing levels of diversity,
equality and inclusion in politics is beneficial for the political
system as a whole. It sends a powerful message to the whole population
showing that diversity is not exceptional but part of today’s Europe.
It also contributes to preventing and combating discrimination and
negative stereotyping.
12. In addition, more diversity, equality and inclusion in politics
encourages more people to participate in elections and in political
life
and
leads to a renewal of the political representatives in elected bodies.
13. Another important benefit is an impact on political programmes
when more women and men from diverse backgrounds are able to participate
in the preparation of programmes and campaigns directly from within political
parties and movements.
14. The benefits of diversity and equality in politics can be
important, provided that they are not promoted as a cosmetic measure
to show diversity but which, in reality, changes nothing. There
can be no long-lasting diversification of the backgrounds of candidates
for elections if political parties do not promote diversity, equality
and inclusion throughout their structures, from the local level
to their decision-making bodies.
5. Diversity
and equality in the political landscape: overview of the situation
in Council of Europe member States
5.1. Emergence
of role models
15. Presenting an overview of the
situation in Council of Europe member States is not an easy task considering
that we have limited information concerning the participation of
visible minorities, women and men with an immigration background
or LGBTI people in politics. This is why I would like to mention
some concrete examples of elected officials who could be considered
role models, encouraging people from diverse backgrounds to be more
engaged in political life.
16. Inspiring examples show that diversity is present on the European
political stage. The election of Sadiq Khan, born in an English-Pakistani
family, as Mayor of London, sent a positive and powerful message.
I would also like to mention Khadija Arib, former member of our
Assembly, born in Morocco, who became Speaker of the Dutch House
of Representatives. However, too often, a political leader or elected
official from a visible minority or who was not born in the country
where he/she is making their political career is still seen as an exceptional
event. In France, we can think of Rachida Dati, whose parents were
born in Algeria and Morocco, and Christiane Taubira, born in French
Guiana, former ministers of Justice, or Najat Vallaud-Belkacem,
former minister of Education born in Morocco.
17. The situation can be very different, depending on the group
and the country concerned. For example, in some countries, there
are a number of LGBTI politicians – who are and can be open about
their LGBTI identity – while in other countries, speaking up about
one’s LGBTI identity means taking a political risk. In Ireland,
the marriage equality referendum led to a lot of politicians coming
out about their sexual orientation. There are currently two ministers
who have publicly stated they are gay or lesbian, the Prime Minister
and Ms Katherine Zappone, Minister for Children and Youth Affairs
and former member of this committee. Xavier Bettel is the first openly
gay prime minister in Luxembourg and the marriage with his partner
was covered in the press. The appointment of Ana Brnabić, first
openly lesbian minister in a Serbian government, first as minister
for State administration and then as Prime Minister in June 2017,
was welcomed by the LGBTI community and beyond as an important step.
Having heads of government publicly
stating their sexual orientation contributes to combating prejudice
and discrimination against LGBTI people and to change mindsets.
18. With regard to the participation of young people, 2017 was
a noteworthy year with the emergence of several relatively young
leaders in Europe. Sebastian Kurz, 31, former Minister of Foreign
Affairs, became the Austrian Chancellor. Emmanuel Macron was elected
President of the French Republic at 39. Jüri Ratas became Prime
Minister of Estonia at 39.
19. According to Sophie Gaston, deputy director of the British
think-tank Demos, the new young leaders “share an understanding
of the modern forces at play in campaigning – particularly their
grasp of digital and social media – and how to harness these to
connect directly with voters”.
They have transformed what was previously
a disadvantage into a force. They reach out rapidly, via social
media such as Facebook or Instagram, to an audience which would
in general not be very interested in politics. They shorten their communication,
adapt it for social media and use the power of photographs to communicate
quickly without going through traditional media. One may however
wonder if youth, in its heterogeneity, feels represented by the
new young leaders or if their election and access reflects a willingness
to call for change by the population at large.
5.2. Youth
participation and representation
20. Since I have received information
from national parliaments with regard to the participation and representation
of youth,
I
can present more detailed information on this group. While some
States have an eligibility age corresponding to the age of majority,
others put in place a different minimum age to stand for election.
There can also be differences between types of elections, often
with a higher minimum age for upper houses of parliament and presidential
elections.
21. To mention a few examples, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Luxembourg,
Norway, Slovenia and Sweden have an eligibility (right to be elected)
age of 18 years for parliamentary elections, which is the same as
the age of majority. In Georgia, different ages are set for the
different kinds of election. A citizen needs to be 21 years old
to stand for parliamentary elections, 25 to become a mayor and 35
to stand for presidential elections. In Portugal, 18 is the minimum
age to run for parliamentary elections while it is 35 for the Presidency
of the Republic. In Romania, candidates must be at least 23 years
old to stand for elections to the Chamber of Deputies, 33 for the
Senate and 35 for the Presidency of the Republic. Candidates to
the Sejm (Poland) must be over 21 years old, 30 for the Senate and
35 for the Presidency of the Republic. In Turkey, candidates should be
25 years old to run for the office of mayor and 18 to stand for
parliamentary elections.
22. Denmark, where one can vote and have the right to be elected
at 18, has two members of parliament in the age category 20 to 24
years old,
and five in the age category
25 to 29 (following the 2015 parliamentary elections). In Lithuania,
16 members of parliament are under 35 years old. In Luxembourg,
five members of parliament are between 31 and 35 years old. The
Parliament of Montenegro has six members under 30. The Hellenic
Parliament has three members under 30 (the minimum age to stand
for parliamentary elections is 25), and 33 members in the 31 to
40 age category. Following the last elections in 2017, the average
age in the National Assembly (France) came down to 48 from 54 during
the previous mandate) and the two youngest members of parliament
are 23 and 24 years old respectively. The average age of senators
also decreased from 64 to 60.
23. In Poland, upon election, the youngest deputy was 23 years
old and the oldest 77. Seventeen members of parliament were under
30. In Portugal, 14 members of parliament (out of 230) were aged
from 21 to 30 (upon election), 44 aged from 31 to 40, 35 aged from
61 to 70 and 3 above 70. In the Slovak Republic, there are 3 members
of parliament under 30 years old, 37 aged 31 to 40, 23 aged 61 to
70 and one above 71. In Switzerland, 14.6% members of parliament
(both chambers) are under 40 years old (36 members). Eighteen members
of the Turkish National Assembly are under 36 years old and 125
are aged between 37 and 46 (total of 550 members).
24. Age itself can serve as a political platform. As an example,
I would like to mention a specific political party dedicated to
youth: the Youth Party of Slovenia, which was represented by four
deputies in the National Assembly of Slovenia from 2004 to 2008.
25. Worldwide, less than 2% of members of parliament are under
30 years old.
However, the Inter-Parliamentary
Union (IPU) notes that 12.3% of the members of the Swedish Parliament,
10.5% of the Finnish Parliament and 10% of the Norwegian Parliament
are under 30 years old. The IPU also stresses that “about 30% of
the single and lower houses of parliament in the world have no MPs
(members of parliament) aged under 30. More than 80% of the world’s
upper houses of parliament have no MPs aged under 30”.
26. We are still a long way from having a systematic participation
of young people in political life. I would however remain optimistic
since political participation is not only a matter of running for
elections, but also encompasses what we could call citizens’ participation,
which is materialised through different means such as social media
where young people are particularly active.
27. Encouraging active youth participation does not mean disregarding
older age categories. Elderly people represent an important and
active category of voters. They are interested in politics, participate
in elections and their interests weigh in the preparation of political
programmes. Pensioners’ parties run for elections in several Council
of Europe member States.
While
I do not consider age as the main dividing factor in political life,
we have to bear in mind that the interests of different age categories
must be taken into account.
28. Finally, I would like to mention a study
by
the Inter-Parliamentary Union, which found that the countries with
the highest numbers of members under 30 are also the ones with the
highest levels of women’s representation.
5.3. Women
and men from an immigration background, visible minorities and Roma
29. In addition to the role models
presented above, I would like to relay some information received
in the replies sent by the national parliaments to my questionnaire.
Most parliaments only collected data with regard to age, gender,
professional background and education and therefore could not provide
information with regard to ethnic origin or sexual orientation.
Collecting this kind of information is even illegal in some States,
such as France. The information I provide here is therefore only
partial.
30. Nowadays in Europe, there are women and men who, despite having
lived in the host country for generations, are not citizens because
they do not meet the citizenship criteria. In this context, it is
worth mentioning that the right to vote and be elected for non-citizens
remains rare in Council of Europe member States. It depends on the
type of election (local, regional, national) and the length of residence.
European Union law allows any European Union citizen to vote and
run for elections at local level. Some countries have specific bilateral
agreements and others go beyond and grant the right to vote and
stand for elections at local level to all non-citizens.
31. As an example, in Finland, non-Finnish citizens have the right
to vote and stand for election in municipal elections, provided
they have resided for two years in the municipality. In Norway,
non-citizens can vote in local elections after three years of residence.
In Luxembourg, non-citizens may stand for local elections if they
have voting rights in their country of origin, and have lived in
Luxembourg for a minimum of five years. A communication campaign
was launched for the local elections of October 2011 so as to encourage
foreign residents to register for the elections (
www.jepeuxvoter.lu).
32. This report provides an opportunity to recall Assembly
Recommendation 1500 (2001) on the participation of immigrants and foreign residents
in political life in the Council of Europe member States, which stressed
that their participation in the political decision-making process
promoted their integration in general, and facilitated their harmonious
co-existence which is in the interest of both citizens and non-citizens
in the host society.
33. The Council of Europe has a specific instrument to this end:
the Convention on the Participation of Foreigners in Public Life
at Local Level (ETS No. 144).
This
Convention requires States Parties to “grant to every foreign resident
the right to vote and to stand for election in local authority elections,
provided that he fulfils the same legal requirements as apply to
nationals and furthermore has been a lawful and habitual resident
in the State concerned for the five years preceding the elections”.
It also requires States Parties to ensure that information is available
to foreign residents concerning their rights and obligations in
relation to local public life.
34. Persons from an immigration background who are citizens by
birth or have acquired citizenship via naturalisation, have the
right to participate in elections and to be elected. I received
information according to which, in Sweden, 29 members of parliament
were born outside Sweden, 11 were born in Sweden but to parents
born outside the country, and 25 were born in Sweden but had one
parent born abroad.
35. In Spain, eight of the 350 deputies elected in the December
2015 elections were born outside the country. Most of them were
children or grandchildren of Spanish emigrants and arrived in Spain
at a very young age. They had Spanish citizenship and came back
to live in Spain with their families. There are also cases of non-citizens
(notably from Uruguay and Equatorial Guinea) who acquired Spanish
citizenship and won parliamentary elections.
36. I would further like to mention the specific situation of
visible minorities, who are citizens and do not necessarily have
an immigration background. The colour of their skin makes them stand
out compared to the skin colour of the majority of the population.
As highlighted earlier in the report, European politics are too
often considered as “reserved” for white men. This is changing,
albeit very slowly. As an example, in the United Kingdom, the 2017
parliamentary elections resulted in the most diverse parliament
to date, with 52 non-white members of parliament.
37. I also consider it important to give specific information
with regard to the participation of Roma and Sinti, since they are
among the most under-represented groups in political life and the
most discriminated group in Europe. There have been a handful of
high-profile Roma politicians at European level, and at national
level in some countries. The first Roma member of the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe was Juan de Dios Ramirez Heredia,
in 1983, and he had already been elected to the Spanish national
parliament in 1977. During our bilateral meeting, Mr Nicolae pointed
out that the highest position ever occupied by a Roma at State level
was his, when he was the State Secretary at the Ministry of Labour,
Family, Social Protection and Elderly, in Romania. Currently, there
are two Roma members of Parliament in Romania and two Roma members
of the European Parliament (from Hungary). In Slovenia, in addition
to the general right to vote, Roma have a special right to vote
at the local elections to elect a Roma councillor from a “special
list of eligible Roma voters” in 20 municipalities.
38. In the case of
Sejdić and Finci
v. Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the applicants complained of their ineligibility
to stand for election to the House of Peoples and the Presidency
of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the ground of their Roma and Jewish
origin. They submitted that difference in treatment based expressly
on race or ethnicity was not capable of justification and amounted
to direct discrimination. The European Court of Human Rights held
that there had been a violation of Article 14 of the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 5).
5.4. Difficulties
encountered by candidates from diverse backgrounds
39. While more diversity, equality
and inclusion in politics is beneficial on many levels, I would
nevertheless like to stress that it is not an easy path. Women and
men from an immigration background, visible minorities, LGBTI people
and Roma encounter difficulties when entering politics. They might
not have developed the required networks during their studies or
professional careers so as to progress within a party hierarchy
as well as others.
40. Often, they find themselves exposed to criticism and hate
speech during electoral campaigns and once elected, and they cannot
always count on the support of their party.
41. Sometimes they are put on electoral lists but not necessarily
in eligible positions. Their participation within the political
party does not always mean that a change has occurred throughout
party structures but at times only reflects a will of the party
leadership to show there is some diversity within the party, but
not to fully include it.
42. By opening up to diversity and equality, political parties
may gain more votes, but can also be criticised by some parts of
the population who would not approve of this policy and who would
consider no longer voting for the party.
43. Last but not least, there is a risk that women and men from
diverse backgrounds are expected to work mainly on specific issues
relevant to their group. For example, a Roma parliamentarian will
almost always be attributed tasks/issues related to Roma even though
this may not be his/her first interest. Too often, there is an expectation
for the elected person from an under-represented group to be a kind
of spokesperson of the group, although they might wish to use their
expertise in other fields.
6. General
mechanisms to promote diversity and equality in politics
44. Different mechanisms exist
to encourage diversity and equality in politics. They can be specific
to one group, or of a general nature. I do not intend to present
a model that would work in every context but wish to raise awareness
of some good practices which have delivered good results and which
could be adapted to different contexts.
6.1. The
role of political parties
45. I would like first of all to
stress that political parties are the game changers with regard
to the promotion of diversity and equality in politics. I consider
that they hold a special responsibility with regard to the entry
into politics and progression of political careers of women and
men from diverse backgrounds. Political parties should have the
willingness and flexibility to reach out to under-represented groups.
They choose the candidates and can encourage the progression of
members within the party structures. They can ensure that programmes
are diversity inclusive. Their commitment to the promotion of diversity
and equality can make a difference.
46. Political parties can provide training, for example, on running
an electoral campaign, political communication, speaking skills
and developing political strategies. They can accompany young members
in the development of their skills and organise mentoring sessions.
47. Considering the important role played by political parties,
I am of the opinion that they should as much as possible encourage
the creation of youth caucuses or fora, or similar internal structures
such as LGBTI platforms or diversity fora. Political parties should
allocate sufficient funding for their functioning and not consider
that participation should be confined to these specific structures,
but on the contrary, allow for communication and exchanges between
party structures.
48. I would like to stress that the existence of and support for
youth-dedicated structures should not make us overlook the importance
of having younger generations involved in traditional party structures
and participating in elections with a view to entering parliament.
Political parties, when preparing lists of candidates for elections,
should not only consider the seniority of candidates within the
parties but also the energy and added value that younger candidates
can bring to political debate, and remember the slogan “If you are
old enough to vote, you are not too young to run”.
49. The creation of advisory committees on minority issues within
political parties and training and recruitment programmes focused
on national minorities are considered good practice by the European Commission
for Democracy through law (Venice Commission).
50. A strong party leadership can proactively promote diversity
and equality in politics with nominations. Party leaders therefore
hold a special responsibility to push for a diversity and equality-inclusive
agenda. Often, a person would enter a political party following
personal contacts or with the support of a network.
Parties need to reach out strategically
so as to motivate women and men from diverse backgrounds to join.
Party leadership also plays a crucial role when defending candidates
from diverse backgrounds who might be victims of racism and hate
speech during electoral campaigns
51. Some measures can be taken by political parties to encourage
participation and representation of one specific group. As an example,
my political party, the Civic Platform, decided that for the elections
to the parliament, one candidate should be less than 35 years old
among the first five candidates.
52. A committee member reported that the Czech Pirate Party made
important efforts to reach out to the population and presented their
concrete actions. Meetings were in general open to all and often
with online streaming, encouraging wide participation. Members of
this party, regardless of their age, position in the party or structure,
can address issues they are interested in by using direct democracy
tools.
Elected representatives
use social media to report on activities. Main party events usually
take place during the week-end so as to allow wider participation.
Childcare can be offered when needed.
53. In the United Kingdom, the Equality Act 2010 (Section 104)
allows registered political parties to make arrangements for selecting
candidates for elections with a view to addressing inequality of
representation. Political parties can reserve seats contested in
by-elections for under-represented groups.
6.2. Legislation
54. Proportional representation
systems tend to allow for more diversity and equality in parliament
according to the IPU: “Some countries have succeeded in electing
high shares of young parliamentarians suggesting that favourable
contextual factors such as proportional electoral systems, strong
youth movements and more inclusive political environments may play
a role in opening up opportunities for young people to participate.”
These systems allow for more diverse
participation and representation, either by young people or other
groups. A reserved seat system can also be a way of ensuring the
representation of minorities in parliament. Lower thresholds can
also contribute to a more diverse representation. Dual voting systems
can also be considered as enhancing minority participation and representation.
55. Having an eligibility age corresponding to the age of majority,
or a fairly low eligibility age, can contribute to encouraging youth
participation. In its global campaign “Not too young to run”,
the United Nations stresses that
a low minimum age for standing as a candidate in elections is closely
linked to youth participation. In its
Resolution 1874 (2012) on the promotion of active citizenship in Europe, the
Assembly called on member States to “put in place, as far as possible,
independent statutory or informal youth councils in connection with their
local and national decision-making bodies, with a view to ensuring
the possibility for young people to have a say in decisions affecting
them”. I would like to go beyond this call. Young people should
not only express their interests and views in specific youth-related
structures, but should actively participate in the decision-making
bodies themselves. Millennials might be less likely to follow traditional
party structures, and could be disinterested by party life if it
means following traditional schemes for progression within parties.
56. Quotas for some categories are a good way of diversifying
the profile of members of parliament. I am personally not in favour
of quotas, although they are recommended by the IPU in the case
of young candidates.
In
my view, conditions should be created so as to allow and actively
encourage participation of visible minorities, young people, women
and men from an immigration background or LGBTI people at the highest
level, but the imposition of quotas, even if only temporary, can
send mixed messages. A candidate’s election should be due to their
successful campaigning, strong programmes, support from political
parties and their outreach to constituencies. More efforts should
be made to encourage candidates from diverse backgrounds to run
for election, including at the local level.
57. The limitation of the number of mandates held by one person
is also a way of allowing more people to actively participate in
political life and encouraging a political renewal.
58. In Finland, the Local Government Act foresees opportunities
for young people, elderly people and persons with disabilities to
participate in local decision-making. With a view to reaching out
to an important part of the population, prior to every election,
the Finnish Ministry of Justice produces and disseminates material
on the elections in the 20 most commonly spoken foreign languages.
It also sends a letter on the election procedure and the democratic
system to all those who can vote for the first time. In order to
reach out to as many people as possible, it communicates via social
media. Every four years, the Finnish Government appoints the Advisory
Board for Ethnic Relations (ETNO), which is composed of representatives
of ministries, members of political parties, representatives of
minorities, municipalities and NGOs. It was established with a view
to promoting dialogue between different groups, co-operation and
participation. The Ministry of Justice and ETNO have organised several
regional events to train “democracy ambassadors” tasked with spreading information
about participation in the elections within their organisations
and networks.
6.3. Education
59. Forming citizens is the first
step towards ensuring more diversity and equality in politics in
the long term. I cannot therefore stress enough the importance of
education and the need to ensure that civic education is accessible
to all, irrespective of the curriculum. According to the Revised
European Charter on The Participation of Young People in Local and
Regional Life (2013) adopted by the Council of Europe Congress of
Local and Regional Authorities, “[i]t is essential that young people
learn about participation and democracy while in school and that
courses on democracy, participation and citizenship are available
and properly resourced. However school must also be a place where
young people experience democracy in action and where their participation
in decision-making is supported, promoted and is seen as effective”.
60. Opening parliaments for visits by youth groups and setting
up internship programmes in parliaments where this has not yet been
done can also contribute to, in the long term, opening politics
to diversity.
In France, the Paris Institute of Political
Studies set up preparatory classes in less favoured urban areas
for the preparation of the entry competition.
61. Youth parliaments set up by civil society organisations can
allow young people to gain significant political experience in order
to stand for election at a later stage. They should be supported
and have the opportunity to meet and exchange with parliaments.
7. Special
measures to promote the participation and representation of national
minorities in politics
62. The issue of political participation
and representation of national minorities would deserve a report
of its own. I will touch upon this issue in the present report,
to highlight some basic principles and illustrate some mechanisms.
63. The participation of national minorities in politics requires
targeted action. Article 15 of the Framework Convention for the
Protection of National Minorities (ETS No. 157) provides that States
Parties “shall create the conditions necessary for the effective
participation of persons belonging to national minorities in cultural, social
and economic life and in public affairs, in particular those affecting
them”. While there are limits to what an electoral system may provide
in terms of representation of national minorities, States should
nevertheless ensure that national minorities are provided with a
genuine right to take part in the conduct of public affairs and are
able to compete in the electoral process. In other words, if States
are sovereign to decide on their electoral system, they are also
bound to respect the right to vote and stand for office without
discrimination.
64. Opting for any given electoral system is not neutral as regards
the representation of national minorities. Systems that are proportional
or take into account the geographical concentration of minorities
are generally considered more favourable to national minorities’
representation. Specific arrangements can be made to enhance national
minority participation: lower threshold for minorities, reserved
seats or delimitation of the electoral districts.
65. Lower thresholds
or exemption from threshold
requirements for political parties to enter parliament may enhance
the inclusion of national minorities in governance.
66. A reserved seat system whereby minority voters or special
“minority districts” elect their representatives is usually a way
to ensure that smaller communities or historical minorities are
guaranteed representation in parliament. I would like to stress
that an over-representation of a national minority with regard to
the size of the population might be needed so as to ensure its presence
in parliament. However, a member of the committee expressed concern
with regard to the possible impact of an over-representation of
a national or linguistic minority on the functioning of a parliament.
He is of the opinion that an over-representation might not be justified from
a democratic point of view.
67. In practice, reserved seat mechanisms may be efficient in
ensuring formal descriptive representation but may also trigger
debates or concerns with regard to the substantive representation
of national minorities.
Free
and fair competition between organisations representing national
minorities needs to be ensured.
68. The drawing of electoral borders can be of critical importance
for enhancing national minority participation. While States should
not use such delimitation to change the balance of majority-minority populations
in minority-populated areas (Article 16 of the Framework Convention),
they may use such delimitation as a positive obligation to facilitate
the equitable representation of national minorities.
69. Dual voting allows minority registered voters to vote for
national political parties as well as vote for minority representatives
for the same assembly. Dual voting raises issues of equality of
suffrage and indeed proportionality of the means taken to facilitate
the participation of national minorities. The Venice Commission regards
dual voting as an exceptional measure, which is a measure that could
be considered when no other less intrusive means could be used in
order to achieve national minority representation. It is considered
as a measure of transitional character and should only concern numerically
small minorities.
70. Mechanisms of consultation can serve as channels for dialogue
between governmental authorities and national minorities. They allow
minority interests to be articulated and minority issues to be raised
with decision-makers. They may be composed only of national minorities,
or a selection of them, or focus on one minority group.
They may also be of mixed composition,
with government and minorities’ interests both being represented.
71. While the use of specific mechanisms for the participation
of national minorities in politics should be welcome, I am of the
opinion that we should also reflect on how diversity within minority
communities is addressed.
8. Conclusion
72. With this report, I see an
opportunity to raise awareness on the need to improve the representativeness of
the political sphere and to ensure that parliaments and political
parties reflect our increasingly diverse societies. Politics must
no longer be the reserve of a certain category of persons.
73. Profound changes are needed not only to promote but also to
mainstream diversity and equality in politics. This process requires
a series of measures, accompanied by a change of mindsets from senior officials,
elected members and the overall population towards candidates and
elected officials from under-represented groups. So far, the Assembly
has dealt with equality and non-discrimination issues relying on
a sectoral approach. This sectorial approach is important to identify
specific measures targeting the situation of specific groups. However,
I feel time has come to develop a more holistic approach and look
at the issue of diversity, equality and inclusion across the board,
in order to ensure that parliaments and other elected institutions
fully reflect the complex diversity of European societies.
74. Deconstructing the stereotypes according to which age, origin
and competencies are interlinked will require a lot of effort. Overall,
it is the political parties which are the gate openers to diversity
and equality in politics and which can take concrete action. Young
people, LGBTI people, visible minorities and women and men with
an immigration background should no longer be overlooked as credible
candidates for elections or leadership positions within political
parties. Once elected, attention should be paid to supporting their empowerment.
Solidarity from senior politicians, including against racist attacks
and hate speech, and mentorship can be considered as essential elements
of this support. The importance of role models cannot be stressed
enough with regard to diversity in politics. The more women and
men with diverse ages, experiences, backgrounds and origins stand
for election, the more diversity and equality will enter into the
political landscape at the national and European levels.