Doc. 8423
26 May 1999

Equal representation in political life

Report

Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men

Rapporteur: Mr Paul Staes, Belgium, Group of the European People’s Party

Summary

      The rapporteur notes that, in spite of the efforts made and initiatives taken in recent years to achieve equal representation in political life, little progress has been made in the Council of Europe member states.

      Considering that the realisation of equal opportunities for women and men is a necessary condition for the functioning of a democratic society, the report recommends that practical measures be taken to correct the under-representation of women in political institutions.

      The report proposes in particular that the Committee of Ministers draw up a recommendation to member states on equal representation in political life, on making the funding of political parties dependent on their implementation of parity and on the establishment of an equality education system.

      It is also proposed that information campaigns be promoted in order to change people’s attitudes regarding the importance for true democracy of women’s participation in political life.

I.       Draft recommendation

1.        The Assembly affirms that the realisation of equal opportunities for women and men is a necessary condition for the functioning of a democratic society.

2.        Examination of the present political landscape in the different Council of Europe member states reveals that women are very much under-represented in the political institutions: parliaments, governments, local and regional authorities.

3.        Many factors work against the better representation of women in public life. Cultural practices that perpetuate stereotypes and prejudices, biased political and civic education, and the traditional responsibilities of the private sphere constitute so many obstacles to the entry of more women into political life.

4.       In certain member states it has turned out that a level of 30% of women in political bodies constitutes a “critical mass”. Beyond this threshold clear qualitative progress can be seen and women can free themselves of the male model of exercising power, to bring their own vision.

5.        The Council of Europe has been working for some years for greater equality of women and men in political life.

6.       The United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which was adopted on 18 December 1979 and entered into force on 3 September 1981, provides for the elimination of discrimination based on sex through ensuring for women the right to vote and the right of eligibility and the right to participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy.

7.       The Parliamentary Assembly, in Recommendation (1008) 1985 on women in politics recommended the Committee of Ministers to invite the governments of the member states to promote equality for women through a national institution endowed with the necessary powers and resources to facilitate women’s participation in political life on an equal footing with men.

8.       The Platform of Action of the Beijing United Nations Conference (September 1995) recommended governments to take all necessary measures to ensure equality of access for women and full participation in power structures and decision making.

9.       The European Ministerial Conference on Equality between Women and Men as a Fundamental Criterion of Democracy (Istanbul, 13 and 14 November 1997) reminded that it belongs to the governments and political parties to take action to promote the role of women in politics.

10.       The Parliamentary Assembly nevertheless notes that despite all this, little progress has been made in the member states of the Council of Europe.

11.       The Assembly therefore invites its national delegations to urge their parliaments to introduce specific measures to correct the under-representation of women in political life, and in particular:

i.       to set up parliamentary committees or delegations for women’s rights and equal opportunities;

ii.       to institute equal representation in political parties and to make their funding conditional upon the achievement of this objective;

iii.       to adopt dispositions aiming to reconcile family and public life;

iv.       to introduce legislation to create a system of equality education.

12.       The Assembly recommends that the Committee of Ministers:

i.       prepare a recommendation to the member states on equal representation in political and public life;

ii.       instruct the relevant steering committees to introduce an education programme in the field of equality.

13.       Furthermore, the Assembly recommends that the Committee of Ministers invite member states:

i.        to implement the principle of equality and adopt special measures such as provided for by the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.

ii.       to implement the Platform for Action of the Beijing Conference (4-15 September 1995).

iii.       to set up a public structure to be responsible for equal opportunities, and a statistical system for monitoring the progress of equality policies in member states.

iv.        to promote information campaigns aimed at changing attitudes regarding the importance for true democracy of women’s participation in political life.

II.        Explanatory memorandum by Mr Staes

INTRODUCTION

A.        The problem area of equality democracy

1. The equality of men and women in political life is precondition for the full realisation of democracy. It should be seen as such and not as a remote and optional hypothesis.

2. There are various factors opposing the realisation of equality democracy permitting the equal presence of men and women in political life.

3. Some of them need to be combated because they constitute serious obstacles to the acceptance of a greater role for women. Very often they are the same arguments that were used by those who opposed women’s right to vote (women are treated as minors, ineligible or not interested, etc.). In order to avoid crystallisation on such arguments, it is desirable to associate men and women in the debate. The encouragement of balanced representation in the discussion, based on partnership between men and women will make it possible to overcome certain obstacles and promote the awareness raising necessary for the acceptance of the role of women in political life.

4. Another form of opposition to the acceptance of equality democracy also has to be taken into account. This is based on the universality of human rights and of equality in particular. To this fear of the calling into question of a fundamental right through positive discrimination measures, it should be pointed out in the first place that the universal and abstract Man is in fact a man and not a woman. Then again women should not constitute a separate group, a category that might threaten, through any special treatment, to generate a growing categorisation of society. The fact is that women constitute one aspect of humanity, its female part. This being so, positive actions in their favour in political life can but aim to establish a de facto equality that has never existed.

5. On the contrary, in favour of greater participation of women in political life we should first invoke the equal participation of all in political decision-making. Such equality cannot exist if one half of society is systematically under-represented.

6. This under-representation also has the effect of compromising the very legitimacy of the elected authorities whose composition does not mirror that of society, thus here again accentuating the gap between the citizens and their representatives.

7. A greater presence of women in political life could also enrich the democratic debate, which would benefit from fresh views and complementary approaches in all fields. It is in fact important to note that these differences may extend across all policy fields and not simply those concerned with social affairs (family, health, etc.) to which women are all too often confined.

8. Lastly, it is important for all of the women in society that there should be female elected representatives who know just what it is to be a woman. The fact is that the differences in the functions and in the socialisation of women and men means that there should be female elected representatives able to take account on the political level of the particularities of women’s situations.

B.        Activities concerning the equality of men and women in politics

9. The different organs of the Council of Europe have been working for some years for greater equality of men and women, in particular in political life.

10. Back in 1985 the Parliamentary Assembly recommended the Committee of Ministers to invite the governments of the member states to promote equality for women through a national institution endowed with the necessary powers and resources to facilitate women’s participation in political life on an equal footing with men. Governments were to take steps to ensure that women were adequately represented in all publicly appointed bodies and in the administration. As for political parties, they were to ensure that women were represented in their leadership and decision-making bodies at least in proportion to their membership.

11. This concern for equality men women in political life has been constantly reiterated, in particular at the European Ministerial Conferences on equality between women and men. The 4th Conference, held in Istanbul on 13 and 14 November 1997, again recalled the importance of equality between women and men for democracy and the need for the involvement of all (of men and women through partnership; governments, political parties and society as a whole). This last aspect highlights the fact that is for governments to take action and that the political parties too have a role to play to promote the role of women in politics. Governments are invited to adopt information measures and monitor the presence of women in political life, and also to ensure equal representation of the sexes in the nominations they make and to adopt specific measures to permit women to participate in political life. Political parties are invited to consider restrictions on the number of political offices that can be held simultaneously, to adopt gender balance in the party and adapt the status and working conditions of elected representatives so as to make politics more attractive to persons with family responsibilities.

12. At world-wide level, the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women was adopted on 18 December 1979 and entered into force on 3 September 1981. This stipulates that member states should eliminate discriminations between men and women by giving women the right to vote and to be eligible for election and the right to participate in the formulation of government policy and the implementation thereof. It permits the adoption of temporary measures aimed at bringing about de facto equality between women and men.

13. The United Nations Organisation again highlighted the importance of the equality of men and women in politics more recently. The Platform for Action adopted by the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995 commits both governments and political parties to grant women equality of access to full participation in power structures and decision making. The recommendations adopted concerned measures to study the situation of women in politics (electoral systems, more general statistical studies on the presence of women in public life), positive action measures to be directly implemented by governments (promotion of equality in both the public and private spheres) and incentive measures for bodies or institutions having a role to play in bringing about equality (political parties, bodies financed by public funds and women directly). Political parties are invited to eliminate all the obstacles to the participation of women and allow them to fully participate in party structures and the selection of candidates, and to include the issue of equality between women and men in their programmes. It is recommended to introduce incentive measures to ensure that women are present in elective and non-elective public offices in the same proportions and at the same levels as men.

I.        THE SITUATION IN COUNCIL OF EUROPE MEMBER STATES

14. The Tables in the Appendices show the percentages of women in the Parliaments and Governments of Council of Europe member states.

A.       The situation in national Parliaments

15. The great majority of member states’ Parliaments have less than 30% women members. One-third of lower or single houses have less than 10% of women members, while only 12,5% of them have over 30% (Sweden, Norway, Finland, the Netherlands, Denmark and Germany). The average proportion of women is 16% in lower or single houses and 12.5% in upper houses. World-wide, women made up a little over 11% of all parliamentarians on 1 January 1997).

16. It is necessary to take account of the particularities of the situation of certain member states. Thus concerning the House of Commons in the United Kingdom, attention should be drawn to the substantial number of women substitutes who are not counted in the 18.4% of women members. Similarly and more structurally, the eastern European member states are in some cases confronted with difficulties of an economic and social nature that oppose the promotion of the role of women (high female unemployment, weakness of social protection system) and greatly reduce the possibilities for fully achieving equality between women and men in politics. At the same time, this absence of women in political life can itself limit progress in the fields of social and family policy. It should also be pointed out that the introduction of pluralist democracy led to the abolition of the quotas (25 to 30%) that were in force under the previous regimes.

17. If we have drawn attention to the fact that the threshold of 30% is rarely achieved, this is because this percentage is considered to constitute a “critical mass”. As from this level a significant improvement can be envisaged, this being a viable level permitting real qualitative progress to be made. Above all, beyond this level women members can free themselves of the male model of exercising power with which they are forced to comply when they are less numerous.

18. It should be pointed out that positions of responsibility in parliaments are very largely if not exclusively occupied by men. Only 8 member states have a woman Speaker of the lower or single house, and two have, or have had, a female leader of the upper house. This is an illustration of the “glass ceiling”. Access to positions above a certain level is blocked for women. If this phenomenon is perceptible above all in business and professional life, this is because equal access for women at entry level is better guaranteed in business than in politics. It is therefore necessary to pay attention to the reality of the political opportunities open to women.

19. This blockage “at the top” does not mean for all that that local and regional authorities have a high proportion of women. While it is true that town councils sometimes have a significant percentage of women, this observation has to be qualified. In the first place it certainly does not apply to all member states. The proportion of women in local government tends to reflect that at national level. It should also be noted that generally speaking the proportion of women is higher the smaller the size of the municipality. The political function of women is in this case nothing other than the continuation or extension of the private sphere for which they are traditionally responsible, and is by no means certain to open up prospects for political functions at a higher level. Lastly, the percentage of women mayors is much lower than that of women councillors, which further confirms the limitations to which they are subject.

20. This situation leads to the following conclusion. Since a certain experience of elected political office – local councillor, member of parliament – is normally an essential precondition for access to higher political office, if the proportion of women in the institutions concerned does not increase, it will be difficult for them to reach the top or become ministers.

B.        The situation within governments

21. The disparities are greater between governments than between parliaments, the proportion of women in the governments of member states ranging from 0 to 50%, with an average of 15%.

22. When women do become ministers, they are usually given such portfolios as Women’s Affairs, Environment, Social Affairs, or Health, and much more rarely more technical ministries such as Regional Development or the Interior, let alone such key posts as Minister for the Economy or Chancellor of the Exchequer.

23. It should also be noted how dependent women are on the men who hold the power of appointment to ministerial posts. While the increasing presence of women in parliaments and party structures permits their appearance at ministerial level, it can also be seen that a deliberate policy makes it possible to have a higher proportion of female ministers than female members of parliament. The reverse is also true. Care must therefore be taken to ensure that this room for manoeuvre is used to develop the presence of women without for all that running the risk of being accused of granting favours through reserved portfolios.

II.        ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION: THE UNDER-REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN

A.       Stereotypes and prejudices

24. Women are still all too often victims of their image, of prejudices that restrict them to a subordinate role and raises doubts as to their real capacity to hold responsible posts in both business and politics.

25. In this connection we need to pay particular attention to the “cultural exceptions” that may be invoked to justify the fate reserved to women which in fact means their virtually universal unfair treatment and subordination. The fact is that many countries can invoke historical and cultural particularities – Salic law in France, the paternalistic model rooted in Orthodox Christian morality in central Europe, and more generally all forms of religious fundamentalism – which all tend towards the same dependence and should not be accepted.

26. Religious and cultural practices are defined, interpreted and applied by men. Thus while it may be important to preserve cultural diversity, it is also necessary to stress the dangers of cultural relativism as being prejudicial to the full realisation of human rights and in particular of equality between women and men.

27. These prejudices and stereotypes are found for example in the “explanations” given for the low proportion of women in political parties. Some commentators claim that only a minority of women are interested in politics, and this weakness is what explains their subordinate position. But these explanations are in reality intended to absolve the political parties of any responsibility for this situation. It seems in reality that it is very often the hostility of the political elite towards women that explains their exclusion from the inner circles of these male dominated parties.

28. The language also tends to consecrate the hegemony of the male model. Its symbolism on this point is important.

29. It is also necessary to monitor the image conveyed by the media and draw their attention to the prejudices they might propagate. Thus women are still all too often the victims of violence. The media should be careful about how they deal with and convey this violence, as recalled in the declaration on policy to combat violence against women in a democratic Europe adopted at the 3rd European Ministerial Conference on equality between women and men in 1993. This Declaration stressed the necessary balance between freedom of expression in a democratic society and human rights. The media must not give in to the temptation of sensationalism in their reporting of violence. They must impose self-regulation to avoid propagating a belittling or degrading image of women.

30. It is necessary to embark on a systematic effort to change attitudes to permit the evolution of methods of social organisation. Its normal expression is “public opinion”, but this emanates from members of society who also partly constitute the electorate. A two-way process could be initiated. The evolution of attitudes on this point should convince the citizens of the democratic progress associated with increasing the proportion of women in political life. Once this idea has taken hold, it should be used to put pressure on those who govern to introduce positive measures to increase the presence of women in political life.

31. Education and teaching have a vital role to play here.

B.        Political and civic education and teaching

32. Education can play several roles concerning progress towards equality for men and women in politics.

33. The first important function is to combat all forms of prejudice and stereotyping. The education system is in fact an ideal instrument for modifying people’s representations of men and women in society. It is necessary in particular to give women their rightful place in the teaching of history, drawn attention to the dangers of gender-based education and stress the role of men in all this, namely by introducing a system of equality education.

34. The second aspect is more directly concerned with civics and politics. The education system should give both sexes the same learning opportunities in all subjects. The teaching of civics is particularly important, and beyond this an introduction to politics, which should involve learning not only about political institutions but also human rights.

35. This education should convince both boys and girls of the importance and the implications of equality democracy. It should also be extended to adults.

C.       The difficulty of reconciling private and public life

36. Women are traditionally in charge in the private sphere. The resulting obligations make it difficult for them to put a lot into public life. Equality between women and men in political life implies equality between women and men in private life, which in turn requires measures both upstream of political life and in its organisation.

37. It goes without saying that upstream, it is the whole of family policy and attitudes towards family tasks that are concerned. A European Union study carried out in 1997 revealed that while labour force participation for women was affected by the presence of a child, this was not the case for men.

38. Women do not have a professional life comparable to that of men. This fact, which calls for special corrective action, needs to be stressed in relation to equality in political life because professional networks and contacts, together with the responsibilities assumed, are often a precondition for or a complement to a political career. Women continue to be victims of wage discrimination and they are in the majority in low-skill and part-time jobs. This greater insecurity on the labour market does nothing to enhance the possibilities for engaging in political activity. What is more, while the principle of equal access to public and private posts for women may be accepted, they are often victims of a blockage in mid career, preventing them from reaching higher management posts (the “glass ceiling” effect, invisible but virtually always there). Similarly, a greater proportion of women than men are in jobs with inflexible hours, which again limits their possibilities for performing political functions at the same time.

D.       Access to and exercise of elected office

39. Action at the very heart of the exercise of political functions should be envisaged. It should be stated at the outset that the various measures envisaged in what follows go beyond the bounds of equality between women and men in political life alone.

- Electoral systems

40. The proportional representation system seems to be more favourable to women than the first past the post system. A world-wide study by the Interparliamentary Union revealed that all the countries with over 25% of women parliamentarians have a proportional or mixed voting system.

41. This advantage of proportional voting for the election of women – who nevertheless still have to get themselves placed on the lists – is due to several factors. First of all the list has to be capable of attracting the greatest possible number of electors (“casting the net wide”). The presence of women makes it possible extend the potential appeal of the list. Then men are generally considered to be more pugnacious and ready to fight than women, and these traits are though to be essential in a first past the post electoral system.

42. The problem of the electoral system goes beyond the question of increasing the proportion of women in public life however. The fact is that a number of countries have a tradition of first past the post voting and use the proportional system very little if at all.

43. What is more, the importance of the electoral system should be judged by the yardstick of other related factors, in particular the role attributed by the candidates to the elected body concerned. If there is a higher proportion of women on some elected bodies, this may due to the fact that men think these bodies do not have any real power, so that they are less interested in being elected to them.

- Holding several political offices at the same time

44. The question of the number of political offices that can be held simultaneously also arises. The fact is that limiting the number of offices that can be held necessarily means new candidatures, and this need for fresh blood could benefit women.

45. Office holding can be limited in two ways. In the first place it can apply to the number of offices held simultaneously by a person. Then it can also apply to the number of times a person can hold the same elected office, this type of limitation then being comparable to an age limit for candidates.

- The status of the elected representative

46. More generally, re-examination of the status of the elected representative should also make it possible to make political life more accessible to women. This status should in the first place be such as to make the exercise of political functions more compatible with a professional career. This implies in particular regulation of the leave of absence from the place of work that the elected representative may take during his or her period of office and the resumption of the career thereafter. It includes the remuneration (during and after the period in office) and the social protection of the elected representative. The measures adopted to ensure a more satisfactory status for elected representatives should help make political functions more attractive and more accessible to women, particularly with respect to their family responsibilities, through the provision of child care facilities and arrangements for looking after dependants, etc. The improvement of the situation of elected representatives should obviously take account of the impermanent nature of elected office, in accordance with the normal functioning of democratic institutions.

III.        MEASURES TO CORRECT THE UNDER-REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN

A.       Measures within political parties

47. Statistics on the numbers of women in political parties should become a normal part of the statistics on institutions. In 1996, the Interparliamentary Union carried out a world-wide survey and found that over all countries, 10.8% of the party leaders were women. They were vice presidents in 18.7% of cases, leaders of parliamentary groups in 7.7%, party spokespersons in 9%. Lastly 33.1% of the political parties in the world have women in their governing body.

- The establishment of equal representation in political parties

48. Political parties can introduce a quota system at two levels. The first is that of their governing bodies within which it is possible to provide for a certain percentage of women. The second concerns the percentage of female candidates (this already exists in certain parties in Germany, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, France, Greece, Ireland, Island, Norway, Czech Republic, Romania, the United Kingdom, Slovenia and Sweden, with the percentages ranging from 4 to 50%, except for the WA in Iceland which is 100% women). The proportion of parties having instituted an internal quota is higher than that of parties having established one for national elections. Certain parties have adopted a quota system for both their candidates and the membership of their governing bodies.

49. Concerning posts within the party, the most effective measure is to amend the statutes of the party to include a provision incorporating a goal to be achieved. While certain parties have instituted parity spontaneously and informally, its formalisation may lead to competition between parties if a greater role for women in political life becomes an electoral issue.

50. Greater representation of women within parties should also encourage them to modify their organisation. Thus it is important that the functioning of the party should make it possible to reconcile family life with political activity (times of meetings, crèches for the children, etc.).

51. Concerning candidatures, it is important that in the first place that the percentage should be set sufficiently high for it to permit a real increase in the number of women. It is also important that the women should be candidates in constituencies or enjoy positions on the lists which give them a real chance of becoming elected representatives. In the case of voting for lists, the best solution is alternation (man, woman, man, woman, etc.).

- The public funding of political parties

52. It is possible to make the public funding of political parties partly dependent on compliance with the parity rules outlined above and set by the legislation on the funding of political parties.

53. This can be done in two ways. It can be either a "bonus" or a "penalty", or in other words it can be a reward for the presence of women or a punishment for their absence. The second solution seems less insulting to women in so far as their presence should be normal, not cause for reward. On the contrary, it should be an obligation for which failure to comply is punished by a reduction in the public funding.

54. The financial penalty could in fact be usefully paid into a fund to finance awareness-raising activities on gender equality.

B.        Measures within national parliaments

- Recommend the setting up by parliaments of committees or delegations for women's rights and equal opportunities.

55. The majority of the parliaments of Council of Europe member states have a committee responsible for matters concerned with equality between women and men. It is often a standing committee on labour, social affairs and the family that deals with questions of equality between women and men, but nine member states have set up a parliamentary committee specifically for equality between women and men. Lastly, there are a number of specific parliamentary bodies with responsibilities in the field of women's rights. It is essential that these bodies should have the administrative and financial resources to permit them to fully perform their task.

56. Such institutions can ensure the systematic taking into account of the condition of women in legislative work and in all policies. Their aim will be to work in favour of equal opportunities for men and women through monitoring the policies pursued, initiating legislation and giving opinions.

57. This should ensure that the situation of women and questions of equality are taken into account across all policies. The fact is that because of the intertwining of the issues to be dealt with and the ramifications that they may have in a number of sectors, it would appear advisable that in addition to specific actions, the question of the equality of women and men should be an integral part of the different public policies (an approach known as mainstreaming).

- Encourage women to stand for office within the parliament

58. It is important that parliaments should take all necessary steps to permit women to hold positions of responsibility. This attention to female candidatures can be encouraged by a parity objective.

C.       Measures within the governments of member states

- Implementation of the principle of equality or adoption of special measures such as provided for in article 4§1 of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women

59. In the majority of member states, the traditional and formal concept of equality opposes the introduction of positive discrimination. It is necessary to overcome these difficulties and introduce measures appropriate to the extent to which the presence of women in politics falls below what is now required, for example by introducing a quota system.

60. According to article 4§1 of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women temporary special measures can be adopted until the objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been achieved. This provision has so far been implemented only by very few of the states that have ratified the Convention.

61. It is necessary to set the goal of equal representation of women and men in elective functions and also in posts and functions whose holders are nominated by public authorities (senior civil service, posts at the discretion of the government) and in the structures financed by public authorities.

62. Thus in Belgium there is a law which sets a maximum of 2/3 of people of the same sex in advisory bodies. In Malta at least 30% of the appointments to councils, government committees and other bodies specified by the law are reserved for women. In Finland this percentage is 40%, and 42% of the government working parties meet this requirement (68% of all government committees and similar bodies). The same proportion is applicable at local level. In Denmark, it is prescribed by law that all of the committees set up by a minister must have equal numbers of men and women. A man and a woman must be proposed for each post to be filled, the minister deciding the appointment of one or the other.

63. Such measures should be temporary. It has in fact already been pointed out that one parity has been achieved, the presence of women should be able to be maintained without them.

- Implementation of the Platform for Action of the Beijing Conference (4-15 September 1995)

64. Real progress towards the equality of women and men requires both the affirmation of this equality and the implementation of the principles proclaimed. For this it is important that the measures already recommended should be applied in practice. The Platform for Action adopted by the 4th World Conference on Women includes a number of measures to be implemented by states. It is essential that these recommendations should be complied with.

- The possibility of having a public structure responsible for equal opportunities.

65. The aim of this structure (ministry, secretariat of state, interministerial committee, etc.) should be to implement and monitor equality policy, conduct information and awareness-raising campaigns and provide logistic support for women’s organisations where necessary. As with the setting up of a committee within national parliaments, such a structure should permit the implementation of transversal actions.

- Adoption of measures aimed at reconciling family and public life

66. It is important to institute real sharing and real taking into account of family life (household tasks, care facilities for children, old people, etc.). The father and mother must both be involved. The fact is that the acceptance of public life as being equally accessible to men and women implies at the same time that tasks in private sphere should also be equitably shared. In addition to this approach which is largely a matter of changes in attitudes, it is necessary to provide the resources and facilities for such a policy, especially such things as social help, crèches and flexible working hours. It is necessary in particular to make parental leave available to both parents, take account of the particularities connected with motherhood, etc.

67. Particular attention should be paid to single-parent families, this parent being the mother in the vast majority of cases. The difficulties specific to these situations make specific measures necessary.

68. In political life itself, it is necessary to adapt the hours to make them more compatible with family life, to make arrangements so that the bodies concerned are able to ensure that children can be cared for, and to ensure that where necessary men are willing to take over some of the household tasks.

- Implementation of an equality education system

69. Governments should take steps to ensure that education makes an effective contribution to reducing sexist prejudices against women. It is therefore necessary to provide education in civics that not only puts citizens’ rights and obligations in perspective but also permits teachers to train the children – girls in particular – in active citizenship.

70. Education should put more emphasis on the role of men and women in society. The professional and political handicap that early pregnancy may represent for girls should also be stressed and preventive action should be taken through sex education and family planning provision.

71. Concerning more specifically women who want to go into politics, appropriate training should be available (exercise of authority, decision making, public speaking, campaigning, etc.).

72. This education should be part of the school syllabus, during the scholarshiporientation but should also be available through adult education programmes and the media. Subject to the obvious proviso that the message should be adapted to the public concerned, this education should be relayed by information activities. The different actions could either be centred on the common core of civics or be based more specifically on the theme of the equality of men and women in political life.

73. Lastly, it is important that the educational levels reached by women and men should be comparable. The fact is that a university education is often virtually essential to qualify as an eligible person. It is therefore essential that women should reach a high educational level so as to be able to become elective representatives if they so desire.

- Promotion of information and awareness-raising campaigns

74. In addition to formal education, it is necessary to introduce specific information and awareness-raising campaigns for citizens in general and for women in particular.

75. It would make sense for these campaigns to run in parallel with or using the same methods as civic information campaigns, particularly in the run-up to elections. They should target women, inform them of their rights and obligations. They should also remind everybody of the importance attached to the equal representation of men and women in politics.

IV.        CONCLUSIONS

A.       National delegations are invited

- To set up bodies with specific responsibility for equality issues

76. It is essential to examine and monitor practices and trends in the field of equality. The fact is that it is clear that above and beyond the rules that should be adopted in order to achieve equal representation of men and women in politics, particular attention should be paid to actual practices, changes in attitudes and public opinion. The acceptance of and then growing popular demand for the equal representation of men and women in politics is a necessary support for any reform.

77. It is therefore essential to set up a structure responsible not only for monitoring compliance with the parity rules but also studying trends and fostering progress. The availability of evaluation data is a condition for the success of measures introduced in favour of the participation of women in political life.

- To evaluate the impact of the type of electoral system on the representation of men and women

78. The Platform for Action adopted by the 4th World Conference on Women, Beijing 4-15 September 1995 recommends governments to “Review the differential impact of electoral systems on the political representation of women in elected bodies and consider, where appropriate, the adjustment or reform of those systems”.

79. It seems to be the case that the system of voting for lists tends to permit more women to enter political life. It seems at the same time however that this factor combines with other factors (holding of more than one elected office, status of elected representatives, etc.). But since the electoral system has implications that go beyond those for equality between men and women in politics, it is necessary to be able to measure the precise effects and advantages that the proportional system has from this standpoint.

B.       Request the Committee of Ministers to prepare a recommendation to the governments of member states inviting them to

- Introduce measures to encourage the equal representation women and men at all levels of political and public life and set up a system for monitoring progress in member states

80. The effort to achieve equality must go beyond political life alone. The fact is that professional activity, and possibly associative activity, is a training ground and a place for acquiring initial experience in assuming responsibilities. It is therefore essential that concern for equality between women and men should start upstream of political life and encompass the whole of public life.

81. Regarding political life, concern for equality and the aim of achieving gender balance should lead to concrete results in the organs of the executive as well as in parliaments and the political parties

- Instruct the relevant steering committees to consider the possibility of introducing a system of equality education

82. It is vital that the citizens should be aware of the importance for democracy of equality between women and men in political life. This calls for awareness-raising and educational measures.

APPENDICES

WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT

In the Council of Europe member states

1998 figures from the Inter-Parliamentary Union

WOMEN AND MEN IN GOVERNEMENT

In the Council of Europe member states

1998 figures from the Inter-Parliamentary Union

Reporting committee: Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men

Reference to committee: Doc 8231 and Reference No. 2336 of 4 November 1998

Budgetary implications for the Assembly: None

Draft recommendation adopted by the committee unanimously on 27 April 1999.

Members of the committee: Mrs Roudy (Chairperson), Mrs Busic, Mrs Poptodorova, Mrs Kulbaka (Vice-Chairpersons), Mrs Aguiar, Mr Anusz (alternate: Mrs Freyberg), Mr Browne, Ms Calner, Ms Cryer, Mrs Dade, Mr Dayanikli, Mrs Dromberg, Mr Felici, Mrs Frimannsdóttir, Mr Hadjidemetriou, Mr Jakic, Ms Jones, Ms Karlsson, Mrs Katseli, Mrs Keltosova, Mr Kollwelter, Mr Kurykin, Mrs Laternser, Ms Lörcher, Mr van der Maelen, Mr Michel (alternate: Mr Neuwirth), Mr Olivo, Mrs Paegle, Mrs Paleckova, Mr Popovski, Mrs Pozza Tasca, Mrs Pulgar, Mr Pullicino Orlando, Mrs Ringstad, Mrs Severinsen, Mr Sobyanin, Mrs Stanoiu, Mrs Süssmuth, Mrs Terpstra, Mr Truu, Mrs Vermot-Mangold.

N.B. The names of the members who took part in the meeting are printed in italics.

Secretary of the committee: Mrs Nollinger