1. Introduction
1. In August 2013 in Valencia, Spain, the police rescued
a Romanian woman and her eight-year-old child who were being held
captive by traffickers in human beings. The woman had been forced
into prostitution and her child held to prevent her from escaping.
The child was confined to a small room with no ventilation and poor conditions
of hygiene. After being rescued, the woman had to be kept under
observation at the hospital for 24 hours as a result of the sexual
and physical violence that she had suffered. The police arrested
three members of the criminal organisation.
At the same time, a similar police
operation took place in Madrid to liberate the children of two Nigerian
women who were forced to work as prostitutes in France. The minors
were held as a guarantee of their mothers’ obedience.
2. Headlines on trafficking in human beings appear in the press
every day. They are a reminder that, while slavery was formally
abolished in Europe a long time ago, it has resurfaced in the form
of trafficking in human beings. Whenever we see a prostitute on
the streets of our cities, we should remember that the chances are quite
high that she is a victim of trafficking; that she is being beaten
up, raped and forced to sell sex in inhuman conditions.
3. Although data is scarce and not always comparable, all the
estimations concur in indicating that prostitution and trafficking
are closely linked: in Europe, the overwhelming majority of victims
of trafficking are trafficked for purposes of sexual exploitation
and a large share of sex workers are victims of trafficking. Given this
link, it is legitimate to ask what policy on prostitution can contribute
to curbing trafficking in human beings.
4. The motion from which this report originates gave a clear
answer to the question: it said that the criminalisation of the
purchase of sex is the policy which can have the greatest impact
on reducing the demand for trafficking for sexual exploitation and
therefore on reducing human trafficking.
5. When I was appointed rapporteur, I made it clear that I would
tackle my assignment without preconceptions. I intended to conduct
research, consult several experts, evaluate different policies,
and only at the end of this process would I agree or disagree with
the solution put forward in the motion.
6. For the preparation of this report, in 2013, the Committee
on Equality and Non-Discrimination organised an exchange of views
with Mr Nicolas Le Coz, President of the Group of Experts on Action
against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA),
and the Parliamentary Network Women Free
from Violence organised a hearing on Trafficking and Prostitution,
during which two young women who had been victims of trafficking
for the purposes of prostitution gave their testimony, together
with the representative of a sex workers’ organisation.
In January 2014, the committee organised
a hearing on relevant developments in France, with the participation of
Ms Irène Aboudaram, of Doctors of the World International Network,
and Mr Grégoire Théry, Secretary General of Mouvement du Nid. During
the same part-session of the Parliamentary Assembly, the Parliamentary Network
Women Free from Violence and the Network of Contact Parliamentarians
to stop sexual violence against children organised a hearing on
the sexual exploitation of girls, with the participation of Ms Livia Anonisanu,
Director of the Center for Partnership and Equality (Romania), and
Ms Roshan Heiler, Director of the SOLWODI counselling centre (Germany).
7. I also conducted fact-finding visits to Sweden (21-22 May
2013), Germany (13-14 June 2013), Switzerland (25-26 September 2013)
and the Netherlands (14-15 November 2013). I wish to thank all the interlocutors
I met for their co-operative attitude and readiness to openly share
their views on such sensitive issues. Besides national stakeholders,
I had the opportunity to meet representatives of several international organisations
and structures, namely the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights, the International Organization for Migration and
Europol, which provided me with valuable information.
8. At the time of writing, several Council of Europe member States
are reviewing their policies and legislation on prostitution, or
their implementation. These domestic debates unveil the complexity
of the issue: prostitution in itself is a delicate and divisive
subject, being considered by some as a job, by others as an attack on
women’s dignity. The implementation of the laws on both prostitution
and trafficking is not always effective or consistent. Resources
available to counter trafficking are dismally inadequate. On top
of this, there is the issue of the co-existence of voluntary and
forced prostitution, and the rights and working conditions of sex workers
in countries where prostitution is legal or tolerated.
9. With the present report, I intend to contribute to the ongoing
debates at national level by providing a comparative perspective:
I shall examine the policies on prostitution adopted in different
Council of Europe member States and assess their impact on curbing
trafficking in human beings. I shall refrain from any moral consideration
on prostitution.
2. Trafficking
in human beings, modern slavery in Europe
10. Trafficking in human beings is often referred to
as a modern form of slavery. This is not a rhetoric expression.
It is an accurate description of the situation, as explained by
Iva, who shared her dramatic experience with the members of the
Parliamentary Assembly Network Women Free from Violence:
“My story is wrong trust in bad
people”
“I am Iva from Bulgaria and I am a victim of trafficking.
I was in a two-year relationship with my boyfriend back in Bulgaria
when he told me I could find a good job in the Netherlands. My family
was poor. I did not have a job. I was 16. I agreed. I trusted him.
When I arrived in the Netherlands, a woman was supposed
to wait for me, but there were two men. They brought me to an unknown
place, raped me, took my passport away. The pimp had my working
papers made. They forced me into prostitution, saying that if I
refused they would kill my family. So I started to work. I wanted
to leave but I couldn’t. They had photographs of me with the clients
and they said that they would show them to my parents. So I continued
for five years.”
11. There are thousands of girls like Iva in Europe.
Besides the forms of violence and humiliation that she shared, a
variety of other humiliations are used by traffickers and pimps
to keep control over their victims. The cases of women forced to
feature in pornographic films are common. Often, the films are then
used to threaten the victims. If they try to escape from slavery,
the films may be shared with their community of origin, ruining their
reputation and the respectability of their entire family.
12. Trafficking in human beings is a hideous violation of human
rights. It occurs for various purposes, including forced labour,
criminality, begging and organ removal. The largest share of the
victims are trafficked for sexual exploitation and forced prostitution:
they are mostly girls and women who are forcibly or deceptively recruited
into the sex industry, like Iva. Victims are caught up in a system
from which it is very difficult to escape: they are reluctant to
seek help from the authorities, for fear of deportation or retaliation
against them or their families.
13. As was the case for slavery in the past, trafficking in human
beings implies the exploitation of the victims and has a huge economic
magnitude. The overall proceeds of trafficking, all purposes combined,
are estimated at US$32 billion per year (ILO estimations, 2005).
As previously mentioned, trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation
represents the largest share: estimations from the United Nations
Office on Drug and Crime (UNODC) indicate that 28 out of those US$32
billion are produced by sex trafficking. While two thirds of the reported
victims of trafficking are female, the share of women and girls
is even higher in cases of trafficking for sexual exploitation.
The ILO 2012 Global Estimate mentions 20.9 million victims of forced
labour, of which 22% (4.5 million) are victims of sexual exploitation
and 68% (14.2 million) of labour exploitation.
14. Looking more closely at Europe, the proceeds of sex and labour
trafficking are estimated at US$2.5 billion per year and the number
of trafficked people ranges from 70 000 to 140 000 yearly. People trafficked
for purposes of sexual exploitation account for 84% of the victims.
15. Efforts to tackle trafficking in human beings have intensified
in the last decade but remain by and large insufficient. The Council
of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings
(ETS No. 197) is the main European legal instrument for international
co-operation against trafficking. It is based on a human rights
approach and puts the victim at its centre. It applies to any form
of trafficking, irrespective of the age and gender of the victims,
whether trafficking is connected to organised crime or not, whether
it occurs in the same country or cross-country. GRETA, its independent
monitoring body, has nearly completed the first monitoring cycle
of the convention, and has adopted country-based reports and recommendations
aimed at helping the State Parties to strengthen their action in
this area.
16. Given that transnational trafficking accounts for the greatest
part of this phenomenon, harmonisation of legal standards and effective
international co-operation in criminal matters are crucial for the
success of anti-trafficking efforts. This is why I join Mr Nicolas
Le Coz, President of GRETA, in asking that the few European countries
which have not acceded to the convention do so rapidly, as leaving
blank spaces on the map helps perpetrators escape justice and leaves
victims inadequately protected. To date, the convention has not
been ratified by Estonia and Turkey. The Greek Parliament has recently
voted the ratification and is expected to formally deposit the instrument
soon. Four Council of Europe member States (the Czech Republic, Liechtenstein,
Monaco and the Russian Federation) have not even signed it.
17. In parallel to the Council of Europe, also the European Union
has developed a framework on trafficking in human beings, based
on
Directive 2011/36/EU of the European Parliament and the Council of
5 April 2011 on preventing and combating trafficking in human beings
and protecting its victims, and the communication by the European
Commission on “The EU Strategy towards the Eradication of Trafficking
in Human Beings 2012-2016”. Both instruments follow a human rights
approach and focus on the protection, assistance and support of
victims. Their weak point, however, is implementation.
18. In April 2013, Commissioner Cecilia Malmström presented the
European Commission’s report on human trafficking, based on data
for the period 2008-2010 for the 28 European Union member States
as well as Iceland, Montenegro, Norway, Serbia, Switzerland and
Turkey.
The
report shows an alarming trend: cases of trafficking have increased
by 18% while convictions of traffickers have fallen by 13% over
the same period. Intra-EU trafficking represents the majority of
the identified and presumed cases: 61% of victims of trafficking are
EU citizens. Several of my interlocutors in Germany, Switzerland
and the Netherlands indicated that the EU enlargement of 2007 had
marked a milestone, as the largest share of victims of trafficking
come from Bulgaria and Romania. It is estimated that Romanian and
Bulgarian girls and women represent 85% of victims of trafficking
in Germany.
During the meeting of the Committee
on Equality and Non-Discrimination in Madrid on 16 and 17 September
2013, the Minister of the Interior, Mr Jorge Fernández Díaz, confirmed
that Romanian citizens – mostly girls and women – represent the
highest proportion of victims of trafficking in Spain.
19. It is to be hoped that these worrying findings have sounded
an alarm bell for the authorities. By November 2013, the number
of EU member States having notified full transposition of the anti-trafficking directive
in their national legislation reached 20. The European Commission
then formally requested Cyprus, Italy, Luxembourg and Spain to ensure
full compliance with their obligations under the directive.
20. In May 2013, the European Commission also launched the EU
Civil Society Platform against trafficking in human beings, composed
of civil society organisations working on victim protection in the
European Union member States. The Platform is meant to act as a
permanent forum enabling civil society organisations to exchange
practices and strengthen co-operation at European Union level. I
consider this to be a positive step, as civil society has an essential
role to play in dealing with victims of trafficking and bringing
situations of concern to the attention of the authorities. Synergy
in this field can only improve the effectiveness of anti-trafficking
efforts.
21. On 4 February 2014, the European Parliament’s Committee on
Women’s Rights and Gender Equality published a report on sexual
exploitation and prostitution and its impact on gender equality
which attaches great importance to the link between prostitution
and trafficking for sexual exploitation. The report takes a clear stance
in favour of the Nordic model of prostitution regulations, presenting
it as the most effective tool both to counter trafficking in human
beings for sexual exploitation and to improve gender equality.
22. Resources, however, are indispensable to achieving tangible
results. During the fact-finding visit to the Netherlands, I had
the opportunity to meet a police officer seconded to EUROPOL who
is in charge of the serious organised crime business area of the
organisation, Mr Sergio D’Orsi. EUROPOL collects and processes information
on policing activities in its member States. Processed information
is then shared with national police forces to support and facilitate
their activities. Although EUROPOL supports the activities of the national
police forces in a competent and effective way, it would certainly
benefit from additional financial and human resources. The team
of officers working on cases of trafficking amounts to six people.
In view of the large and increasing number of cases of trafficking
in Europe, enlarging the staff covering this field seems to me to
be a priority. I hope that this will be done in the context of the
forthcoming strengthening of EUROPOL’s role, as foreseen in a new
draft regulation.
3. Policies on prostitution
23. The main question that this report aims to answer
is whether a given legal approach to prostitution may effectively
contribute to reducing trafficking in human beings. I therefore
deem it necessary to briefly present the different options currently
applied in Council of Europe member States. Two opposite approaches
can be identified: legalisation and criminalisation. A range of
different systems exists as a gradation between them.
3.1. Legalisation
24. This system is based on the regulation of prostitution
by the State. Prostitution is legal under certain conditions and
is considered a working activity like any other. As a result, sex
workers are provided with protection under health and safety and
labour law regulations. Countries adopting this approach include
(with specificities) Austria, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands,
Switzerland and Turkey.
25. There is a form of legalisation which is sometimes referred
to as decriminalisation. In this case, no prostitution-specific
rules are provided for, only the general legislation (on working
conditions, health and safety and so on) being applicable. There
are no examples of decriminalisation in Europe (New South Wales
in Australia and New Zealand follow this approach).
3.2. Criminalisation
26. Criminalisation makes prostitution, or certain related
activities, illegal and punishable by law. Different categories
of system exist, which can be divided into two groups:
- prohibitionist systems, banning prostitution
by criminalising all aspects of it, including the sale of sex, and all
the people involved. A number of European countries have chosen
this approach, including Albania, Croatia, Romania, the Russian
Federation, Serbia and Ukraine;
- abolitionist systems, where the sale of sex is not punishable,
but some or all related activities are. Under this model,
- soliciting, procuring, advertising
and other prostitution-related activities are criminal offences. Countries
which have adopted this approach include (again with different specificities)
Belgium, France (although a radical reform is under discussion),
Italy, Spain, Poland, Portugal and the United Kingdom;
- in Sweden, Norway and Iceland, in addition to all or some
of the above-mentioned actions, also the purchase of sex is criminalised.
27. It is worth underlining that in prohibitionist systems, prostitutes
can be prosecuted for selling sex. In abolitionist systems, selling
sex is not a crime, with the consequence that prostitutes are not
criminally liable. Important differences exist between Council of
Europe member States in the rigour with which the relevant legislation
is implemented.
28. Personally, I do not think that criminalising the sale of
sex is a valid approach: it risks sanctioning those who are forced
into prostitution by others or their personal circumstances, and
dissuades victims of trafficking and exploitation from reporting
it to the authorities. In my opinion, this policy choice is not
in line with the victim-centred approach of the Council of Europe
Anti-Trafficking Convention.
4. The impact of legalisation
on trafficking: case studies
4.1. Germany
4.1.1. Policy on prostitution
29. The main piece of legislation regulating prostitution
in Germany is the Prostitution Act, which came into force on 1 January
2002.
This law laid down the principle
that prostitution should no longer be considered an immoral activity.
As a result, sex work becomes a remunerated activity like any other,
subject to taxation by the State, health and safety regulations
and protection of employees’ rights.
30. The main goals of the Prostitution Act were, on the one hand,
improving the legal and social status of prostitutes and their working
conditions; and, on the other, “cutting the ground from under the
criminal activities that accompany prostitution”.
31. The law of 2002 left it to the different federal States (Länder) to regulate some aspects
related to sex work by means of their respective legislation (namely
trade law). In addition, local authorities retained some competences,
such as the right to establish “exclusion zones” in which sex work
cannot be practised.
32. Despite the adoption of the Prostitution Act, the situation
on the ground is complicated: much of the relevant legislation,
including the Trade law, has not been amended accordingly; the competent
agencies do not have uniform guidelines on whether brothels can
be registered as a business under the Trade Law and in which category,
which results in differing practices across
Länder.
Protection
of public safety and order is also a matter devolved to the
Länder, with State-specific police
laws which are reflected in different practices on the regulation
of prostitution.
33. At the hearing in Strasbourg on 29 January 2014, Ms Roshan
Heiler, a representative of the NGO Solwodi, explained that an aspect
of the current German legislation which is frequently criticised
is that it hinders police intervention. Before the legalisation
came into effect, sex workers could be detained and taken to the
police station, which offered an opportunity for victims of trafficking
and forced prostitution to report their situation. Under the new
regulations this cannot happen, in particular in the case of sex
workers from Bulgaria and Romania who, as European Union citizens,
have the right to live and work in Germany. Despite these limitations,
as Ms Heiler underlined, the police is entitled to have access to
prostitution establishments and carry out control activities without
a warrant or authorisation. The frequency and effectiveness of such
control largely depends on the resources put at the police forces’
disposal, which in turn reflect the political priority attached
to anti-trafficking by the authorities.
In
numbers:
400 000: Estimated number of prostitutes
working in Germany
1 million: Estimated number of
clients per day
44: Number of sex workers covered
by social insurance
636: number of trafficking cases
prosecuted in 2011 (–30% from 2001)
|
4.1.2. Impact on trafficking
34. During my fact-finding visit to Germany, all my interlocutors,
in particular fellow parliamentarians, with very few exceptions,
agreed that the legal framework on prostitution should be amended
as it clearly failed to achieve its main objectives. Later, the
German Government that was formed after my visit has announced its intention
to review the 2001 legislation.
35. There are different views on whether the Prostitution Act
has had an impact on curbing criminality: official sources claim
that human trafficking is decreasing, with the Federal Criminal
Police (BKA) saying that 636 trafficking cases prosecuted in 2011
represent a third less than 10 years earlier. The press, however, denounces
that in reality trafficking in human beings for the purposes of
sexual exploitation has increased: it is claimed that lower figures
only reflect fewer investigations.
Der Spiegel reports
that law-enforcement officers working in red-light districts have
almost no access to brothels: as prostitution is legal, inspections
by the police require a specific reason. As they do not have such
a reason, a number of trafficking cases go undetected even if, in
brothels, people who have chosen to be employed as prostitutes work
side by side with others who are forced, many of whom are also victims
of trafficking.
36. The German Government’s Report of 2007 on the impact
of the Prostitution Act, while recognising that some of the expected
results of the law have not been achieved, refutes that the Prostitution
Act has made it more difficult to prosecute trafficking in human
beings and other prostitution-related crimes.
4.1.3. Lessons learnt:
legalisation neither by itself the solution to trafficking, nor
a guarantee for the improvement of sex workers’ working conditions
37. Germany has been labelled “Europe’s biggest brothel”
because of the size of its sex work business. As denounced by a
series of articles in the leading news magazine
Der Spiegel recently, since the
Prostitution Act, Germany has also become a destination for sex
tourism from many European countries and not only from bordering
ones. The internal market is also huge. Reportedly, “the best guess
is that Germany has about 400 000 prostitutes catering to 1 million
men a day”.
38. Contrary to one of the main intended goals of the law, sex
workers’ working conditions have deteriorated in many respects,
threatening their dignity. While the law intended to give sex workers
full rights to health insurance, pensions and other benefits, it
seems that only 44 of them are registered for social insurance. Private
health insurance companies would refuse to accept prostitutes as
customers at reasonable rates because of the risks linked to their
work.
39. Sex workers become simple commodities, subject to the basic
market law of supply and demand; brothel owners and managers try
to make as much profit as possible out of them. Ironically, the
current legal framework makes this easier. As prostitution contracts
are legally valid, in many cases brothel owners are simply required to
pay the prostitutes daily wages, regardless of how many customers
they serve.
This has led to brothels launching
“flat rate”: for a set amount of money, customers can have unlimited
sex with as many sex workers as they wish. As reported by
Der Spiegel, some clients who paid
between 70 and 100 euros in one of these brothels in Stuttgart complained
that after a while “the women were not fit for use”. The current
government has announced that brothels would be prohibited from
offering flat rates in the context of the revision of the 2001 legislation,
which is announced to start in April 2014.
40. Andrea Weppert, a social worker based in Nürnberg who has
dealt with prostitutes for over 20 years, told Der Spiegel that the total number
of prostitutes has tripled over that period. More than half of the
female sex workers have no permanent residence and travel from place
to place so that they appear new to each city and can earn more
money.
41. According to a former sex worker, writing under the pseudonym
Doris Winter, a large number of prostitutes live in the rooms where
they work. They do not go home after work or, it can be argued,
they do not have a home.
42. In Germany, like elsewhere, I heard different opinions on
whether prostitution may or may not be voluntary. Only some sex
workers and a few people working for their organisations claimed
that prostitution can be the result of a free choice. After listening
to these people and to those who work in organisations helping victims
of trafficking and sex workers who try to leave prostitution, I
am inclined to think that voluntary, free and independent prostitution
– free from exploitation – is little more than a myth, as it applies
to a small minority of sex workers.
43. The representatives of the NGOs that I met in Berlin (Neustart,
International Justice Mission, SOLWODI) shared my opinion. Ms Beatrice
Mariotti of SOLWODI expressed the view that 80% of prostitution
is in a grey area: most sex workers are not strictly speaking “forced”,
but they are put under strong pressure and have no alternatives.
This pressure may come from a partner or even their family, who
send them abroad to work and send money back.
44. The NGO Neustart runs a café in the red-light district open
to female and male sex workers. The idea is to provide a group which
suffers first and foremost from isolation with the comfort of a
place to meet and a hot drink. For some sex workers who are victims
of trafficking or were forced into prostitution, meeting at the
café may represent an opportunity to open up and seek help.
45. The meetings I had in Germany with the authorities and civil
society confirmed my impression that both the situation of sex workers
and the incidence of human trafficking in the country have worsened
over the last decade.
46. I would not interpret this as a direct consequence of the
2001 Prostitution Act, even though it is evident that this law has
failed to achieve its objectives. I take the situation in Germany
as an indication that legislating on prostitution will not automatically
have an impact on reducing human trafficking. Even when prostitution
is legalised, it is essential that the authorities allocate adequate
resources for the investigation and prosecution of trafficking cases.
47. In addition, affirming the principle that “prostitution is
an activity like any other” does not automatically guarantee better
working conditions for sex workers. It is necessary to review related
legislation and regulations and ensure their effective implementation,
also through regular checks and inspections.
Cora’s story
Sometimes
girls are sent by their own families, like Cora from Moldova. The
20-year-old digs her hands into the pockets of her hoodie, and she
is wearing plush slippers with big eyes sewn to them. Cora lives
in a hostel run by a Romanian assistance center for victims of human
traffickers. When girls in Moldova are 15 or 16, says Cora's psychologist,
their brothers and fathers often say to them: “Whore, go out and
make some money.” Cora's brothers took their attractive and well-behaved
sister to a disco in the nearest city. Her only duty there was to
serve drinks, but she met a man there with contacts in Romania.
“He said that I could make a lot more money in the discos there.”
Cora went with him, first to Romania and then to Germany. After
being raped for an entire day in Nuremberg, she says, she knew what
she had to do. She worked in a brothel on Frauentormauer, one of
Germany's oldest red-light districts. She received the men in her room,
allegedly for up to 18 hours a day. She says that police officers
also came to the brothel – as customers. “They didn't notice anything.
Or else they didn't care.” The brothel was very busy on Christmas
Eve 2012. Cora says that her pimp demanded that she work a 24-hour
shift, and that he stabbed her in the face with a knife when she
refused. The wound was bleeding so profusely that she was allowed
to go to the hospital. A customer whose mobile phone number she
knew helped her flee to Romania, where Cora filed charges against
her tormentor. She says the pimp called her recently and threatened
to track her down.
|
4.2. Switzerland
4.2.1. Prostitution
48. In Switzerland, prostitution is legal and in principle
is considered an ordinary form of economic activity. As such, it
is subject to taxation and social security contributions. This matter
falls under cantonal jurisdiction. Regulations relating to the exercise
of prostitution are cantonal and municipal. At national level, the
1942 Swiss Criminal Code sets forth fines for whoever violates cantonal
and municipal regulations. In addition, its Article 195 (incitement
to prostitution) prohibits inciting someone to become a prostitute
against their will or preventing them from quitting, thus limiting
their freedom of action.
49. Regulations on prostitution vary across cantons. Generally
speaking, their main aims are to improve the working conditions
of sex workers and to reduce the negative effects of the sex trade
in the area where this is practised. The local police responsible
for trade and industry controls also inspect sex trade activities.
50. In September 2013, shortly before my fact-finding visit, the
Swiss Parliament raised the minimum legal age for sex work from
16 to 18 years and set forth sanctions for the purchase of sexual
services from underage people. Prostitutes between the ages of 16
and 18 will not face penalties, but people paying for sex with minors may
be sentenced to up to three years of imprisonment. In addition,
anyone inciting prostitution by minors, including pimps, with the
aim of making a profit, and people running brothels or escort services,
will face a sentence of up to 10 years.
51. At the moment a debate is taking place on the need to revise
the current law on prostitution. Most NGOs working on this matter
are in favour of the current regulations, which make it easier for
them to reach victims of trafficking and carry out protection and
registration activities, in co-operation with the law-enforcement services
and the judiciary. Others take a different stand: Ms Irene Hirzel,
of the Christliche Ostmission, for instance, explained to me that
there is increasing awareness of the need to set stricter limits
on prostitution. Furthermore, criminalising the purchase of sexual
services is seen by some as the most effective way of tackling trafficking
in human beings.
52. A public consultation was launched in 2012 on the possibility
of abolishing the status of “cabaret dancer” (artiste de cabaret)
which may be granted to people from outside the EU/EFTA area to
allow them to work in nightclubs in Switzerland for a limited time.
Cabaret dancers are at high risk of trafficking and forced prostitution,
in violation of their contract.
In recent years, a large number
of Swiss cantons stopped granting this status in order to prevent
abuses. Switzerland’s public opinion and civil society are split
on this subject. I believe that the national authorities should
simply abolish this status since it allows abuse by organised crime organisations.
53. During my visit, I also had a chance to meet Ms Marianne Streiff-Feller,
a Swiss parliamentarian who tabled a proposal (“Postulat”) to
assess the feasibility of a reform of the Swiss legislation on prostitution
based on the criminalisation of clients. A report on this postulat is currently under preparation.
It will present the position of the Federal Council on the issue
of such prohibition in Switzerland.
4.2.2. Trafficking
54. The three internationally recognised forms of human
trafficking (for sexual exploitation, for labour exploitation and
for organ removal) are punishable under Article 182 of the Criminal
Code). According to the Swiss Coordination Unit against the Trafficking
of Persons and Smuggling of Migrants (SCOTT or KSMM), national statistics
are not available because controls fall under cantonal jurisdiction.
Furthermore, the existence of different cantonal regulations makes
it impossible to collect comparable data.
In spite of this, in 2013, the Commission
for Human Trafficking and Smuggling, which is part of the Federal
Office of Police (FEDPOL), received 396 reports (national and international
co-ordination files) of human trafficking and smuggling. The victims
mostly originate from eastern Europe (Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria),
but also from Asia (mainly Thailand and China), South America (Brazil),
and Africa (Nigeria).
55. In 2012, SCOTT approved a National Action Plan to Fight Human
Trafficking for the period 2012-2014. The plan defines the global
strategy against human trafficking in Switzerland and is based on
the provisions of the Council of Europe Convention on Action against
Trafficking. It also clarifies the tasks and responsibilities of
cantonal and federal agencies in combating human trafficking, as
well as contributing to the implementation of international obligations
and recommendations made by the competent supervisory bodies. The
action plan is based on the principle that countering human trafficking
does not only imply prosecuting perpetrators, it is in fact “a multidisciplinary
challenge that places assistance to victims at the centre of all
action”.
56. The national anti-trafficking authorities and police forces
co-operate closely with civil society. In particularly FIZ, a Zurich-based
NGO, runs important activities of awareness-raising and victim protection
in close co-operation with the police.
4.2.3. Lessons learnt:
importance of reliable and comparable data as well co-operation
between authorities and civil society
57. During my fact-finding visit to Switzerland I realised
that it is possible for a country that has legalised prostitution
to maintain a fairly good control over the health and working conditions
of sex workers. However, this visit confirmed a problem that I had
already encountered in Germany: the lack of reliable and comparable data
on prostitution and trafficking. Better data collection is essential
to enable the authorities to make informed policy choices.
58. The second element I would like to underline is the importance
of co-operation between civil society and the authorities, at all
levels. NGOs play a key role in helping and assisting victims of
trafficking and exploitation and are often in a position to help
with investigations. Any process of reform of policies on prostitution
and trafficking should include these groups.
4.3. The Netherlands
4.3.1. The link between
prostitution and trafficking
59. The ban on owning or managing a brothel, in force
in the Netherlands since 1911, was lifted by the Dutch Parliament
in October 2000. The aim of the new law was to take prostitution
out of the underground world where it was more likely to be connected
to crime. In the previous decade, a policy of “regulated tolerance”
had been followed: law-enforcement services and other actors of
the criminal justice system consciously decided not to intervene
in a sphere that was formally considered illegal.
60. Most of my interlocutors during the visit to the Netherlands
expressed the view that the Dutch law on prostitution of 2000 had
substantially failed to achieve its goals. While some improvement
in the situation of sex workers is to be found for instance in the
field of health care, no decisive progress has been made in countering
trafficking in human beings for sexual exploitation. On the contrary,
the link between prostitution and trafficking, even in registered
establishments, has become increasingly strong. Sociological studies
confirm that the situation of prostitutes has worsened in the last
decade and that organised crime has kept control over a large part
of the sex industry, including its legal sector.
61. A 2008 report of the KLPD, the national police, states that
between 50% and 90% of those in licensed prostitution work involuntarily.
The report describes the case of two criminals convicted for trafficking
and exploiting more than 100 women in the Netherlands and neighbouring
countries. One of the alarming aspects of the case was that all
the sex workers involved in the Netherlands worked in licensed and
tax-paying brothels.
62. Although the representatives of the anti-trafficking and law-enforcement
authorities that I met distinguish between prostitution and trafficking
in human beings from a conceptual point of view, they all agreed
that the two phenomena are closely intertwined in reality.
4.3.2. The ongoing debate
on prostitution
63. Legalisation seems to be losing support in the Netherlands.
A draft bill which would introduce a series of restrictions on prostitution
is currently being debated by the Dutch Parliament. Among others,
it will raise the minimum legal age for sex workers from 18 to 21
years. This particular provision is a positive step and should be
replicated in other legal systems. Even in countries where prostitution
is considered as an ordinary occupation, a heavy social stigma is
attached to it. A slightly higher age-limit may allow the individual
to make the choice more responsibly. To register as sex workers,
people will also need to speak Dutch, English, German or Spanish.
This is a safety requirement, as someone who does not know any of
these languages can hardly ask for help.
64. This measure is part of the “barrier system”. As explained
by the staff of the Amsterdam City Hall, this system consists of
setting legal and administrative requirements – related to technical,
health and safety or other aspects – aimed at making trafficking
in human beings more difficult. Checking the respect of such requirements
offers law enforcement and other authorities the opportunity to
identify and come into contact with potential victims of trafficking.
65. The governments of the main cities are also playing a role
in partially amending the policies on prostitution. In 2006, the
then mayor of Amsterdam, Lodewijk Asscher, refused to renew the
licences of 37 prostitution businesses in the red-light district.
Tippelzones, the areas designated
by the public authorities for prostitution, have been closed down
in Rotterdam and The Hague, and so have one third of window brothels in
Amsterdam. As far back as 2003, Amsterdam Mayor Job Cohen stated
that legalisation appeared ineffective in preventing trafficking.
Creating a safe zone for sex workers, he said, had proved impossible,
and a large share of the prostitution industry was controlled by
organised crime.
The City of Amsterdam has recently passed
regulations that reflect the content of the draft legislation which
is in preparation at national level. The minimum age of 21 for sex
workers, for instance, is already required.
66. Representatives of sex workers support the current legalisation
approach. Among them is Ms Ilonka Stakelborough, representative
of the Stichting Geisha foundation, who participated in the hearing
on prostitution and trafficking held in Strasbourg on 24 April 2013
within the Parliamentary Network Women Free from Violence. Ms Stakelborough
argued that a large number of sex workers are in the prostitution
business voluntarily and they are more than ready to co-operate
with the authorities against forced prostitution, also in their
own interest.
67. Several Dutch parliamentarians, however, including Mr Gert-Jan
Segers of the Christian Union Party, are in favour of the “Swedish
approach” based on criminalising the purchase of sexual services.
During my visit, Mr Segers explained to me that the attitude towards
prostitution in the Netherlands is not the same as in Scandinavia,
as many consider it as an expression of sexual freedom and few people
view it as the result of gender inequalities. He therefore calls
for a gradual reform of Dutch legislation on prostitution.
4.3.3. Lesson learnt:
country specificities must be taken into account in devising policies
on prostitution; although women represent the largest share, men
are also victims of trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation
68. Most of the NGOs that I met in the Netherlands are
in favour of a reform of regulations on prostitution with a view
to countering the side effects of legalisation. Pragmatically, they
suggested that criminalisation of clients may be difficult to accept
by the general public but intermediate measures would be possible.
These should include the criminalisation of prostitution-related
activities, such as pimping. This would represent a substantial
step in making trafficking for sexual exploitation more difficult.
69. During this visit, I had a very strong feeling that it would
be hardly possible to propose a single policy on prostitution that
fits all Council of Europe member States. There are so many cultural
specificities to be taken into account, not only in terms of mentality
but also in terms of history, development of society, capacity to enforce
laws and regulations and capacity to counter criminality, that it
is fully legitimate for this debate to be a domestic one.
70. In the Netherlands, my attention was drawn to the issue of
male prostitution. A remarkable share of the sex workers who receive
the assistance of the Prostitution and Health Centre in Amsterdam
(about 25%) are male. Male prostitution is not a world apart: several
experts confirmed that a significant share of male sex workers are
victims of trafficking.
5. Criminalisation
5.1. Sweden
5.1.1. Policy on prostitution
71. In 1999, Sweden introduced the Sex Purchase Act,
prohibiting and sanctioning the purchase of sexual services but
not their sale. Similar legislation was later introduced in Norway
(2008) and Iceland (2009).
72. The Swedish law aimed to curb demand as a way of combating
prostitution. As Swedish expert Gunilla Ekberg wrote, one of the
main aspects of Swedish policies on prostitution is the focus on
the root cause, namely “the recognition that without men’s demand
for and use of women and girls for sexual exploitation, the global prostitution
industry would not be able to flourish and expand”.
73. The proposal to criminalise the purchase of sexual services
was based on the view that prostitution is a form of violence against
women and a barrier to gender equality. The underlying idea was
that a distinction between voluntary and forced prostitution is
not relevant. The supporters of this policy underline that prostitution
is linked to violence in several ways. Most women involved in prostitution
have been victims of sexual violence in their youth. At the same
time, a number of oppressive elements, including gender inequality, sex
and race discrimination, as well as physical and psychological violence
perpetrated by male relatives and partners, are shown to increase
the likelihood of women and girls being forced into prostitution.
In addition, selling sex is proven to be harmful for women, physically
and psychologically, especially in the long term. Most women who
have escaped prostitution describe years of abuse by clients and
pimps. They are beaten, verbally abused, threatened, raped and harassed
morally and sexually.
74. From a different angle, supporters of the prohibition also
argue that the fact that men could “buy women’s bodies” was in itself
a threat to women’s dignity. When the Sex Purchase Act was actually
adopted, as a part of a larger violence against women bill, its
aim was clearly to eliminate, rather than regulate, prostitution.
75. The Sex Purchase Act provided for sanctions consisting of
a fine or imprisonment of up to six months. In 2011, the maximum
imprisonment term was brought to one year. To date, nobody has been
sentenced to prison under this law.
While fines were the most common
sanction, in a limited number of cases suspended prison sentences
were imposed. It is arguable that the main aim of this legislation
is not to punish the clients harshly, but rather to convey a strong
message to the public, saying that prostitution is unacceptable.
Detective Inspector Simon Häggström, of the Prostitution Unit of
the Stockholm Police, a guest speaker at the hearing of the Parliamentary
Network Women Free from Violence, underlined that, while the law
had triggered a heated debate when it was passed and raised sharp
criticism by some, it now enjoyed wide support among the Swedish
public, particularly the youth. Moreover, as a law-enforcement officer
he could confirm that street prostitution had drastically decreased
in Swedish cities.
76. When I met other members of the Prostitution Unit during my
fact-finding visit to Sweden, they were adamant that the current
legislation had achieved its goal of discouraging buyers of sexual
services. Since a strong social stigma is attached to prostitution
in the country, the very risk of undergoing criminal proceedings was
a powerful deterrent for most potential customers. Those who are
caught in flagrante delicto, the
police explained to me, systematically
declare themselves guilty and accept being fined, rather than having
to go to court. Even the letter of notification sent by the police
to the home or work address to communicate that a procedure is pending
represents a deterrent, almost a sanction in itself.
77. Most of my Swedish interlocutors, whether fellow parliamentarians,
civil servants or members of civil society, expressed their full
support for the current legislation and were convinced that it had
a positive impact. The law seems to have effectively conveyed the
message that prostitution is unacceptable, which was the primary
aim of the legislators. According to periodical surveys, young people
are particularly in favour of the current regulation.
78. The “force of attraction” of the Sex Purchase Act is also
testified by a shift in the opinion of some political forces: there
is now general support for this law across the main political parties.
5.1.2. Impact on trafficking
79. In 2010, the Swedish Government published a report
based on the analysis of the trends on prostitution over the ten
years since the law was adopted. This report indicates that, in
the decade 1998-2008, the number of women involved in street prostitution
in Sweden has been cut by half. The proportion of men stating that
they had paid for sex was 8% in 2008, down from 13.6% in 1996 (the
number of men currently paying for sex should be further reduced
to 4%, as half of the men interviewed said that they had not done
so since 1999). The overall number of women in prostitution in the
country dropped from 2 500 in 1998 to 1 500 in 2003, according to
Kajsa Wahlberg, Sweden’s national rapporteur on human trafficking.
80. The report also indicates a considerable impact on trafficking
in human beings, especially by comparison with neighbouring countries.
The number of foreign women and girls trafficked into Sweden for
purposes of sexual exploitation was estimated to be between 200
and 400 by 2005 in Sweden, while it was approximately 15 000 to
17 000 in Finland (whose population is much smaller than Sweden’s).
81. According to Ms Ekberg, Sweden’s National Criminal Investigation
Department has received indications from Interpol and other international
bodies that the country is no longer an attractive target for traffickers. Intercepted
telephone conversations between pimps and traffickers show that
the local prostitution market has become riskier and less profitable.
Testimonies from the victims also confirm that traffickers found
other European destinations more attractive.
5.1.3. Assessing the overall
impact
82. The positive assessment of the current legislation
is not unanimous; some representatives of civil society and academia
highlight what they consider as weaknesses and unexpected effects
of the new system. They argue that while street prostitution has
decreased, the sale of sex continues in other forms, for instance
through the Internet. When Sweden’s Sex Purchase Act was passed,
Internet was booming and rapidly changing numerous aspects of many
people’s everyday life. This makes it more difficult to assess the
impact of this piece of legislation on the overall size of the sex
trade. Critics of the 1999 Act therefore say that the prostitution industry
has partially gone underground and that sex work has thus become
more dangerous. In addition, making human trafficking more difficult
in one country may have just relocated the threat into other countries, particularly
in the Nordic neighbourhood.
83. In the light of these remarks, the Swedish Government has
recently asked the County Administration Board of Stockholm to collect
information about the extent and the different forms of prostitution
in the country. The results of this research are scheduled to be
made public in March 2015.
5.1.4. Sweden’s prostitution
regulations: more than just good practice
84. It would be difficult to encapsulate in a single
sentence the “lesson learnt” from the Swedish experience. Sweden’s
regulations and policies on prostitution were the starting point
and the main reference in the preparation of this report. In 1999,
Sweden’s visionary law-makers proved that it was possible to adopt
a radically new approach to prostitution, shifting the focus from
the sex workers to the clients. What might then have appeared as
ideological or moralistic regulations are now recognised as important
tools for countering trafficking in human beings for sexual exploitation.
Legislators from other European countries should look at this experience
with particular attention when reforming their respective legal
frameworks on prostitution.
5.2. Countries prohibiting
all aspects of prostitution, including the sale of sex
85. Besides the countries that I have visited in preparation
of this report, I would like to add information on those where the
sale of sexual services is prohibited. A number of countries of
central and eastern Europe belong to this category. I will present
three examples: the Russian Federation, a major country of origin
and destination of trafficking in human beings, Romania and Serbia,
two countries of the Balkan region which are Parties to the Council
of Europe Anti-Trafficking Convention.
86. In the Russian Federation, criminal and administrative regulations
prohibit prostitution and related activities. The Criminal Code
of 1996 criminalises the activity of organising prostitution by
means of violence or threats, as well as pimping.
The Code of Administrative Offences
of 2001 sanctions prostitution (selling sexual services) by a symbolic
fine of up to 2 000 roubles (65 euros).
87. Despite this ban, prostitution in Russia is widespread. In
January 2013, the Vice-Minister of Internal Affairs, Igor Zubov,
revealed the results of research which indicates that in Russia
there are over one million prostitutes
. According to Silver Rose, a sex
workers organisation, this figure may be as high as 3 million.
Although some research has been
carried out locally (for instance in St Petersburg and Orenburg),
as is the case in most other countries, reliable figures on prostitution
are not available at national level.
88. In recent years, a debate was initiated on the possibility
of legalising prostitution in Russia
. In 2012, the Morality Police Fund,
a lobbying group, organised a conference and proposed a draft federal
law on “State regulation and control of sexual services”, suggesting
that prostitutes should pay taxes and their activity be regulated
under labour law. Similar initiatives were announced by individual
politicians. Legalisation of prostitution appears to be unlikely,
due to the opposition by the influential Orthodox Church. Surprisingly,
even sex workers organisations like Silver Rose stood against legalisation,
but from a different perspective. They claimed that this would increase
the overall number of sex workers and that before collecting taxes,
the State should provide prostitutes with medical assistance, security
and respect
.
89. Trafficking in human beings is also rife. While the Russian
Federation is indicated as a major destination of trafficking of
human beings from a variety of regions, including South-East Asia,
a study published in 2013 by the European University Institute and
the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies states that 30 000 to
60 000 Russian women and children become victims of sex trafficking
every year.
90. Unfortunately, the Russian Federation is not Party to the
Council of Europe Anti-Trafficking Convention. I hope that this
situation will change in the future, as the system established by
the convention may be strengthened and made more effective by including
Russia among its members. Recently, at an event organised in co-operation
with GRETA, I was informed that the country’s authorities are in
the process of designing new policies against human trafficking.
I welcome this development.
91. In Romania, Interior Minister Vasile Blaga proposed in 2007
to legalise prostitution, but no actual change followed.
In spite of the criminalisation,
prostitution is widespread in the country. An academic study presenting
the situation of four European countries including Romania indicates
that prostitutes are often found in hotels, but also in private
apartments. Among the channels giving access to sexual services
there are hotel staff, taxi drivers and the Internet.
92. As concerns trafficking, Romania is essentially a country
of origin, as the National Agency against Trafficking in Persons
indicates in its 2011 report.
In 2012, GRETA published its first
report on Romania, which as already mentioned is Party to the Council
of Europe Anti-Trafficking Convention. The group of experts presents
a mixed assessment of anti-trafficking policies in the countries
in which comprehensive regulation exists, but implementation is
not always satisfactory. At the same time, GRETA welcomed the efforts
of the Romanian authorities in the area of investigation and prosecution
of trafficking cases and the introduction of specific legal provisions
guaranteeing the non-punishment of involuntary victims of trafficking
for their involvement in unlawful activities. I consider this a
very positive provision, considering that criminalising victims of
forced prostitution would amount to a severe form of re-victimisation
at the hands of the authorities.
93. Serbia, also a Party to the Council of Europe Anti-Trafficking
Convention, bans prostitution, which is punishable with a prison
term of 5 to10 years. These harsh sanctions do not seem to have
a significant impact, considering that over the last decade prostitution
has “boomed, overwhelming the police”.
In January 2014, GRETA published
its first report on Serbia.
Rather than the general assessment
presented by the group of experts on the efforts made by the Serbian
authorities in fighting trafficking, I wish to highlight two specific aspects.
The first is that the Criminal Code establishes as a criminal offence
knowingly using the services of a victim of human trafficking. I
agree with GRETA’s positive assessment of this provision. On the
other hand, the principle of non-punishment of victims of trafficking
for illegal activities that they may be forced to commit has not
been implemented. I consider that this gap should be filled by the
Serbian authorities, for the same reasons that I have presented
in support of the relevant Romanian provisions.
94. The example of countries criminalising the sale of sexual
services does not appear positive. Firstly, there is lack of consistency
in the implementation of this approach: while on paper the aim is
to counter prostitution in any form, no control is carried out in
the field. Secondly, sex workers are the most vulnerable link in
the prostitution chain, even more so when they are victims of trafficking
or forced prostitution. Targeting them with criminal sanctions can
only increase their vulnerability and in cases of non-voluntary
prostitution – presumably the overwhelming majority – it would amount
to severe injustice.
6. Legalisation v.
criminalisation: academic research
95. Academic research based on economic theory has been
recently carried out on the impact of legalisation of prostitution
on human trafficking, with interesting results. Researchers from
the London School of Economics and Political Science, the University
of Heidelberg and the German Institute for Economic Research of
Berlin have compared a large amount of data and studies available
on prostitution in a number of countries.
96. According to this study, legalisation of prostitution may
be expected to have two opposite effects on human trafficking: on
one hand, it may lead to an expansion of the prostitution market
and therefore increase human trafficking (“scale effect”). On the
other hand, it could reduce the demand for trafficked persons by increasing
the offer of legal sex workers (“substitution effect”). Empirical
comparison of data on 150 countries has led the researchers to conclude
that the scale effect prevails. In other words, legalising prostitution
seems to lead to an increase in human trafficking.
97. The article in question compares the situation in Germany
and Sweden. It argues that, in Germany, the number of people working
as prostitutes was estimated at 150 000 people in 2006, about 62
times more than in Sweden (whose population is about 10 times smaller
than that of Germany). It quotes ILO’s figures indicating that in
2004 there were 32 800 victims of trafficking in Germany, which
means about 60 times more than in Sweden.
98. The authors point out that for Germany there is sufficient
data to compare the situation before and after the current prostitution
law was passed. Such comparison gives meaningful results: estimations
on the 1996-2003 period reveal that the number of victims of trafficking
declined between 1996 and 2001 and then increased in 2002 and 2003,
that is after prostitution was legalised in German law.
99. Another study based on an economic approach was published
in 2010 and revised in 2013 by two researchers of the University
of Gothenburg, Niklas Jakobsson and Andreas Kotsadam.
This study reaches the conclusion
that criminalisation of prostitution reduces human trafficking:
“Trafficking of persons for commercial sexual exploitation is least
prevalent in countries where prostitution is illegal, most prevalent
in countries where prostitution is legalised, and in between in
those countries where prostitution is legal but procuring illegal”.
100. Ms Corinne Dettmeijer, Dutch National Rapporteur on Trafficking
in Human Beings, whom I had the pleasure to meet in The Hague, published
an article in which she criticises the previous two studies that
I referred to above. Ms Dettmeijer believes that the lack of reliable
figures on human trafficking makes it impossible to reach sound
conclusions as regards which legal approach is preferable. “The
problem” she writes “is not that there are no estimates but that
the estimates that have been made are inaccurate or unreliable”.
101. In spite of the difficulty the researchers faced in finding
usable data, I consider the two studies on prostitution and trafficking
that I have mentioned above as interesting and useful contributions
to the debate. The indications they give seem to me sensible and
relevant. I nevertheless share Ms Dettmeijer and many others’ concerns
about the lack of reliable data. They confirm once again that further
research and data collection in this field is a top priority and
should be strongly encouraged both at national and international
level in the years to come.
7. Ongoing developments
in other Council of Europe member States
7.1. Scandinavia
102. Since the Sex Purchase Act was passed, both Sweden’s
public authorities and civil society have actively promoted the
Swedish approach to prostitution as a model to be replicated in
other countries. Conferences have been organised to present it and
information material has been published in several languages.
103. After a long public debate, Norway followed the Swedish example
in 2008, joined by Iceland in 2009. This has put pressure on other
countries to do the same, in particular Denmark, both because of
the cultural proximity and the risk that curbing prostitution and
human trafficking in neighbouring countries may lead to an increase
on its territory. Some studies carried out in Sweden already suggest
that the number of prostitutes may have increased in Copenhagen
while rapidly decreasing at home.
104. In several countries, including those following a more liberal
approach to prostitution, the idea of introducing stricter regulations
and criminalising the purchase of sexual services finds growing
support. While legislators and policy makers are increasingly committed
to countering trafficking in human beings globally, they are also
becoming aware that legalisation has proved ineffective, unable
to either protect the victims involved or to break the ties between
prostitution and organised crime.
7.2. United Kingdom
105. In England, Wales and Northern Ireland, the Policing
and Crime Act of 2009 introduced a new criminal offence sanctioning
those who pay for sexual services of a prostitute “who has been
subjected to force”. A peculiarity of this criminal offence is strict
liability: it means that, to be criminally responsible, it is not
necessary for the client to be aware that the prostitute was in
a situation of forced prostitution. As this rather strict legislation
is currently in force, the criminalisation of all clients would
be a relatively easy step to take. In 2011, one year after the law
entered into force, the press reported that the number of convictions
was very limited. Some police officers found the provision difficult
to enforce and called for a simplification of the text.
The debate on this type of criminalisation
has gained momentum in the last few months. The All-Party Parliamentary
Group on prostitution and the global sex trade has launched a public
consultation on prostitution: its chair, Gavin Shuker, called on
the government to consider the criminalisation of buying sex as
a way to reduce the demand.
106. On 12 September 2012, Rhoda Grant, Member of the Scottish
Parliament, tabled a draft proposal for a bill to make it an offence
to purchase sex. Ms Grant, who considers prostitution as a form
of violence against women, referred to a large wealth of literature
to support her views that the majority of those who are involved in
prostitution are unwilling participants.
107. Ms Grant’s draft proposal was followed by a public consultation
which closed in December 2012. The consultation received over 1 000
responses, 80% of which were favourable. Based on these positive
results, a final proposal was lodged in May 2013 and is undergoing
the ordinary procedure before the Scottish Parliament. If approved,
the new legislation could enter into force in 2014.
7.3. Ireland
108. In June 2013, the Irish Parliament’s Committee on
Justice, Defence and Equality issued a report recommending a reform
of the legislation on prostitution, with provisions penalising the
purchase of sexual services or any request, agreement or attempt
to do so. The report explicitly refers to the Swedish experience and
specifies that the law should consider that no offence is committed
by the person whose sexual services are sold.
7.4. Malta
109. In Malta, an amendment to the Criminal Code was passed
on 3 December 2013 which modified a number of provisions related
to human trafficking. Among other things, it introduced an article
248F.2 on “Aiding and abetting” sanctioning “[a]ny person who engages
in or makes use of the services or labour … in the knowledge that
the person providing the service has been trafficked”. The criminal
sanction provided is imprisonment for a term of eighteen months
to five years. Although the element of necessary knowledge that the
person is a victim of trafficking makes these provisions much less
strict than those based on the Swedish model (and even of the legislation
of England, Wales and Northern Ireland), I consider them a step
in the right direction. As making use of labour or other services
from a victim certainly contributes to increasing human trafficking,
it is right to consider such behaviour as a criminal offence in
itself.
7.5. France
110. In March 2013, France abolished the crime of soliciting
by prostitutes (racolage passif).
Article 225-10-1, punishing the crime with a prison sentence of
two months and a €3 750 fine, was removed from the penal code.
111. On 4 December 2013, the French Parliament’s lower chamber
approved a draft bill setting new regulations on prostitution. This
text aims to sanction those who pay to obtain a sex service: the
sanction is a financial one (€1 500 fine, to be doubled in case
of recidivism); imprisonment was originally included in the text, but
then dropped. The text mentions amongst its objectives fighting
human trafficking. There therefore seems to be a switch in the orientation
of French legislators.
112. At a hearing in Strasbourg on 28 January 2014, Gérard Théry
of Mouvement du Nid expressed full support for the draft bill under
discussion in the French Parliament, recalling that it is based
on the criminalisation of the purchase of sexual services but is
not limited to this. The bill also contains provisions aimed at
protecting prostitutes, who are in a vulnerable and precarious situation,
and it offers exit strategies to those who want to quit sex work.
On the other hand, Ms Irène Aboudaram of Doctors of the World highlighted the
risk that the bill may push prostitution underground, making its
victims more difficult to reach, among others by health professionals
as concerns prevention and care of sexually transmitted diseases.
113. The fact that this draft legislation does not merely sanction
the clients is very important. As I said, prostitution is a complex
matter and cannot be regulated with a simplistic approach. The importance
of this draft bill lies also in the fact that for the first time
the “Swedish model” crosses the borders of Nordic countries, showing
that it is possible to reach a political majority on this approach
in countries with different legal and social traditions.
8. Sex workers’ organisations:
issues of representativity and inclusion
Ilonka’s story
“My
name is Ilonka Stakelborough. I am the founder of Stichting Geisha,
a trade union for sex workers in the Netherlands. I worked as a
sex worker for 25 years, 4 hours a day and 3 days a week. I chose
this job because it gave me a chance to have quality time with my
children and give them the opportunity to study whatever and wherever
they wanted.”
|
114. For the preparation of this report, I considered
it necessary to take into account the views of sex workers on the
different regulations and policies on prostitution. I met with representatives
of sex workers during my visit in Sweden and in Germany. I also
established contacts with relevant organisations in Switzerland
and the Netherlands.
115. The best-known Dutch organisation of sex workers, Stichting
Geisha, was represented at the hearing on prostitution and trafficking
organised by the Parliamentary Network Women Free from Violence
in Strasbourg. On this occasion, the representative of Stichting
Geisha, Ms Ilonka Stakelborough, expressed her organisation’s opposition
to the criminalisation of the purchase of sexual services, saying
that most sex workers practised their activity voluntarily.
116. This view was shared in Berlin by Ms Theodora Becker and Ms
Friederike Strack from the organisation Hydra,
which opposed a reform of the current German legislation. They claimed
that victims of forced prostitution and trafficking represented
a minority of sex workers.
117. In Stockholm, I had the opportunity to meet with Ms Pye Jakobsen,
co-ordinator of the Rose Alliance, an advocacy organisation of sex
workers from the major Swedish cities. A former sex worker herself,
by coincidence she had gone into prostitution in my country, Portugal,
and even worked for some time in the region of my constituency.
She told me that entering prostitution had been for her a voluntary
choice and that only a small minority of sex workers, perhaps 5%,
were forced into it. She criticised the current legislation in Sweden
as ineffective and found that the government’s evaluation on the
impact of the law was biased. A well-spoken and polite person, she
expressed her stance very clearly. I believed her when she told
me that most of the people she knows in the sex industry work voluntarily
and out of free choice. However, I remain convinced that voluntary
prostitution is only a myth. A fascinating story aimed at explaining
an ancient reality, but not one that may be used as a basis for
designing policies on prostitution and human trafficking.
118. While I have listened carefully to the representatives that
I met, I believe that most sex workers’ organisations no longer
represent the world of prostitution in Europe. Their membership
and leadership is largely composed of sex workers conducting their
activity in relatively safe and stable conditions and they are mostly
citizens of the country where they work. Today, the vast majority
of sex workers both in the streets and in brothels are of foreign
origin. De Roode Draad (
The Red Thread),
once the main sex worker organisation in the Netherlands, was often
criticised as being too focused on creating a positive image of
sex work and too distant from the real problems of sex workers,
particularly foreign ones.
In 2010, Karina Schaapman, a former sex
worker and subsequently a member of the Amsterdam City Council,
declared that 75% of prostitutes in Amsterdam were foreign born.
119. It seems to me that this estimate may apply roughly to the
rest of Europe. The challenges that prostitutes of foreign origin
face are different and more severe. Many of them are victims of
trafficking. They are generally more vulnerable, as they suffer
from isolation and a lack of personal connections. Some of them
face the risk of deportation by the migration authorities, which
is often used as leverage by their pimps to keep control over them.
120. Legislation on prostitution should be designed and enforced
taking into account the impact on the situation of sex workers,
their health and safety and their freedom of choice. Representatives
of sex workers should have their say on relevant regulations, and
should be consulted in the course of their elaboration. The stances
of organisations assisting victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation
and forced prostitution should also be taken into account, as these
victims are not represented by sex workers’ organisations. The ultimate choice
on the legal approach to be adopted should not respond only to the
interests and needs of a small minority. Human rights should be
the first priority in making policy choices on prostitution and
trafficking.
9. Conclusions
121. There is universal consensus on the need to counter
trafficking in human beings, which is one of the most hideous and
underestimated violations of human rights worldwide and a threat
to human dignity. Forced prostitution and sexual exploitation are
also severe violations of human dignity. They are an expression
of gender inequality, as is confirmed by the disproportionate number
of women among the victims, and an obstacle to the achievement of
real equality between women and men. However, given the size of
the problem, the economic interests at stake and the cross-border
nature of a large part of trafficking, effective ways of eradicating
this scourge are yet to be put in place.
122. Prostitution is a complex issue presenting various facets.
It affects the health of sex workers with consequences ranging from
increased exposure to sexually transmitted diseases to higher risks
of drug and alcohol addiction, physical and mental traumas, depression
and other mental diseases. It is often linked to criminal activities,
such as petty crime and drug dealing. In addition, criminal organisations
controlling trafficking in human beings are often involved in drug
trafficking.
123. In the preparation of my report, I have come to the conclusion
that prostitution policies are the most effective tool in the prevention
and countering of trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation,
which, as already mentioned, represents the largest share of trafficking
in human beings in Europe. However, these policies should not be
treated as a substitute for a specific and comprehensive action
against human trafficking, based on a sound legal and policy framework
and implemented with adequate financial and human resources.
124. In this report, I have examined the law and policy on prostitution
in countries that have followed very different paths: some have
chosen legalisation; others have chosen prohibition. All of them
have made their choice for a cause that they considered good and
just: for some it was to eliminate the stigma against sex workers,
in a context of sexual liberation; for others it was the willingness
to achieve gender equality. However, the reality has often proved
quite different from expectations.
125. It is not easy to compare the effectiveness of different prostitution
policies on trafficking. The greatest obstacle is the lack of reliable
and comparable data or even estimates, which does not make it possible
to understand clearly whether trafficking is increasing or decreasing.
This is certainly due to the fact that, whatever the legal framework
on prostitution, trafficking in human beings is always illegal.
But also, in all the countries I visited, the resources and means
to investigate cases of trafficking in human beings are not at all adequate
for the size of the phenomenon. The cases that are highlighted in
statistics, and those that are brought before the courts are only
the tip of the iceberg.
126. Creating a Europe-wide data collection system on prostitution
and trafficking is therefore crucial. Accurate information on these
phenomena is a prerequisite both to design policies and to assess
their impact. Research should be carried out by all relevant actors,
including national statistics agencies, independent scientific bodies
and the academia; and be conducted on the basis of Europe-wide harmonised
standards to guarantee comparability. As a pan-European organisation,
the Council of Europe has an important role to play in promoting
such a data collection system. The Committee of Ministers should
take the lead on this initiative.
127. Despite the fact that each system presents advantages and
disadvantages, I think that policies prohibiting the purchase of
sex are those that are more likely to have a positive impact on
reducing trafficking in human beings. While acknowledging that each
country should hold a thorough discussion on its policy on prostitution
and that the final decision must be taken in a sovereign manner,
I personally consider the Swedish model as the most successful in
the context of tackling human trafficking.
128. Should countries opt for legalisation, they should be aware
that this reinforces their responsibility both to address trafficking
in human beings and to ensure that sex workers carry out their work
in dignified conditions, respectful of health and safety and other
regulations, and free from coercion and exploitation.
129. Whatever legal regime countries may choose to regulate prostitution,
they should ensure its thorough implementation. Prostitution legislation
and policies should under no circumstances be empty talk. The experiences
of several European countries show that opting for one legal approach
over another does not automatically guarantee progress either in
terms of countering trafficking and protecting the victims, or in improving
the situation of sex workers. Concrete progress can only be achieved
by enforcing the relevant legal framework effectively. This requires
consistent political will and adequate human and financial resources.
130. While a number of European countries are in the process of
amending their prostitution regulations or will do so in the near
future, few are making adequate efforts to counter trafficking in
human beings. The time is ripe for a better informed approach by
legislators and policy makers. The close relation existing between prostitution
and trafficking in human beings, particularly in Europe, should
never be ignored. Designing, implementing or reforming legislation
and policies on prostitution represents an excellent opportunity
for State authorities to step up efforts and achieve better results
in countering trafficking in human beings.