1. Origin and
scope of the present report
1. Since 2011, the Committee on Culture, Science, Education
and Media has been considering ways to enhance ethical standards,
transparency and accountability in sports governance. Based on a
report of the committee (rapporteur: Mr François Rochebloine, France,
EPP/CD), the Parliamentary Assembly adopted on 25 April 2012
Resolution 1875 (2012) on good governance and ethics in sport. This resolution
enumerates concrete recommendations and guiding principles addressed
to sports organisations, including a set of guidelines on “Governance,
transparency and the combating of corruption and self-interest in
sports bodies”. Their main point is that good governance in sport
is hampered by the concentration of executive power and by the lack
of transparency in the decision-making processes of sports bodies.
2. The report on “Good governance and ethics in sport” and the
addendum thereto
pinpointed drawbacks in the governance
system of the “Fédération Internationale de Football Association”
(FIFA), which various scandals have contributed to highlight. For
this reason,
Resolution
1875 (2012) addressed specific requests to FIFA. In the knowledge
that a governance reform process had started within FIFA, our committee
organised a hearing on “FIFA governance” on 19 December 2012 in
Paris as a follow-up to
Resolution
1875 (2012).
3. Subsequently, the committee decided, on 12 March 2013, to
establish an Ad Hoc Sub-Committee on the Reform of International
Football, with the mandate to discuss with FIFA, but also with the
“Union of European Football Associations” (UEFA) and the “European
Club Association” (ECA), the ongoing reforms, with a view to identifying
further action that could enhance football governance at European
and international level.
4. On 3 December 2013, the Ad Hoc Sub-Committee on the Reform
of International Football submitted to the committee an information
report (AS/Cult/RF 2013) 05) with the proposal to initiate a new
report on the reform of football governance. The committee tabled
a motion for a resolution, which the Assembly referred to it for
report on 27 January 2014. I was appointed rapporteur on 28 January
2014.
5. The present report takes account of the committee’s previous
work and of the fruitful exchanges the Ad Hoc Sub-Committee on the
Reform of International Football has held with FIFA, UEFA and ECA
partners and in particular with the respective presidents of these
organisations: Mr Joseph S. Blatter, Mr Michel Platini and Mr Karl-Heinz
Rummenigge.
It also takes
account of the assessment by the FIFA Independent Governance Committee
on the implementation of their proposals (see AS/Cult/EYS (2014)
04) and of written explanations provided by FIFA in response to
questions by the Ad Hoc Sub-committee.
6. On 19 September 2014, in Zurich (FIFA headquarters), the Sub-Committee
on Education, Youth and Sport held an exchange of views with Mr
Michael Garcia, Chairperson of the Investigatory Chamber of the
FIFA Ethics Committee, and Mr Cornel Borbely, Deputy Chairperson
of the Investigatory Chamber of the FIFA Ethics Committee.
7. On 30 September 2014, the Sub-Committee on Education, Youth
and Sport held a hearing in Strasbourg with Ms Heidi Blake, Assistant
Editor of the Sunday Times,
and Mr Jonathan Calvert, Insight Editor of the Sunday Times, on the alleged bribes
paid to numerous high representatives of African football in the
framework of the procedure which resulted in the designation of
Qatar as the host country for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. I met them
again in London on 6 November 2014.
8. On 5 December 2014, the committee held a hearing with Mr Gilbert
Houngbo, Deputy Director General for Field Operations and Partnerships,
International Labour Organization (ILO), and Mr Steven Murphy, General
Secretary of the British Union of Construction, Allied Trades and
Technicians (UCATT). FIFA and UEFA were also represented.
9. I would also like to mention the contribution of Mr Mark Pieth,
Chairperson of the FIFA Independent Governance Committee (IGC),
and of Mr Domenico Scala, Chairperson of the FIFA Audit and Compliance Committee,
as well as the input of two independent experts, Ms Sylvia Schenk
(Transparency International) and Professor Roger Pielke (University
of Colorado at Boulder), whose analyses helped in identifying key issues
to consider when assessing the FIFA reform process.
10. Sections 2 and 3 focus on the FIFA governance system and the
reform process within this organisation. Section 4 considers the
UEFA governance system. Because of their importance, these two organisations
– like the International Olympic Committee (IOC) – are important
role models and should be exemplary. For this reason, the report
also highlights a number of positive elements in their respective
systems. Our aim is also to encourage sound developments in all
the other sports organisations.
11. Sections 5 and 6 deal respectively with the case of corruption
concerning the award to Qatar of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, and with
the crucial issue of sports governance and the protection of human
rights, with reference to the alarming situation in Qatar.
12. Finally, Appendices 1 and 2 present the specific recommendations
to FIFA and UEFA adopted by the committee on 27 January 2015. The
draft resolution proposes that the Assembly endorse them.
2. The new
FIFA Ethics Committee
13. In its
Resolution
1875 (2012), the Assembly insisted that FIFA “significantly increase
the investigative powers of its Ethics Committee, authorising it,
inter alia, to undertake, on its own initiative and at any point, internal
investigations, including with regard to former officials, and ensuring
that the arrangements for electing its members guarantee the committee’s
full independence” (paragraph 6.1).
14. This is an area where substantial changes have already been
implemented and these should be warmly welcomed: the new control
system has all the hallmarks of being a real improvement. However,
there are important issues which remain unresolved.
2.1. Achievements
15. The Ethics Committee has been divided into an investigatory
and a separate adjudicatory chamber and its investigative powers
have been increased. It can investigate and adjudicate on past issues
or behaviour and the investigatory chamber has the power to open
investigations “on its own initiative and ex
officio at its full and independent discretion” (Article
28.1 of the Code of Ethics), that is independently from decisions
of any other FIFA bodies or officials. There are no time limits
for the prosecution of bribery and corruption (Article 12 of the Code
of Ethics). These improvements are remarkable.
16. The Chairpersons, Deputy Chairpersons and members of the Ethics
Committee shall be elected (and can be removed) by the FIFA Congress
(Article 27 of the FIFA Statutes, which applies to all FIFA “judicial bodies”).
They cannot be members of another judicial body, of the Executive
Committee or of a standing committee, and they cannot belong to
any other FIFA body (Article 61.5 of the FIFA Statutes and Article 34
of the Code of Ethics).
17. Both chambers are now chaired by independent persons, who
meet the necessary professional requirements. In addition, a new
provision (Article 13.3 of the Standing Orders of the Congress)
states that the Audit and Compliance Committee shall verify, at
least annually, that the current chairpersons of the two chambers
and their deputies or the candidates for these offices meet the
independence criteria. It is to be noted that the chairpersons,
deputy chairpersons and members of the judicial bodies are subjected
to an integrity check prior to their election (see Sub-Section 3.1.2).
18. Article 61 of FIFA Statutes also includes the following rules:
“The judicial bodies are to be
composed in such a way that the members, together, have the knowledge, abilities
and specialist experience that is necessary for the due completion
of their tasks. The chairmen and deputy chairmen of the judicial
bodies shall be qualified to practise law. The term of office shall
be four years. The members may be re-elected or relieved of their
duties at any time, although they may only be relieved of their
duties by the Congress.” (Article 61.3)
“The chairmen and deputy chairmen of both chambers of
the Ethics Committee shall fulfil the independence criteria as described
in the Standing Orders of the Congress.” (Article 61.4)
19. Concerning the independence criteria, according to Article
12.1 of the Standing Orders of the Congress, a candidate for the
office of chairperson or deputy chairperson of the Audit and Compliance
Committee or of either of the two chambers of the Ethics Committee
shall not be considered independent if, at any time during the four
years preceding his/her term, he/she or any family member (spouse,
children, stepchildren, parents, siblings, domestic partner, parents
of spouse/domestic partner and siblings and children of domestic
partner):
- held any paid position
or material contract (directly or indirectly) with FIFA and/or any
member, confederation, league or club (including any of their affiliated
companies/organisations);
- was employed by FIFA’s outside legal counsel or by FIFA’s
auditor (and was engaged in auditing FIFA);
- held any paid or voluntary position with a non-profit
organisation to which FIFA and/or any member, confederation, league
or club makes annual payments in excess of US$100 000.
20. The Ethics Committee has been given the resources to carry
out its duties. In particular, the investigatory chamber draws up
a budget at its own discretion in order to conduct professional
investigations with internal or external resources.
21. The Code of Ethics has been revised to describe the rules
of conduct and expected behaviour (for example as regards conflicts
of interest, gifts and other benefits, bribery and corruption) more
clearly. Finally, a confidential reporting mechanism to systematically
manage complaints and allegations of all kinds was activated at
the beginning of February 2013; this is to be commended.
2.2. Outstanding issues
22. The present legal framework could be further improved
to:
- ensure that all serious
past and present violations of the Code of Ethics are investigated
and punished;
- reinforce and protect the independence of the Ethics Committee’s
members and the transparency of its work.
2.2.1. Ensuring that all
serious violations of the Code of Ethics are investigated and punished
23. The control mechanism should make sure that all allegations
of serious violations of the Code of Ethics be investigated and
that the most severe sanctions be applied when such violations are
established. The following elements, which relate to the scope of
competence of the Ethics Committee and to its entitlement to take
discretionary decisions, may hinder this result and therefore should
be reviewed.
– Competence ratione personae
24. Article 2 on “Persons covered” establishes that the
Code is applicable to the persons who “are bound by this Code on
the day the infringement is committed”. This statement could be
misleading as it could lead to an interpretation contradictory to
Article 3 (see below). As an example, it could be interpreted as
excluding the possibility of investigating an allegation of corruption
or of bribery committed by someone who thereafter becomes a FIFA
official, for example having paid money in order to become a FIFA
official. It also seems to exclude corrupt acts which were committed
before the code was set down.
25. FIFA explained that Article 2 is to be interpreted as follows:
no individual is subject to sanctions under any FIFA Code of Ethics
for infringements committed before becoming an individual subject
to FIFA jurisdiction. However, it would be appropriate to modify
the ambiguous sentence in the next edition of the Code of Ethics.
26. Also the provisions in Article 56 on “Suspension of proceedings”
raise concern. Article 56.1, while confirming the competence of
the Ethics Committee to render a decision concerning the case of
a person bound by the Code who “ceases to serve in his function
during the proceedings”, seems to exclude, a contrario, the competence
of the Ethics Committee to render a decision against someone who
ceases to serve in his or her functions before the procedure starts.
This would be a serious systemic drawback.
27. FIFA explained that based on Article 3 of the Code of Ethics:
“While the FIFA Ethics Committee may not impose specific sanctions
on individuals who have ceased to serve in their functions before
the relevant procedure has been initiated, it may still assess the
conduct in question and establish that violations of the FIFA Code
of Ethics (FCE) have been committed.”
28. To me, this is not sufficient: I see no reason why someone
who, for example, accepted bribes could escape all sanctions just
by resigning from his or her functions before an investigation starts.
Article 56.1 should be modified to state that the Ethics Committee
shall remain competent – and may apply sanctions – even when the
person concerned has ceased his or her functions, or association
with FIFA.
29. According to Article 56.2, if the person concerned has ceased
his or her functions, the adjudicatory chamber of the Ethics Committee
“may suspend the proceedings or take a decision as to the substance”.
I consider that this room for manoeuvre is problematic, namely when
investigations concern serious offences. In these cases, the adjudicatory
chamber (its Chairperson) shall be entitled to close the case only
if there is insufficient evidence to proceed and no scope to undertake
further investigations (see the rule in Article 69.2).
30. FIFA objected that such an approach would encounter the difficulty
of specifying which offences exactly would have to be considered
as “serious” and in addition “according to the relevant case law
of State courts …, private associations may conduct sanctioning
procedures against individuals that are no longer subject to their
jurisdiction only if there is a specific legal interest justifying
such procedures. The issue of whether there is such an interest
or not, in turn, is a question that must be assessed individually
in the light of the circumstances of every single case”. Finally,
FIFA pointed out that “if the person concerned should ever take up
a position in football again that subjects him or her to FIFA’s
jurisdiction, the relevant proceedings would be resumed.”
31. As explained below (see paragraphs 35-39), it is an oversight
that there is no indication on what violations are to be considered
“serious” by nature. In addition, while accepting the idea that
there should be a concrete legal interest, this would not impede
the redrafting of Article 56.2 to establish that at least in cases
of corruption, bribery and match-fixing, the Ethics Committee must
continue the procedure, because of the specific legal interest that
FIFA has (and must have) in combating such problems.
– Competence ratione temporis
32. Article 3 on “Applicability in time” establishes
that: “This Code shall apply to conduct whenever occurred including
before the passing of the rules contained in this Code …” This is
a most welcome provision. However, the same article excludes the
retrospective application of rules introducing new infringements
or heavier sanctions.
33. The rationale seems to lie in the application of the principle
of non-retroactivity of (more severe) disciplinary provisions. This
is an essential principle of penal law; however I wonder whether
it is wise to apply it, with no exceptions, in the framework of
FIFA (and, more generally, sports) disciplinary self-regulation.
Some thought should be given to the need to take action when corrupt
arrangements only come to light years after they are enacted, as
with doping methods that are only discovered with the advancement
of detection techniques. A good example is the “Lance Armstrong
Rule”, which may apply to corrupt syndicate or hidden criminal arrangements.
34. The principle of non-retroactivity of penal law is closely
interconnected with the protection of the fundamental individual
right to liberty and security, which is not at stake here. Moreover,
according to Article 13.4 of the Code of Ethics (which in substance
reproduces the previous Article 3.3), “[p]ersons bound by this Code
may not abuse their position as part of their function in any way,
especially to take advantage of their function for private aims
or gains”. Based on this principle, we suggest adding in the Code
of Ethics a provision recognising explicitly the competence of the
Ethics Committee to investigate and punish, under the present Code,
any cases of corruption, bribery or match-fixing.
– Lack of correlation between
infringements and sanctions
35. The correlation between infringements and sanctions
(that is matching the level of sanctions with the gravity of unethical
behaviour) helps to ensure respect for two key principles: equal
treatment and proportionality. It also reduces the risks of undue
pressures on those called on to decide on individual cases.
36. Section 2 on “Disciplinary measures” lists the sanctions that
could be applied in case of breach of the Ethics Code (Article 6)
and Section 5 establishes the fundamental rules of conduct. However,
the Code does not determine which sanctions should apply to a given
breach of these rules and does not include criteria which should
be followed stringently by the Ethics Committee. It just says that
the Ethics Committee “shall decide the scope and duration of any
sanction”.
37. FIFA explained that: “By this approach, the FIFA Ethics Committee
is enabled to identify, in every single case, the individually most
appropriate consequences and to decide accordingly.” Moreover “misconduct involving
acts of corruption or match-fixing have been sanctioned considerably
harshly by the FIFA judicial bodies. Moreover, this particular attitude
has been expressly supported and confirmed by the Court of Arbitration
for Sport (CAS)”.
38. This explanation is not entirely convincing. While it is understandable
that the Ethics Committee is given certain room for manoeuvre, the
legal framework must avoid any risk of arbitrary decisions. The
final decisions should not only “be fair”, but also “appear to be
fair”. As an example, during the hearing held in Paris on 19 December
2012, we were told that the sanction pronounced against Mr Bin Hammam
had been more severe than others given for equally (if not more)
serious violations. There may have been reasons for this, but they
are not disclosed and this triggers suspicion which weakens confidence
in the system.
39. Therefore, it seems necessary to establish a clear link at
least between the most serious breaches and the most severe sanctions.
When bribery or corruption are eventually established, the most
severe sanctions (long-term or life ban) should be applied and the
Ethics Committee should not have the possibility to decide otherwise.
The same should apply to any breaches of Article 25 on “Integrity
of matches and competitions”.
– Anonymous witnesses
40. Articles 47 and 48 include a set of provisions on
anonymous witnesses. These provisions seem to apply to both the
procedure before the investigative chamber and the procedure before
the adjudicatory chamber of the Ethics Committee. Anonymity is foreseen
“when a person’s testimony … could endanger his life or put him or
his family or close friends in physical danger” (Article 47.1).
41. The protection should have a wider scope and also cover those
people who are clearly exposed to the risk of adverse measures having
a significant social and/or financial impact (for example people
who could be removed from their positions if they testify against
their managers or senior members of FIFA committees).
42. On this issue, FIFA explained the following: “The FIFA Ethics
Committee is certainly free to apply this provision per analogiam
to other factual circumstances that require protection of a witness
by granting her or him anonymity. Moreover, the Committee may also
conclude specific anonymity agreements with individual witnesses,
thereby extending, in practice, the possibility to grant anonymity
beyond the circumstances provided for by Article 47.1 of the [Code
of Ethics]”.
43. This is an acceptable approach; however, the entitlement of
the Ethics Committee to proceed as described should be formally
included in the text.
2.2.2. Reinforcing the
independence of the Ethics Committee’s members and transparency
of its work
44. During the meeting at FIFA, Mr Blatter, in reply
to a question about the independence of the Ethics Committee, asked
us: “What more could be done?”
45. We acknowledge that the present chairpersons of the two chambers
of the Ethics Committee are well-known, experienced people. They
have been selected following the proposals of, or in agreement with,
the Independent Governance Committee. This is the case for their
deputies too. However, the IGC no longer exists; moreover, independence
and professionalism should be qualities of the body as a whole and
not just of its chairpersons and deputies, although their personal
integrity and expertise is, of course, fundamental.
46. In this respect, further improvements are required concerning
the composition of the Ethics Committee, the duration of terms of
office and the removal and rotation of its members. Confidentiality
is an additional complex issue.
– Composition of the Ethics Committee
47. The provisions on the Ethics Committee presented
under section 2.1 read like a well-thought out, coherent set of
rules; there are, however, some issues not covered. There are no
statutory rules on the number of members of the judicial bodies.
The professional requirements
are not clearly determined.
The selection procedure
of candidates and the submission of proposals for membership of
the Congress appear to be under the total control of the Executive
Committee.
48. The risk is that the wide room for manoeuvre of the Executive
Committee does not produce true independence of the members of the
Ethics Committee and could become a threat to the professionalism
of this body. There should be no link at all, if possible, between
the membership of the Ethics Committee and the approval of the Executive
Committee.
49. With this in view, new provisions should be studied and included
in the Statutes (or, if more appropriate, in the Code of Ethics)
so that:
- the Congress is given
the sole competence to establish (and modify if need be) the number
of members of the judicial bodies;
- the competences that candidates for membership of these
bodies should have are clearly listed;
- all members of these bodies shall fulfil the independence
criteria as described in the Standing Orders of the Congress;
- a transparent procedure is established for the submission
to the Congress (by the Confederations, FIFA members and possibly
other stakeholders) of candidates for the positions of chairperson,
deputy chairperson and member of both chambers of the Ethics Committee.
50. The Executive Committee should submit a proposal to the Congress,
but the proposal should be justified and Congress should be able
to proceed with an informed vote “for” or “against” each of the
shortlisted candidates.
– Terms of office and removal
51. The duration of terms of office, in particular for
chairpersons and deputies, is at present four years with no limitation
for renewals.
52. The IGC suggested fixing the terms of office at six years,
not renewable. This is a sound proposal and should be followed,
together with the IGC proposal to introduce a “staggered board”
membership principle. It should also be formally stated that members
could be removed by the Congress only upon reception of a specific
request from the Executive Committee, which should clearly indicate
the reasons for such a removal.
– Confidentiality of the procedure
before the Ethics Committee
53. Independence and transparency are closely related:
the second upholds the first. At present, according to Article 36.2
of the Code of Ethics, “[o]nly the final decisions already notified
to the addressees may be made public”. As was stressed during the
hearing on 19 December 2012 in Paris, strict confidentiality of
the procedure before the two chambers of the Ethics Committee triggers
opacity and does not help to dissipate suspicions when sensitive
cases are to be judged.
54. FIFA main arguments against the idea of making public the
report of the investigatory chamber and the procedure before the
adjudicatory chamber are the following:
- The proceedings within the framework of private institutions
like FIFA are not comparable to proceedings before judicial bodies
of States. Even there, certain documents, procedures and facts remain confidential
(for example, judgments and other decisions are, as a general rule,
anonymous if published). This must certainly a fortiori be the case
with regard to proceedings in the context of private associations.
- The proceedings before and the decisions of the Court
of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) (which is the instance the decisions
of the FIFA Ethics Committee can be appealed to) are also, as a
general rule, strictly confidential. There is no valid reason why
documents and proceedings at lower levels (i.e., in the context
of FIFA) should allow more publicity than the ones at appeal level.
- As far as the investigation reports in particular are
concerned, they contain highly sensitive information (e.g., bank
account numbers, company and individual names, contact details,
etc.) which must not be divulged to the general public.
55. These arguments are not entirely convincing. It is incorrect
to say that confidentiality and anonymity are general rules for
procedures before State judicial bodies. A public procedure is not
only “the rule”, but a fundamental principle enshrined in Article
6 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5). Of course,
we do not assimilate State judiciary procedures and disciplinary
procedures internal to private associations. However, FIFA is not
a private association or institution in the same manner as other,
smaller organisations.
56. It is also incorrect to say that CAS decisions are “strictly
confidential”. While hearings before this Court are not open to
the public, its decisions are published on its website (
www.tas-cas.org/recent-decision
). Just as an example, the arbitral award in the case
2011/A/2625 Mohamed Bin Hammam v. FIFA
is a detailed 56-page document rich
in names, dates and facts.
57. Sport is not a “private business” and a case of corruption,
for example, within FIFA is not a “private” affair but a “public”
one because the public interest is at stake. The key question is
how to find the right balance between the need to protect the interests
of the people who are subject to a procedure before the Ethics Committee
and the need for transparency, whilst maintaining a guarantee of
impartiality and independence.
58. On the one hand, confidentiality of the ongoing investigatory
procedure is understandable. On the other hand, we suggest that,
at least when the procedure concerns the most serious breaches,
and in particular bribes, corruption or manipulation of sports competitions:
- once investigation ends, the
report of the investigatory Chamber should be made public, including
when the procedure is closed; this should not impede data of a certain
nature (e.g. bank account numbers or contact details and more generally
personal data other than those strictly necessary to identify the persons
concerned, except of course anonymous witnesses) being redacted
or removed;
- transparency of the procedure before the adjudicatory
chamber should be the rule: the procedure before the adjudicatory
chamber should be public (not in camera as currently practised),
the only exception being to ensure the protection of vulnerable
witnesses;
- the reasons for the final decision (including when it
is taken by the investigatory Chamber) should be published.
3. Transparency, accountability
and prevention of conflict of interest within the FIFA governance system
59. With regard to these fundamental elements, there
have been a number of significant steps forward. We appreciate these,
particularly taking into account the relatively short time-span
between the launching of the process, the agreement on new measures
and their implementation. However, there remains much to be done.
3.1. Achievements
3.1.1. New bodies and
mechanisms of financial control
60. FIFA has established a new Audit and Compliance Committee.
It is entrusted with the usual supervisory role of an audit committee
and additional responsibilities for a compliance programme as well
as for compensation and benefits. It has been given the resources
to fulfil its task; it has access to people and information and
can decide to consult externally at its discretion. At present,
it is chaired by an independent and skilled professional, appointed
upon proposal by the IGC. The chairman is allowed to attend the
meetings of the other committees, including the Executive Committee.
In addition, a Compensation Sub-Committee was established, composed
of: the chairperson of the Finance Committee; the chairperson of
the Audit and Compliance Committee; and one independent member (within
the meaning of Article 12.1 of the Standing Orders of the Congress)
to be jointly appointed by the two chairpersons.
61. The main duties of the Compensation Sub-Committee are as follows:
- to define the Compensation Rules,
which shall define the competent body and proper proceedings for determining
compensation as well as the principles and components of the compensation;
- to determine the compensation of the President, the members
of the Executive Committee, the Secretary General and FIFA management;
- to draft the contract of the FIFA President;
- to monitor compliance with the compensation rules.
62. According to the new Article 12.2 of the Standing Orders of
the Congress, the investigatory chamber of the Ethics Committee
shall review, at least annually, whether the current chairpersons
of the Audit and Compliance Committee and their deputies, or the
candidates for these offices, meet the independence criteria.
63. FIFA also established a new Development Committee. It is responsible
for taking decisions on individual development projects based on
an overall strategy adopted by the Executive Committee. The use
of funds by the beneficiary countries will be controlled through
the requirements for audited final reports by recipients of funds;
FIFA will itself conduct audits (though not systematically on all
projects).
3.1.2. Integrity checks
64. New provisions have been adopted on integrity checks
which shall
be conducted on the candidates for key positions, prior to their
election, their re-election or the extension of their mandate.
65. In particular, the investigatory chamber of the Ethics Committee
is competent to undertake an integrity check on candidates for the
following offices: president, female member of the Executive Committee, chairpersons,
deputy chairpersons and members of the other judicial bodies and
of the Audit and Compliance Committee. The integrity check on candidates
for the offices of chairperson, deputy chairperson and members of
both chambers of the Ethics Committee is conducted by the Audit
and Compliance Committee.
66. The integrity check on the candidates for the offices of the
vice-presidents and the other members of the Executive Committee
shall be undertaken by the respective Confederation prior to their
election, in accordance with the standards established in the Organisation
Regulations of FIFA. The Confederations shall provide the FIFA general
secretariat with the results of the integrity check.
3.1.3. Bidding procedures
for the hosting of the FIFA World Cup
67. The FIFA Statutes have been amended to introduce
a new Article 80 on the venue of FIFA competitions. The most significant
change is that the final decision on the host country of the FIFA
World Cup is now in the hands of the Congress (instead of the Executive
Committee).
68. The article also includes new provisions on the bidding procedure:
- the Executive Committee shall
issue specific regulations;
- based on these regulations, the FIFA general secretariat
shall establish a fair and transparent bidding procedure, defining
in detail the requirements for the bidding and hosting as well as
the criteria for selection of the host for the event;
- after receiving the bids, the FIFA general secretariat
shall submit to the Executive Committee a public report evaluating
the compliance of all bids with the bidding procedure and the requirements
for hosting the event, taking into consideration the defined criteria
for selection of the host;
- the Executive Committee shall designate, based on its
best judgement and in an open ballot, up to three bids to be submitted
to the Congress for a final decision; the result of each ballot
shall be made public;
- the Congress shall select the host venue from the bids
designated by the Executive Committee.
69. In addition, the Congress may not award more than one FIFA
World Cup event at the same meeting and may not award two consecutive
events to members of the same Confederation.
3.2. Pending issues
3.2.1. Open and objective
decision-making
70. Transparency assists sound decision-making. Of course,
there can be reasons for restricting access to meetings of decision-making
bodies and to (sections of) documents and information. However,
it has been suggested that FIFA decision-making processes be opened
up by allowing outside observers (without the right to vote and,
if need be, with an obligation of confidentiality) to attend meetings
of the Executive Committee and possibly meetings of other standing
committees with decision-making powers in risk areas (for example
the Development Committee).
71. At present, the chairperson of the Audit and Compliance Committee
may attend all the Executive Committee meetings he deems necessary.
He has informed us that he can also attend the meetings of the Development
Committee. This is a good start, but the entitlement of the chairperson
of the Audit and Compliance Committee is not contained in the rules;
the Statutes should explicitly recognise his/her entitlement to
attend as an observer all committee meetings within FIFA, particularly
when decisions are to be adopted in risk areas.
72. Another crucial element should be to frame decision-making
by setting clear, objective criteria on which decisions should be
based. Concerning the FIFA World Cup, the Executive Committee is
now requested to issue specific regulations and the FIFA general
secretariat must define in detail the requirements and the criteria
for evaluating the bids. It is urgent that these steps be implemented.
73. It is a significant improvement that the evaluation report
shall be “public”, the Executive Committee shall proceed to an “open
ballot” and the results of each ballot shall be “made public”. However,
these rules apply only to the FIFA World Cup. Formal, objective
requirements and criteria and transparency of the decision-making
should be established in respect of candidatures for the hosting
of all FIFA international sports events.
74. Apparently, the Executive Committee is not required to submit
more than one bid to the Congress; the provision in Article 80.2.c just states “up to three”. We
suggest that three bids be the minimum number, unless of course
only one or two candidates fulfil the requirements; otherwise, the
rule giving the Congress the power to decide could become void.
75. Another element which could contribute to opening up decision-making
would be enhanced gender equality. Having one female elected member
and two other female co-opted members in the Executive Committee
is a good step, but does not really ensure gender balanced representation.
FIFA should encourage female candidates to key positions, also within
its different standing committees and judicial bodies. In this respect,
FIFA policy could also have a knock-on effect on the gender equality
policies of its members. In this respect, I welcome the FIFA initiative,
in October 2013, to create a Task Force for Women’s Football, which should
identify and promote priority opportunities for women’s football;
FIFA is also planning to introduce a requirement that at least one
female member should sit on the executive committee of each member association.
3.2.2. Financial transparency
and accountability
76. It is necessary to redesign the decision-making process,
not only for “hosting” decisions but also for the governance of
development projects and marketing and procurement activities. The
IGC suggested that commercial contracts (TV rights, marketing, i.e.
licensing and hospitality, ticketing and sponsoring) should be put
out to tender. The bidding procedures should be transparent and
based on objective criteria. According to information provided by
FIFA, for all goods and service above a certain amount (which was
not given) at least three binding offers must be obtained and further
requirements are set for major contracts. However, Mr Scala told
us that there was still work to be done. Therefore, I would recommend
that the corresponding policies need to be reviewed by the Audit
and Compliance Committee, which should ensure their consistency
with the highest international standards in this domain.
77. We also heard during the hearing on 19 December 2012 in Paris
the proposal to separate regulatory and commercial functions within
FIFA. UEFA has adopted this solution and we suggest that FIFA do
the same.
78. A crucial issue is that of transparency concerning the remuneration
and other financial advantages of senior management and elected
executives. The establishment of an expert sub-committee to the
Audit and Compliance Committee, with the responsibility for setting
clear policies in the area of compensation and benefits is an important
step. Work in this domain is in progress and should be encouraged
in order that:
- the Audit and
Compliance Committee defines the overall compensation and benefits
strategy of FIFA;
- regulations are adopted containing the strategy and criteria
for compensation and benefits;
- the compensation and benefits of the key management positions
are individually and annually reported to the Congress.
79. At present, the FIFA financial report discloses the overall
amount of money covering remunerations paid to the President, the
members of the FIFA Executive Committee, the Secretary General and
key management (high-level staff such as the Directors and key people
in the area of television and marketing), namely a total of 37 people.
However, the details on individual remunerations and other financial
advantages perceived are not public.
80. The salary grids for all key positions should become public:
transparency in this area is crucial. In addition, transparency
should be required not only at the level of per diems and cost reimbursements,
but also regarding how much it really costs FIFA for its President
and each of the members of the Executive Committee. The question
is not to challenge the level of remuneration or financial advantages
offered to top managers, but just to make it public.
81. Finally, it sounds incongruous that one of the three members
of the Compensation Sub-Committee is the chairperson of the Finance
Committee, i.e. necessarily a member of the Executive Committee
who has a direct interest at stake; I believe this would also merit
further consideration.
3.2.3. Duration of the
terms of office
82. There are no limitations on the term of office of
the President and other elected managers in governing bodies mentioned
in the FIFA Statutes, including the Executive Committee.
83. The IGC has proposed, for the President and the members of
the Executive Committee, a maximum of two terms of office of four
years. No agreement has been reached to date on this issue. On the
contrary, on 11 June 2014, the 64th FIFA Congress voted against
the introduction of limits on the numbers of terms of office of
top managers and members of the judicial bodies, as well as against
an upper age limit for candidates. This shows that key players within
FIFA intend neither to abandon the power they have within FIFA internal government
structures, nor to lose the direct and indirect high benefits which
are linked to the highest functions therein.
84. I would like to stress that, according to Rule 20 of the Olympic
Charter, the President of the IOC is elected for a term of eight
years renewable once for four years. The duration of the terms of
office of the vice-presidents and of the other members of the IOC
Executive Board is four years and they can serve for a maximum of
two successive terms. After two successive terms of office, they
may be elected again as members of the IOC Executive Board after
a minimum period of two years (Rules 19.2.2 and 19.2.3 of the Olympic
Charter). In addition, Rule 16.3.3 of the Olympic Charter provides
that any IOC member ceases to be a member at the end of the calendar
year during which he reaches the age of 70. I believe that these
provisions reach a reasonable balance between different interests
at stake and should be a benchmark for all sports organisations.
3.2.4. Prevention of conflicts
of interest, and integrity checks
85. There are at least three elements which I would consider
problematic. The first one is that the Executive Committee members
can vote for their own country’s candidature for the World Cup (which
is relevant during the selection process even though the final decision
is for the Congress) and for other major competitions on which the
Executive Committee decides. This may expose the members of the
Executive Committee concerned to some “pressure” from the authorities
of their respective countries and give them an undue advantage.
Therefore, we would suggest that a member of the Executive Committee
should not have the right to vote when his or her country is a candidate.
86. A second rule which is similarly incongruous is the one on
“commissions” in the Article 22 of the Code of Ethics: “Persons
bound by this Code are forbidden from accepting commission or promises
of such commission for themselves or intermediaries and related
parties as defined in this Code for negotiating deals of any kind
while performing their duties, unless the applicable body has expressly
permitted them to do so. In the absence of such a body, the body
to which the person bound by this Code reports shall decide.” The possibility
of receiving a “commission” triggers, by nature, a risk of conflict
of interests (which would fall under Article 19 of the Code of Ethics)
and should be excluded with no exceptions. FIFA stated that the
possibility to authorise “commissions” will be deleted in the next
edition of the Code, which we call for without delay.
87. Finally, according to the initial IGC proposal, integrity
checks on the members of the Executive Committee should be centralised
at FIFA level and not decentralised, as this can lead to inconsistencies;
we support this proposal.
4. The governance
of UEFA
4.1. Key differences
between the UEFA and FIFA governance frameworks
88. UEFA governance is less complex by nature than FIFA’s,
given its more limited geographical scope and lower number of members.
89. There is, within UEFA, a closer relationship between less
numerous and more homogeneous members, and – de
facto – a stronger and more direct reciprocal control.
Around one third of the member associations are represented within
the Executive Committee, which is composed of the President and
15 members elected by the Congress, plus a representative of female
football.
90. There is a major participatory dimension in UEFA’s decision-making
process. The 54 member federations are represented in the 19 UEFA
committees and are therefore all involved in the decision-making process
through reports, opinions and recommendations addressed directly
to UEFA’s Executive Committee. Moreover, all the stakeholders in
the European football family (clubs, players, national leagues and
member associations of UEFA) are represented on the Professional
Football Strategy Council (PFSC). In practice, no major decisions
are taken without the agreement of the PFSC.
Lastly,
a memorandum of understanding was signed on 22 March 2012 by the
Association of European Professional Football Leagues (EPFL), the
European Players’ Union (FIFPRo – European Division) and the European
Club Association (ECA).
91. Moreover, UEFA has never been affected by internal scandals.
However, even within the UEFA governance system there is some room
for improvement. Once more, I would stress that the aim is not to criticise
but to encourage positive developments. For this reason, although
there are no precedents that could demand a sense of urgency in
reforming the system, I believe that some of the recommendations
to be addressed to FIFA could also be relevant for UEFA.
4.2. Transparency in
decision-making and the prevention of corruption and conflicts of
interest
92. The UEFA Statutes and Organisational Regulations
clearly forbid participation in a vote of a person who is in conflict
of interest.
In particular,
Article 56 of the Organisational Regulations on “Independence and loyalty”
states that:
“1. Members of UEFA
committees and expert panels undertake to refrain from any action
whatsoever which could be of an unsporting nature and/or contrary
to UEFA’s interests.
2. Members of UEFA committees and expert panels abstain
from taking part in deliberations and/or decisions on any matter
involving the UEFA member association and/or a club affiliated to
the UEFA member association with which he is associated or in any
matter involving a conflict of interest, whether with the member’s
own interest or that of his family, relatives, friends or acquaintances.
3. Members of UEFA committees and expert panels must inform
the chairman immediately of any such conflict of interest. In case
of doubt or dispute on the independence of a member, the General
Secretary decides.”
93. In addition, Article 61 of the Organisational Regulations
on “Ethical conduct, professional conduct and other duties” include
the following provisions:
“1 Before
entering office, members of UEFA committees and expert panels are
required to:
a) inform the General Secretary in writing of any positions
they have held or currently hold which could conflict with their
UEFA activities, namely in football, any other professional activity,
secondary occupations or business relations and/or connections with
persons or companies;
b) undertake to immediately inform the General Secretary
in writing of any change occurring in this respect during their
term of office.
2 During their term of office, members of UEFA committees
and expert panels are required:
a) to observe the principles of loyalty, integrity and
sportsmanship in accordance with the principles of fair play, which
includes, in particular, the obligation to refrain from any activities
that endanger the integrity of UEFA or its competitions, or bring
the sport of football into disrepute;
b) to refrain from accepting or giving any gift of money
and from accepting or giving any benefit in kind which might reasonably
be considered as exceeding local cultural customs (this provision
also applies to free invitations issued by third parties that have
a vested interest in future UEFA decisions or elections; if in doubt,
members must consult the UEFA President or the General Secretary);
c) not to accept bribes, which means that they must refuse
any gifts or other advantages that are offered, promised or sent
to them to incite breach of duty or dishonest conduct for the benefit
of a third party;
d) not to bribe third parties and not to urge or incite
others to do so in order to gain an advantage for themselves or
third parties;
e) to notify UEFA immediately if they are targets of attempted
bribery;
f) not to participate, directly or indirectly, in betting
or similar activities relating to UEFA competition matches and not
to have any direct or indirect financial interest in such activities
…”
94. Finally, Bid Regulations for UEFA EURO 2020 established that
“Executive Committee members may not participate in the deliberations
or the voting procedure if they are associated with a candidate
association/city participating in the selection phase concerned
or if a conflict of interests exists” (Article 2.4 of the Annex
on Executive Committee voting procedure).
95. These provisions are sound. The only remark I would have is
that the UEFA Executive Committee, like the other UEFA bodies, holds
its meetings in camera. This rule is normal and understandable,
but entails risks when decisions are to be taken which have a high
political and economic impact. I believe that all bids for the hosting
of major international sports events should be decided by “open
ballots” and the results should be published. Therefore, as I proposed
for FIFA, we would recommend that UEFA ensure the public nature
of the vote of each member of the executive committee in relation
to the decisions on host countries and towns for major European
football events that UEFA organises.
96. In addition, I would highlight, for UEFA too, the need to
ensure a more balanced gender representation. After a recent change
in the Statutes, one female football representative is a member
of the Executive Committee, but this does not ensure gender balanced
representation. UEFA should also continue to promote a change of
culture in all European national football associations.
97. In this respect, I welcome the launching of the UEFA Women
in Football Leadership Programme, which aims at encouraging more
women to be in decision-making roles in football. By way of example,
consideration could be given to establishing rules to ensure that
the number of women on the executive and standing committees of
national sports federations is at least proportionate to the number
of registered players, with a minimum number of seats reserved for
women in all cases.
4.3. Disciplinary procedure
98. Concerning the legal framework and the procedural
mechanisms to investigate and sanction misbehaviour, the UEFA Disciplinary
Regulations are, in general, a well-thought out, comprehensive text.
The following are subject to these regulations: all member associations
and their officials, all clubs and their officials, all match officials,
all players and all persons assigned by UEFA to exercise a function
(Article 3.1).
99. Article 4 (“Scope of temporal application”) states that: “1.
These regulations apply to all those who fall under UEFA’s jurisdiction
on the day the alleged disciplinary offence is committed”, and it
adds that: “2. Disciplinary proceedings instigated against someone
who was under UEFA’s jurisdiction on the day the alleged disciplinary
offence was committed must not be abandoned by UEFA’s disciplinary
bodies solely because the person involved is no longer under UEFA’s
jurisdiction.” This is exactly the kind of provision that FIFA could
incorporate into its Code of Ethics.
100. Article 10 states that, while the prosecution of other offences
is time-barred after one, five or eight years depending on their
nature, “match-fixing, bribery and corruption are not subject to
a statute of limitations”; thus these offences can be prosecuted
at any time. In addition, while the general principle is that all
disciplinary measures may be suspended, Article 20 states that this
does not apply (among others) to disciplinary measures related to
match-fixing, bribery and corruption. These provisions are to be
commended.
101. The disciplinary bodies are the Control, Ethics and Disciplinary
Body (which consists of a chairperson, two vice-chairpersons and
seven other members) and the Appeals Body (which consists of a chairperson,
two vice-chairprsons and nine other members). Their members are
elected by the Executive Committee for a term of four years. The
results of the elections are presented to the Congress for ratification
(Article 22.2). The Executive Committee also appoints the ethics
and disciplinary inspectors and designates the chief inspector. All
appointments are presented to the Congress for ratification (Article
25.1).
102. The Ethics and Disciplinary Inspectors may investigate any
possible offences falling within the scope of the UEFA Disciplinary
Regulations (Article 25.5.a).
They represent UEFA in the proceedings before the disciplinary bodies
(Article 25.2). They may initiate disciplinary investigations and
lodge appeals against the decisions of the Control, Ethics and Disciplinary
Body (Article 25.3). The Executive Committee of EUFA, the President,
the General Secretary and the disciplinary bodies may commission
the inspectors to conduct investigations, either alone or in co-operation
with other UEFA or non-UEFA bodies (Article 25.4).
103. According to Article 26:
“1.
The members of the disciplinary bodies and the ethics and disciplinary
inspectors are independent and may not belong to any other UEFA
organ or committee.
2. They shall not take any measure nor exercise any influence
in relation to a matter where any conflict of interest exits or
is perceived to exist.”
104. In addition, according to Article 27, they “must decline to
participate in cases relating directly to themselves, their national
associations or clubs belonging to their national associations”.
105. Article 45 states that “[t]he UEFA administration publishes
decisions issued by the disciplinary bodies. Where such a decision
contains confidential information, the UEFA administration may decide,
ex officio or at the request of either one of the parties or the
ethics and disciplinary inspector, to publish an anonymised version”.
Finally, I note that witnesses can be kept anonymous in cases where
they, their family or close friends are exposed to a danger to their
life or to physical danger (Article 40).
106. Given the above, it seems to me that the system in place offers
guarantees for effective pursuit of offences under the UEFA Disciplinary
Regulations. This system was further reinforced by a confidential reporting
mechanism – the “UEFA Integrity Platform” – which, in particular,
allows individuals to provide information to UEFA concerning match-fixing
or corruption.
107. However, we would recommend that UEFA (for reasons analogous
to those which justify similar proposals to FIFA) should:
- strengthen the independence
of the members of its disciplinary bodies and inspectors, by giving
the Congress the competence to elect – and remove – them (and not
only to “ratify” their appointment) upon proposals of the Executive
Committee;
- extend the possibility to keep a witness anonymous to
cases where the witness is clearly exposed to the risk of adverse
measures having a significant social and/or financial impact.
4.4. Financial transparency
and accountability and duration of terms of office
108. UEFA is as wealthy as FIFA and manages substantial
amounts of money. The financial report for 2011-2012 mentions revenues
of 2 795.7 million euros (including 1 390.9 million euros generated
by the UEFA EURO 2012). The financial report for 2012-2013 mentions
revenues of 1 698.9 million euros; taking into account the extra
income generated by the UEFA EURO 2012, this means an increase in
ordinary revenues of more than 290 million euros.
109. Being an association under Swiss law, UEFA is not formally
subjected to the financial reporting constraints of a business company.
However, like FIFA, UEFA nevertheless adopted higher accounting
and budget reporting standards than those compulsory under applicable
Swiss legislation.
110. Although the starting point seems the same in the area of
financial accountability, there are at least three elements which
make the UEFA situation much less problematic:
- UEFA has established a wholly-owned
subsidiary limited company: “UEFA Events S.A.” This company manages
UEFA commercial operations and events. I believe that this approach
may help to reduce the risk of bribes, conflicts of interest and
mismanagement.
- as UEFA activities are (mainly) in Europe, calls for commercial
bidding are compelled to meet the requirements set out in European
Union legislation; this means stringent rules for calls for tender
and selection procedures.
- UEFA regulations on bidding procedures are comprehensive
and clear rules exist for distribution of investment funds (and
in particular the programme Hat Trick III) to all members associations.
Therefore,
the legal framework of UEFA’s financial activities appears sound.
111. However, with regard to the remuneration and other financial
advantages of the president, senior executives and managers, the
UEFA budget report lacks transparency. The amount of salaries and
benefits – which for 2012-2013 was 59.81 million euros – is mentioned
only as an aggregate figure and there are no detailed figures for
amounts received by top managers or elected executives. Therefore,
we recommend that UEFA make public the grid of salaries, indemnities
and other financial benefits of key functions and post-holders.
112. Concerning the terms of office, according to Article 22.1,
the UEFA president and members of the Executive Committee are elected
by the Congress for four years
and
all members are eligible for re-election. However, an age limit
is established by Article 22.2: “A person aged 70 or more shall
not be eligible for election or re-election.”
113. We commend this rule; however it could be complemented by
a limit to the number of terms of re-election, for example as provided
by the Olympic Charter for the President of the IOC, eight years
renewable once for four years. Various systems have been implemented
in other organisations to ensure the rotation of membership of management
bodies, such as durations of the number of terms a former executive
committee member must remain off the executive before being again
eligible to stand for re-election.
5. FIFA enquiry on
bribes allegedly paid to influence the vote on the 2018/2022 FIFA
World Cup country allocation
114. On 13 November 2014, Mr Joachim Eckert, Chairperson
of the Adjudicatory Chamber of the FIFA Ethics Committee, issued
a statement on the report on the enquiry into the 2018/2022 FIFA
World Cup country allocation. The statement (which is published
on the FIFA website) contains a summary of the main findings, which, inter alia, clear the 2022 World
Cup host, Qatar, of wrongdoing.
115. I am very disturbed, but not really surprised by this. These
conclusions, as presented in Mr Eckert’s statement, are to me a
clear whitewash, aimed at trying to put an end to the embarrassing
debate about the need to rerun the bid. I sincerely welcome the
immediate reaction of Mr Michael Garcia, Chairperson of the Investigatory
Chamber of the FIFA Ethics Committee, who conducted the inquiry
together with his deputy, Mr Cornel Borbely. Mr Garcia stated that
the report by the Adjudicatory Chamber contains numerous materially incomplete
and erroneous representations; he presented an appeal, which was
dismissed on 16 December 2014. Mr Garcia resigned on 17 December
2014. This epitomises the serious problems that secrecy of the procedure
before the Adjudicatory Chamber entails.
116. Neither our committee nor the public know what Mr Garcia’s
report says and which elements discussed in this report were not
duly taken into consideration by Mr Eckert. I do know, however,
that the documents leaked to the Sunday
Times – which I was given an opportunity to examine –
are unequivocal pieces of evidence. They show that Mr Mohamed bin
Hammam, who was at that time member of the FIFA Executive Committee,
from October 2008 until the December 2010 ballot and even after
this vote, distributed large amounts of money to more than 30 high
representatives of the African football community to gain the support of
the representatives of the Confederation of African Football (CAF)
within the FIFA Executive Committee for the Qatar bid for the 2022
World Cup.
117. It is evident that this support was eventually given and that
it significantly contributed to the end result. Indeed, gaining
the votes of CAF members participating at the ballot on 2 December
2010, Qatar was practically sure of keeping a leading position over
the other bidding countries which were members of the Asian Football
Confederation (AFC), namely Australia, Japan and South Korea. Mr
bin Hammam, who was also President of the AFC, could almost guarantee
receiving the votes of the three other AFC members of the FIFA Executive
Committee, after the elimination of the other Asian candidates,
to add them to his own vote for Qatar. It is equally evident that
the Qatar “Bid Committee” could not claim they were ignorant of
the fact that Mr Bin Hammam was acting to gain support for Qatar.
118. Even for those who are not willing to see such disturbing
but plain truth, it should be apparent that Mr bin Hammam’s behaviour
resulted in a biased decision-making process which illicitly favoured
Qatar against the other suitable candidates. To use the terminology
of Mr Eckert, the circumstances resulting from the documents leaked
to the Sunday Times were suited
to compromise the integrity of the FIFA World CUP 2018/2022. It
is incomprehensible that, given a structured action of this scale
and the sums involved, there can still be any doubt that there was
a “direct correlation” between these flagrant irregularities and
the outcome of the vote. The inappropriate behaviour in relation
to payments and subsequent votes revealed by the leaked documents
must be a sufficient reason to rerun the bid, at least as far as
the 2022 World Cup is concerned. Therefore, this is a recommendation
that I intend to include in the draft resolution.
119. The revelations made by the
Sunday
Times are corroborated by the accounts given by Ms Phaedra Almajid.
She worked on the Qatar bid committee as media officer from April
2009 to March 2010. Shortly after the vote on 2 December 2010, she
contacted journalists and exposed irregularities committed by the
Qatar bid committee. In an interview with the magazine
France Football,
she
said that, during the Confederation of African Football (CAF) congress
held in Luanda (Angola) in January 2010, she had been present at
discussions in which a Qatari dignitary had offered three African
football officials financial incentives – of one and a half million
dollars in each case – for their respective federations in order
to gain their support. Ms Almajid also confirmed that Mr bin Hammam
had acted on behalf of the Qatar bid committee.
120. In conclusion, Mr Eckert’s statement and Mr Garcia’s reaction
constitute the perfect evidence that the procedure set forth by
the Ethics Code, which on paper is a very advanced and effective
one, has been revealed as a farce particularly because of the lack
of transparency and it is urgent that this be changed.
6. Sports governance
and the promotion of human rights
121. UEFA and FIFA should take a new and different approach
to working with the host countries of major events they organise
– both in terms of control and support, for example when it is known
that these countries lack project-management capacity or have problems
with corruption. They should not overtax host countries with undue
burdens. However, they should monitor the use of grants they pay
to host countries, as they should also do for money they disburse
in the framework of their football development programmes. We can
also encourage them to offer some kind of technical assistance in
project design (for example providing advice on real need for new
infrastructures).
122. A major outstanding issue is the role that major sports organisations
such as FIFA and UEFA, but also the International Olympic Committee
and others, must play in the protection and promotion of human rights
in countries which are accepted by these organisations as “suitable”
to host major events. If the situation emerging from the evidence
coming to light in Qatar was not so shocking, there would have been
a possibility to deal with the human rights issue separately in
another report, building on our report “Good governance and ethics
in sport”, which includes an analysis of the question of the protection
of young athletes and in particular those who leave their countries
when they are just children.
123. There are 1.4 million migrant workers building and supporting
the expansion of Qatar’s infrastructure as a precursor for FIFA’s
2022 World Cup. The vast majority live in overcrowded, insanitary
camps, with construction workers and cleaning staff earning less
than £5 a day. Salaries go unpaid; passports are routinely confiscated.
The Kafala system of sponsored employment and the abuses perpetuated
against migrant workers in Qatar are unacceptable. Their working
conditions could easily qualified as “inhuman treatment” even “slavery”.
I believe the Assembly cannot remain silent on this.
124. At the hearing on 5 December 2014, Mr Houngbo (ILO) and Mr
Murphy (UCATT) insisted on, and illustrated, the gravity of the
problems faced by the migrant workers in Qatar and on the urgent
need to act. For hundreds of people this could make a difference
between life or death. I share the conviction that, as pointed out
at the hearing, to be effective there is a need to bring together
the different stakeholders, draw together the reforms which are
required and request that they are implemented by the Qatari authorities
without delay.
125. The FIFA representative, Mr de Gregorio, argued that the Parliamentary
Assembly would not be speaking about migrant worker’s conditions
in Qatar if FIFA had not awarded the 2022 World Cup to this country.
He also indicated that FIFA had prompted the Qatari authorities
to remedy the problems which migrant workers are facing and to improve
their conditions. Despite the evidence available to date concerning
living conditions and the deaths of overseas workers in Qatar, FIFA
have not managed to persuade the Qatari authorities to improve conditions
adequately to comply with acceptable standards of human rights,
or to grant overseas workers the civil right to acceptable representation.
126. I am aware that football can be a powerful catalyst for change
and that FIFA could have a great influence on countries which ask
to host major football events – as UEFA could have in the European
framework. This is exactly why I would strongly recommend that FIFA
join with the ILO and other stakeholders to urge the Qatari authorities
to continue to enforce improvements in the treatment of overseas
workers involved in the infrastructure projects in Qatar. We need
FIFA to be fully on board and for FIFA to make clear that the implementation
of human rights standards, and particularly those set by the ILO,
is a condition with which Qatar and other countries staging football
events must comply.
127. I was informed that Mr Michael Van Praag, Dutch Member of
the UEFA Executive Committee, has proposed that human rights be
fully considered in future bid processes for UEFA football tournaments,
starting with the bid process for UEFA EURO 2024. I believe this
is the right approach and that we shall recommend to FIFA, UEFA,
but also to all other sports organisations to follow it with no
hesitation. All candidate countries which bid to host major events
must be bound to respect basic human rights.
7. Conclusions
128. Sport in general and football in particular are powerful
tools to promote universal values. To this aim, intergovernmental
organisations and major international sports organisations should
seek to enhance their co-operation and joint efforts. FIFA and UEFA
are already doing a lot to promote sport’s highest values. Just
as examples, both organisations are active in fighting discrimination.
The social value of their respective development programmes is indisputable;
they have shown a firm commitment to the fight against match-fixing by
concrete actions: FIFA entered into a partnership with the Interpol;
UEFA strongly supported the initiative to draft a Council of Europe
convention on the manipulation of sports competitions and is now
strongly supporting its ratification and implementation. Other positive
actions are the protection of young athletes, the fight against doping
and the prevention of violence.
129. In the European context, we must actively seek closer co-operation
between the main sports organisations. UEFA would seem to be a natural
partner and the Council of Europe’s Enlarged Partial Agreement on
Sport (EPAS) offers the framework for this collaboration. Perhaps
consideration could be given to formalising more co-operation with
agreements, such as the co-operation arrangement which the European Commission
and UEFA concluded on 14 October 2014 with the overall objective
of promoting and safeguarding the values of fairness and openness
in sport.
130. The credibility of sports organisations is also dependent
on their “governance systems” and the capacity of these systems
to ensure that the values they affirm apply with no exceptions within
sports organisations themselves. In this respect, major sports organisations
have influence as role models. This is why we should pay particular
attention to them.
131. My analysis of FIFA and UEFA governance and the proposals
made in the draft resolution and in the two appendices to the present
report are based on what I consider to be the fundamental principles
which should support good governance of sports organisations. Transparency,
accountability and a well thought-out legal framework are required
to ensure prevention of conflicts of interest, but effective mechanisms
to investigate, detect and severely sanction unethical behaviour
and wrongdoing, especially bribes, corruption and manipulation of
sports competitions, are needed too.
132. Within this context, we have a duty to ask FIFA to put an
end to the series of scandals that are damaging its image and speed
up the internal changes required to consolidate a different corporate
culture, capable of more effectively counteracting attempts to manipulate
the decision-making process.
133. It seems to me that there is a clear link between good governance
of sports organisations and their capacity to back human rights
and the rule of law. The case of Qatar is a perfect example. FIFA
should have every right to be proud of its new Ethics Committee,
but lack of transparency hampered the very first case that should
have proven its effectiveness. I believe there is an urgency to
ask FIFA – but also UEFA representatives, who are members of the
FIFA Executive Committee – to throw light on the circumstantiated allegations
of bribes which may have altered the decision-making process on
the Qatar bid. Moreover, it is for me of the utmost importance to
bring pressure on the Qatari authorities to improve the shocking
working conditions of migrant overseas workers.
134. My final word will be that, while this report deals essentially
with the two main football organisations, it is clear that the main
messages are relevant for all sports organisations.