1. Introduction
1. On 13 November 2015, 137 people
were massacred in Paris and 350 wounded as they were listening to
music or sitting in a restaurant or a cafe; a friendly international
football match was also targeted by suicide bombers.
2. Two weeks after the Paris massacre, on 27 November, the Standing
Committee met in Sofia and held a current affairs debate on the
theme of this report. I had the honour of introducing that debate
and I have used my introduction as a starting point for this report.
3. On 14 December, in London, the Bureau of the Assembly took
note of the proposal submitted by all the political groups to hold
a debate under urgent procedure on the same topic during the first
part-session of 2016.
4. On 25 January 2016, the Assembly decided to hold an urgent
procedure debate on the same issue and the Committee on Political
Affairs and Democracy appointed me rapporteur.
5. The present report, and the associated draft resolution, must
be read as the follow-up to the report prepared by the Committee
on Political Affairs and Democracy one year ago on “Terrorist attacks
in Paris: together for a democratic response”. The subject is also
intimately related with that of the report on “Foreign fighters
in Syria and Iraq”, and both reports will be discussed jointly by
the Assembly.
6. As the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights and the
Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination are seized for opinion,
I have worked in consultation with my colleagues Pierre-Yves Le
Borgn’ (France, SOC) and Gülsün Bílgehan (Turkey, SOC), rapporteurs
for opinion for these two committees respectively, and I have included
in the draft resolution most of their proposals.
7. Last but not least, I should also like to draw attention to
the report prepared by the Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy
on “Threats against humanity posed by the terrorist group known
as ‘IS’: violence against Christians and other religious or ethnic
communities” and to
Resolution
2016 (2014) adopted by the Assembly in October 2014.
2. The facts
8. The recent Paris attacks, which
prompted the urgent debate on this theme, were one of the many terrorist
attacks which took place last year. To mention some: on 7 January
2015, 11 people were murdered and 11 injured during a terrorist
attack on the offices of the French satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo; 27 young people were
killed in Suruç (Turkey) on 7 July; 76 people were murdered in Bagdad
on 13 August; two bomb attacks killed 95 and injured 246 mostly
young men and women marching in a peaceful demonstration in Ankara,
on 10 October; a Russian airliner flying from Sharm-el-Sheik to
St Petersburg exploded over the Sinai, killing all 224 passengers
and crew, on 31 October; a double suicide bombing killed 43 people
and wounded more than 180 in a southern suburb of Beirut, on 12
November; 137 persons were massacred in Paris and 350 wounded, on
13 November; a bomb attack on a bus murdered 12 people and wounded
16 in Tunis, on 24 November. In 2016, terrorist attacks continue:
11 people were murdered in Istanbul, on 12 January, 14 in Jakarta
on 14 January and 27 in Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) on 15 January.
9. All these terrorist attacks were claimed by terrorist groups
which call themselves “Islamic”. Best known today is Da'ish,
responsible for the
recent terrorist attacks in Europe and its direct surroundings,
whereas Boko Haram has probably caused the highest number of deaths
of innocent people until now, especially in Africa. Other important
terrorist groups, which claim to be based on Islam, are al-Qaeda
and al-Shabaab. Al-Qaeda was amongst others behind the terrorist
attacks in New York in 2001, Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005.
Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for many terrorist attacks in
Somalia and Kenya.
10. Da'ish originated as Jamaát al-Tawhid wal-Jihad (‘the organisation
of monotheism and jihad’) in 1999, which then pledged allegiance
to al-Qaeda and participated in the Iraqi insurgency following the
March 2003 invasion of Iraq by Western forces. In 2006, it proclaimed
the formation of the “Islamic State of Iraq” and after an attempted
merger in 2013 with the al-Nusra Front in Syria, it took the name
“Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant”. In 2014, the al-Nusra Front
cut its ties with Da'ish. Its main basis now is in parts of Iraq
and Syria, which it controls and exploits.
11. Boko Haram (usually translated as “Western education is forbidden”,
also calls itself “Islamic State West Africa Province”) was founded
in 2002 in Nigeria and after some years of existence, it radicalised
and became a terrorist organisation, active in Nigeria as well as
in several other west African states, killing many thousands of
African citizens. In 2015, it swore allegiance to Da'ish, therewith
giving Da'ish a presence in Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon.
12. Al-Shabaab (“Mujahideen Youth Movement”) is a terrorist group
based in east Africa, founded probably in 2004 in Somalia as a split
of the Islamic Courts Union. It is responsible for many terrorist
attacks in Somalia, Kenya and also Yemen. In 2012, it stated that
it would join al-Qaeda.
13. Other groups, which proclaim to be based on other religious
or political grounds and use violence to achieve their goals, are
also active in various parts of the world and terrorise innocent
people, but they play a far less important role now than they did
in the past in Council of Europe member States and their neighbouring States.
This report therefore concentrates on the absolute need to combat
the so-called “Islamic” terrorist groups.
14. Let me start by reiterating that the above-mentioned attacks
are directed against the very values of democracy and freedom in
general, against the type of society that our pan-European Organisation
has aimed at building since the end of the Second World War, as
the Assembly stated last year in its
Resolution 2031 (2015) “Terrorist
attacks in Paris: together for a democratic response”.
15. Most of the terrorists involved in the attacks in Paris were
European citizens, born in Europe, mainly of north African descent.
Some of them had recently travelled to Syria, hence the relation
with the report on “Foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq” of my colleague
Dirk Van der Maelen.
16. As a consequence of the attacks in Paris, in December 2015,
Brussels turned into a city of fear where normal life almost came
to a standstill, a state of emergency was declared in France and
in Tunisia, and France derogated from certain provisions of the
European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5). All over Europe and
the rest of the world people are preparing for new atrocities by
Da'ish terrorists who have attacked the values which are considered
by the Council of Europe to be fundamental.
17. As it had already done in January 2015, the whole of Europe
condemned again the attacks and mourned the innocent victims, and
the whole of Europe expressed its rejection of terrorism and its
stand for the values of democracy, freedom and human rights, the
values on which Europe is founded. The whole of Europe must continue
to work together in order to find a democratic response to the rise
of terrorism and radical Islamism. Democracy, freedom and human
rights are worth fighting for.
3. Combating terrorism…
18. This fanatic terrorism poses
a threat to us all and therefore we need to act together to end
this evil. We have to combat international terrorism, as the first
part of the title of this report states. The question is not whether
we should do our utmost to overcome this major threat to civilization,
but how we can do this in
an effective way. Here the second part of the title becomes relevant:
we should combat international terrorism while protecting Council
of Europe standards and values; recent history, however, shows that
this is easier said than done.
19. In the last 45 years the Parliamentary Assembly adopted 22
recommendations and 11 resolutions on terrorism, two thirds of these
since the year 2000.
20. After the terrorist attacks in January 2015 in Paris, the
Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe adopted an additional
protocol on foreign terrorist fighters to the Council of Europe
Convention on the Prevention of Terrorism (CETS No. 196), as the
Assembly had called for in its
Resolution 2031 (2015). It also adopted
a Declaration and an Action Plan on the “Fight against violent extremism
and radicalisation leading to terrorism” at its ministerial meeting
in May 2015 in Brussels.
21. The Convention on the Prevention of Terrorism itself was already
concluded 10 years earlier in Warsaw, in the aftermath of the 9/11
terrorist attacks on the United States (and entered into force in
June 2007). Already in 1999, the United Nations adopted its International
Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism.
22. More than 20 years before this United Nations Convention,
the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism (ETS No.
90) was drawn up under the auspices of the Council of Europe – following a
1973 recommendation by the then Consultative Assembly – and entered
into force in 1978. The Council of Europe legal framework on the
fight against terrorism was further supplemented, in 2003, by an
amending protocol to the latter convention and, in 2008, by the
entry into force of the Council of Europe Convention on Laundering,
Search, Seizure and Confiscation of the proceeds of Crime and the
Financing of Terrorism (CETS No. 198).
23. The European Commission proposed a Directive of the European
Parliament and of the Council on combating terrorism. A draft directive
on the Passenger Name Record (PNR) system was debated in the European
Parliament's Civil Liberties Committee in December 2015 and will
be put on the European Parliament's plenary agenda in the near future.
24. Many of these international treaties oblige member States
to implement their essence in national legislation. This is indeed
an important achievement – to have legal instruments to combat international terrorism.
We do not seem to lack legal instruments as such, but we too often
lack effective instruments.
25. In spite of the worldwide adoption of the 1999 Convention
on the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, until now it has
been seemingly impossible to cut off the financial lifelines of
the Da'ish terrorists. According to the German Government, Da'ish
is by far the richest terrorist organisation ever, with access to billions
to finance its terrorist activities, both in Syria and Iraq as well
as in Paris, Beirut, Ankara, Tunis and elsewhere. In spite of the
convention, which orders United Nations member States to close all
financial channels to and from Da'ish terrorists, at least 40 member
States – according to Russian President Putin at the recent G20
summit in Antalya – provide financial means to Da'ish and there
with the oxygen needed to keep the terrorist fire burning. In spite
of this convention, Da'ish is still able to sell oil and stolen
archaeological objects to others and in return tens of millions
of dollars are flowing each month to Da'ish.
26. After the recent terrorist attacks, many of our leading politicians,
including French President Hollande and Dutch Prime Minister Rutte
and many more, stated that we now are at war with Da'ish. It is
not difficult to understand the mood of our politicians when using
this language, many of our citizens might feel the same. We should
nevertheless be very, very careful when using this vocabulary. None
of the international conventions we drafted to combat terrorism
define those who commit terrorist acts as soldiers of an army with
which we are at war but, rightly in my opinion, as criminals who
commit awful crimes against innocent people in order to destabilise
our societies and create an atmosphere of fear.
27. In this respect, the Assembly was very clear in its
Resolution 1840 (2011) on
human rights and the fight against terrorism, stating that the concept
of “war on terror” was misleading and unhelpful and was a threat
to the entire framework of international human rights. Terrorists
are criminals not soldiers, and terrorist crimes are not akin to
acts of war.
28. The Assembly should continue to reject any suggestion that
the war in Syria, the Arab-Israeli conflict, or other events in
the Middle East or elsewhere, could possibly justify terrorist acts
within our European democratic societies or anywhere else. At the
same time, I have serious doubts whether several governments’ military
interventions in Iraq and Syria are in line with international standards.
Until now, a combined strategy behind these military interventions
seems to be completely lacking and they still have to prove their
efficiency.
29. It would be far better not to increase external military intervention
but rather reach, as soon as possible, a negotiated ceasefire in
Syria between government and opposition groups, on the basis of
the Vienna talks, and to have a far more inclusive government in
Iraq, which could unite the divided country and increase its internal
strength. Then the international community could provide both countries
with the means necessary to combat and defeat Da'ish terrorism themselves.
Foreign military interventions in this region have a bad track record.
30. In any event, we need to emphasise that no arguments can justify
terrorist attacks based on hatred and any attempt to find excuses
for the actions of the murderers must be firmly rejected. There
must be no “but”. As the Assembly put it in its
Resolution 1258 (2001) on
democracies facing terrorism, “[t]here can be no justification for
terrorism”.
4. …while protecting Council
of Europe standards and values
31. In these times when we witness
so many terrorist attacks, we have to reiterate that democracies
have the inalienable right, and the inseparable obligation, as laid
down in their Constitutions as well as in international law, to
defend themselves when attacked. It is time to reinforce the fight
against terrorism, but under the precondition that respect for human
rights, the rule of law and the common values upheld by the Council
of Europe is always guaranteed. I underline that combating terrorism
and protecting Council of Europe standards and values are not contradictory
but complementary.
32. Instead of using the existing conventions and laws and ensuring
a more effective implementation, we too often create ever more rules,
hoping that they will show the effectiveness the earlier conventions
and rules did not bring. Here we have to listen carefully to what
the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights said in June
2015:
“The US-led 'war on terror'
and many European States' counterterrorism efforts violated core
principles of human rights and international law, including the
following: protection against torture, the right to personal liberty
and security, the right to a fair trial including the presumption
of innocence, the right to respect for private and family life,
the freedoms of expression and of movement, the right to an effective remedy
and victims' rights to reparation following States' unlawful acts.”
33. The Commissioner for Human Rights concluded that during this
period thousands of individuals, including many European citizens
and many innocent people, had been victimised. I thank our Commissioner for
having the courage to look in the mirror when evaluating recent
counterterrorism efforts in our member States.
34. As the Commissioner put it: “Terrorist activity has been a
real and present threat, as well as a fundamental violation of human
rights.” There is no single argument “in favour” of international
terrorism – it is what it is: a crime against our citizens, against
our way of living, against our standards and values. The Commissioner
also said: “State attempts to combat international terrorism must
be human rights compliant and remain within the rule of law.” And
he rightly addresses us, politicians, when he continues that “forfeiting
human rights in the fight against terrorism is a grave mistake and
an ineffective measure that may help the cause of terrorists”.
35. It is therefore of utmost importance that, while looking for
the best ways to combat terrorism, we, parliamentarians, always
have to make sure that all we propose and adopt is indeed human
rights proof and compliant and remains within the rule of law.
36. For instance, one of the proposed measures suggested to combat
international terrorism is depriving terrorists of their (European)
citizenship. Although such laws exist in some Council of Europe
member States, the debate around this issue is particularly topical
in France as a proposal in this direction was made just after the
terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015 by the French Prime
Minister. The rapporteur for opinion for the Committee on Legal
Affairs and Human Rights, Mr Pierre-Yves Le Borgn’, will deal in
detail with this question. For my part, I would argue against laws
stripping dual nationals of their European citizenship as this could create
discrimination among the citizens of a European country, between
those who hold dual nationality and those who do not. If applied
to all nationals, it would create stateless persons, thus violating
the New York Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, of 30
August 1961. In addition, it is not likely that such a measure would
dissuade any would-be suicide bomber.
37. It is worth noting that the European Court of Human Rights
concluded on 12 January 2016 that the new Hungarian legislation
on secret anti-terrorist surveillance did not have sufficient safeguards
against abuse and therefore it violated Article 8 of the European
Convention on Human Rights.
A week later, on 19 January 2016, the
British Appeals Court ruled that a key clause in the Terrorism Act
2000 was incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.
It is worth noting that when assessing the compatibility of measures
taken by member States in their fight against terrorism with ECHR
requirements, specific context and timing are key elements and thus
the European Court of Human Rights may conclude in one situation
in favour of violation and come to the contrary conclusion in another,
even apparently similar, situation. The case law of the Court is
extremely rich on this subject and I refer to the opinion of the
Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights for references.
38. As regards more specifically the aspect of surveillance powers,
it is worth recalling our
Resolution
2045 (2015) on mass surveillance, where the Assembly
stated that “[m]ass surveillance does not appear to have contributed
to the prevention of terrorist attacks, contrary to earlier assertions
made by senior intelligence officials. Instead, resources that might
prevent attacks are diverted to mass surveillance, leaving potentially dangerous
persons free to act”. Therefore, mass surveillance seems to be not
only dangerous to human rights but also ineffective and a waste
of resources.
39. It should also be clear that the fact that a State decides
to declare a state of emergency and to derogate from certain provisions
of the European Convention on Human Rights and therefore deposits
the relevant instrument to the Secretary General of the Council
of Europe, in line with Article 15 of the Convention, does not mean
that such a derogation is automatically valid and exonerates the
State concerned from the obligation to comply with the Convention.
It is ultimately and solely for the European Court of Human Rights
to decide, as soon as it is confronted with a relevant complaint,
whether or not the derogation complies with the requirements of
Article 15 of the Convention.
40. Reacting to France’s decision to declare and later on to prolong
a state of emergency until the end of February 2016, the Commissioner
for Human Rights warned against the risk that measures taken in
France “could sap the system of democratic control” if for instance
police armed with executive rather than judicial orders carry out
searches. The Commissioner also expressed concern over ethnic profiling
of suspects facing police searches. Questioning the need for these
measures, the Commissioner warned that heightened surveillance could
lead to the “stigmatisation of certain communities”. The rapporteur
for opinion for the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights,
Mr Le Borgn’, will deal in more detail with the concerns raised by
the state of emergency declared in France. He has also informed
me of his intention to refer to the derogations entered into by
Ukraine under the United Nations International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights
concerning the situation in Crimea and eastern Ukraine, and in particular
“anti-terrorist operations” being conducted by Ukrainian forces
in certain areas of eastern Ukraine. I refer to his opinion in this
respect.
41. At the same time, there are situations where a State has not
declared a state of emergency and has not derogated from any provision
of the European Convention on Human Rights but
de facto takes measures of a state
of emergency nature in the name of “the fight against terrorism”.
This is for instance what seems to be happening currently in south-east
Turkey where, following the breakdown of the peace process between
the PKK and the Turkish Government in July 2015 after a bombing
in Suruç, the government has undertaken a number of anti-terrorist
operations seriously infringing freedom of expression, of movement
and of assembly but also having grave humanitarian consequences
for the resident population. According to Amnesty International,
24-hour
curfews have been declared since 11 December in the Sur district
of the city of Diyarbakır, and since 14 December in the towns of
Cizre and Silopi, in Şırnak province, in south-east Turkey. More
than 200 000 people live in the affected areas and some are unable
to access food, medical care and face severe electricity and water
shortages. Hundreds of residents, including women, children and
the elderly, as well as dozens of soldiers and police officers have
been reported killed.
42. Reacting to an attack on the police headquarters in Cinar
(Diyarbakir) on 13 January that left six people dead, including
children, and 39 wounded, the co-rapporteurs of the Assembly for
post-monitoring dialogue with Turkey expressed their concern over
the escalation of violence for the past six months in south-east Turkey
and especially its impact on the population, and clearly stated
that if military operations were deemed necessary to combat terrorism
in the region, they should be conducted “in line with international
standards – with due consideration for the humanitarian needs of
the citizens, the right to security, justice for their lost ones, and
compensation for damages”.
I fully support them in this call.
43. Reacting to the arrests, on 15 January 2016, of several academics
and intellectuals who signed a petition calling for peace and criticising
Turkish military operations in south-east Turkey and were subsequently charged
for “making propaganda for a terrorist organisation” and for “denigrating
the Turkish nation”, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe
called on all, “in this difficult time when Turkey is facing an
immense challenge due to terrorist attacks to join forces against
violence and terrorism and to respect human rights including freedom
of expression”. He added that “no efforts must be spared to de-escalate
the situation”.
44. Regrettably, faced with the rise of the terrorist threat,
more and more people are stating that now is not the time to talk
about human rights, democracy and the rule of law. In times of war,
other laws are in place, they tell our citizens. In my country,
the party which is now most popular in the opinion polls says that
we are at war with Islam, that the Koran is a fascist book and that
we should not let a single Muslim refugee pass our borders to seek
shelter, whatever harm these people may have suffered from terrorists
in their places of origin. Here, “les extrêmes se touchent”, the
extremes meet – being both contrary to our fundamental standards
and values, to which equality, freedom of expression and religion
and the right to find shelter when needed surely belong.
45. At the same time, the fact that the terrorists acting in Europe
were European, mostly but not all born and brought up in disadvantaged
neighbourhoods, as well as the fact that many people claiming to
be Muslims, especially among the young, take the side of the terrorists
on social media networks, has prompted a twofold debate: on the
one hand, on the urgent need for a common, international but also
specifically European response to the jihadist threat; on the other,
on the need to combat social exclusion, discrimination, violence and
segregation, as the breeding ground for terrorism and religious
fanaticism.
46. I emphatically reject the abuse of the description “Islamic”
by terrorist criminal organisations. Neither Da'ish nor similar
terrorist groups have any right to claim they act in the name of
Islam, or that they represent the Muslim community. On the contrary,
most of their victims to date are Muslims. Numerous Muslims have been
and still are terrorised, abused, exploited, tortured and massacred
by these terrorist groups, whereas their religion is smeared by
the abuse of the description “Islamic” by these criminals.
47. We should recognise the invidious position in which these
attacks place Muslims and call on political leaders to take particular
care in condemning such attacks to avoid making stigmatising generalisations
that portray whole groups of the population as responsible for the
acts of individuals. At the same time, I encourage Muslim leaders
and intellectuals to publicly, clearly and continuously condemn
the shameful abuse of their religion by fanatic murderers, whose
goal is to intimidate individuals and States using all kinds of
violence against innocent people. I call on Muslim leaders to emphasise
that Muslims, as well as believers of other religions, greatly benefit
from the protection of their rights and freedoms by the European
Convention on Human Rights, and that, also for that reason, their
communities should fiercely and publicly defend the Council of Europe
standards and values against terrorists who threaten them.
48. Respect of everyone’s right to freedom of thought, conscience
and religion, as enshrined in Article 9 of the Convention, is often
confused with an “obligation” to accept anything which is put forward
as a component of someone’s religion.
49. More than two hundred years ago, a movement started in Europe
towards the separation of church and State. As a consequence, secularism,
that is the principle of the separation of state and religion, is
today accepted as one of the pillars of a democratic society. The
Assembly has stated that we must continue to protect this principle.
50. A similar process has not yet taken place in many Muslim countries,
where Islam is seen both as a person’s religion and as a way of
organising life in society. While any person’s right to his/her
religious beliefs must be protected in a democratic society as far
as these beliefs do not violate the rights of others, any rules which
do not respect human rights must not be tolerated.
51. It is clear that parts of what is considered by some Muslims
as a component of Islam, including most of the Sharia law, fall
into this category and cannot therefore be accepted as civil law
in societies that consider themselves democratic. It would be wrong,
in the name of political correctness, to pretend that this is not
so. The European Court of Human Rights determined on 31 July 2001
that “the institution of Sharia law and a theocratic regime were
incompatible with the requirements of a democratic society”.
52. That is certainly not a process that should be imposed from
the outside. Europe should, however, stand ready to support, in
every possible way, Muslim democratic leaders and intellectuals,
whom, together with relevant representatives of civil society, would
embark on this long but inevitable process.
53. To begin with, Europe should ban in its territory all practices,
religious or not, which do not respect human rights: where human
rights are concerned there is no room for “cultural exceptions”.
Education and the media should play important roles too.
54. I applaud the many and various ways individuals, groups and
societies have protested during the past year against acts of terrorism.
Let us recall that on 11 January 2015 about two million people,
including more than 40 world leaders, met in Paris for a rally of
national unity, and that 3.7 million people joined demonstrations across
France, and in many other European cities, such as Amsterdam, Berlin,
Bologna, Brussels, Barcelona, Copenhagen, Istanbul, Ljubljana, London,
Luxembourg and Moscow, as well as elsewhere around the globe, for
example Buenos Aires, Montreal, San Francisco and Washington. It
is to be hoped that such clear signals that citizens of the world
do not accept any form of terrorism and stand firm for the standards
and values upheld by the Council of Europe will only become stronger
and will be carried by all layers of our societies.
5. Council of Europe action
55. As mentioned above, the Committee
of Ministers adopted an additional protocol on foreign terrorist fighters
to the Convention on the Prevention of Terrorism and also a Declaration
and an Action Plan on the fight against violent extremism and radicalisation
leading to terrorism in May 2015. The report on “Foreign fighters
in Syria and Iraq” gives a good overview of the objectives and priorities
of the Action Plan.
56. The 2015 edition of the World Forum for Democracy, which was
held in Strasbourg from 18 to 20 November 2015, focused on “Freedom
vs Control: for a democratic response”. The Forum rightly identified the
tension between the concern for safety and the protection of freedoms
as one of the key challenges facing democracies today. Its conclusions
highlighted in particular that, in the fight against terrorism,
“we need less reaction and more reflections”, and that the best
antidotes against fear were keeping a high level of trust in democratic
institutions, notably in the justice system, and avoiding the traps
of singling out entire groups or geographical areas as dangerous
or deviant.
57. In its reply to
Recommendation
2061 (2015) on “Terrorist attacks in Paris: together
for a democratic response”, the Committee of Ministers informs the
Assembly of its action in this area and states: “The aim of the
Action Plan adopted to complement the Declaration, which will run
until 2017, is to take a series of practical steps to reinforce
the legal framework against terrorism and violent extremism and
to prevent and fight radicalisation through concrete measures in
the public sector, in particular in schools and prisons, and on
the Internet.”
58. On 25 January 2016, the Secretary General of the Council of
Europe shared with the Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy
his views on the implementation of the Action Plan. The priorities
on the legislative aspect of the plan are terrorists acting alone,
the financing of terrorist groups through organised crime, terrorism
and the Internet and special investigation techniques. Policies
to prevent radicalisation will be focused in three areas: in schools,
in prisons and in public discourse.
59. Education is fundamental in developing competences for democratic
citizenship and the Ministers of Education of the Council of Europe
member States will discuss a concrete project on this issue on 11
and 12 April 2016 in Brussels. As the Secretary General put it,
it is “not about teaching what to think, but how to think – understanding
that different cultures and faiths can co-exist and, at the same
time, we can unite behind a set of core, universal values”. In this
respect, the Council of Europe had also initiated a counter-narrative project
on European history in collaboration with Dr Ismail Serageldin,
the Founding Director of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
60. I am particularly pleased to note the Secretary General’s
announcement that our outgoing President, Ms Anne Brasseur, will
be the Ambassador of the Council of Europe No Hate Movement.
6. Conclusions
61. The Assembly stated very clearly
in its
Resolution 2031
(2015) “Terrorist attacks in Paris: together for a democratic
response” that “democracies have the right, and the obligation,
to defend themselves when attacked”. It thus finds that the fight
against terrorism and jihadism must be reinforced while ensuring
respect for human rights, the rule of law and the common values
upheld by the Council of Europe.
62. On 12 December 2015, on the occasion of the 2015 Human Rights
Day, President Anne Brasseur stressed that, when facing the threats
posed by terrorism, “we have to be even more watchful not to sacrifice human
rights and fundamental freedoms. The temptation is strong to try
and reassure our citizens by resorting to greater security measures,
sometimes at the cost of the rights and freedoms of each and every
one of us. We have to be honest and clear: there is no free society
without threats to security. Human rights should not be sacrificed
on the altar of the fight against terrorism – this is precisely
what the terrorists want! We must not give this to them”.
63. Europe must continue to show that it is not afraid and must
not change its way of life. Not to do so would mean that the terrorists
have won. Secularism, that is the principle of the separation of
State and religion, must also be protected.
64. In the draft resolution, I suggest a number of recommendations
which our Assembly should call on parliaments and governments of
member States to respect in their fight against terrorism, so as
to ensure a fair balance between defending freedom and security,
on the one hand, and avoiding the violation of those very rights,
on the other. I also suggest we call on the Secretary General of
the Council of Europe to follow counterterrorist measures taken
by member States, evaluate their proportionality, as appropriate,
in the context of an inquiry under Article 52 of the European Convention
on Human Rights and keep the Assembly regularly informed.
65. Moreover, I believe we should urge member States to do their
utmost to eradicate the breeding grounds for terrorism and religious
fanaticism, especially by means of education, social policies and
an inclusive society. Concrete measures should be taken to prevent
and fight radicalisation, in particular in schools, disadvantaged neighbourhoods,
prisons and on the Internet and social media, in line also with
Assembly
Resolution 2031 (2015).
66. In conclusion: let us combat international terrorism – while
protecting our Council of Europe standards and values. These two
elements are not contradictory but complementary.