1. I can only congratulate Mr
Kox on his report, which contains a comprehensive analysis of the
Council of Europe’s standards and values relating to combating terrorism
and rightly underlines some of the main human rights concerns in
the fight against international terrorism. The report also proposes
a number of preventive measures to be taken by member States, including
the promotion of intercultural dialogue. In view of recent terrorist
attacks that have taken place in Europe and elsewhere, particularly
in 2015, measures have been taken in several member States that
raise some additional human rights concerns, presented in this opinion.
2. As Mr Kox has taken into account a number of my proposals,
I should like to propose only one amendment to the draft resolution
with a view to completing it mainly with regard to compliance with
human rights and fundamental freedoms. I would like to put more
emphasis on the need to defend relevant legal standards, in particular
those of the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5, “the
Convention”) as interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights
(“the Court”).
1. Council of Europe
standards and values
1.1. Conventions
3. The Council of Europe has adopted
three major conventions addressing specifically the issue of terrorism,
supplementing
earlier, more general texts such as the 1957 European Convention
on Extradition (ETS No. 24) and the 1983 Convention on the Compensation
of Victims of Violent Crimes (ETS No. 116).
3.1. The 1977 European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism
(ETS No. 90), which came into force on 4 August 1978; it provides
for a list of serious offences that were to be ‘depoliticised’ and
facilitates the extradition of perpetrators of acts of terrorism.
It expressly stipulates that none of the Convention’s provisions
shall be interpreted as imposing an obligation to extradite a person
who risks being prosecuted or punished solely on the grounds of
race, religion, nationality or political opinion. It’s amending
Protocol (ETS No. 190), adopted in 2003 but yet to come into force,
expands this stipulation to situations where such a person would
risk the death penalty, torture or life imprisonment without parole.
3.2. The Council of Europe Convention on Laundering, Search,
Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds of Crime and the Financing
of Terrorism (CETS No. 198), in force since 1 May 2008; it supplements previous
conventions by taking into account the need to deprive terrorists
and other criminal groups of their assets and funds, these measures
being key to the successful prevention, repression and, ultimately, disruption
of their activities.
3.3. The Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention of
Terrorism (CETS No. 196) in force since 1 June 2007; it aims to
prevent terrorism by establishing as criminal offences acts, such
as public provocation, recruitment and training, which may lead
to the commission of acts of terrorism as well as through closer international
co-operation. Its Additional Protocol (CETS No. 217), adopted on
19 May 2015, is intended to provide a framework for European States
to implement their obligations under United Nations Security Council Resolution
2178 (2014) in particular as regards criminalising activities related
to the phenomenon of ‘foreign terrorist fighters.’
4. The 1987 European Convention
for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment (ETS No. 126), as interpreted by the European Commission
for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Punishment
(CPT), has also been instrumental in the general establishment of
a legal framework for the fight against terrorism. In addition,
the Guidelines adopted by the Committee of Ministers on Human Rights
and the Fight against Terrorism (2002) as well as on the Protection
of Victims of Terrorist Acts (2005) restate the established case
law of the European Court of Human Rights and lay down key standards for
counterterrorism policies in Europe.
5. The European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice
Commission) has stated that “state security and fundamental rights
are not competitive values; they are each other’s precondition.”
Indeed, departing
from democratic values in the fight against those whose aim is to
destroy them “would be to sink to the level of the terrorist and
could only undermine the foundations of our democratic societies”.
1.2. European Convention
on Human Rights
1.2.1. Derogation
6. Article 15 allows contracting
States to derogate from certain rights guaranteed by the European Convention
on Human Rights in time of “war or other public emergency threatening
the life of the nation.” States have an obligation “to take the
measures needed to protect the fundamental rights of everyone within their
jurisdiction against terrorist acts, especially the right to life”.
A balance must therefore be struck
between public safety and fundamental rights.
Specific context and
timing are key to assessing the fairness of any measures during
a state of emergency, and thus criticism that holds in one situation,
may not be appropriate in other, even apparently similar situations.
Emergency legislation should help preserve the rule of law, not
flout it.
7. In light of the necessary flexibility of restrictions on rights
in emergency situations, all elements should be as clearly defined
as possible. States of emergency cannot be invoked to prevent merely
local or relatively isolated threats to law and order, nor as a
pretext for imposing vague or arbitrary limitations.
Permissible derogations
under Article 15 must meet three substantive conditions: i) there
must be a public emergency threatening the life of the nation –
that is to say it must be actual or imminent, its effects must involve
the whole nation, the continuance of the organised life of the community
must be threatened, and the crisis or danger must be so exceptional
as to make normal measures or restrictions, permitted by the Convention
for the maintenance of public safety, health and order, plainly
inadequate;
ii) any measures taken in
response must be strictly required by the exigencies of the situation
and particularly severe measures are acceptable only if adequate
safeguards (such as procedural protections like
habeas corpus or equivalent) exist;
and iii) the measures taken in response to it, must be in compliance
with a State’s other obligations under international law.
In addition to the substantive
requirements, the derogation must be procedurally sound.
1.2.2. Particular human
rights concerns in the fight against terrorism
8. In their efforts to fight terrorism,
law enforcement bodies must not abuse or circumvent normal legal requirements.
In
particular, in relation to
:
8.1. Article 2 (right to life) in the case of counter-terrorist
operations including so-called sweep operations (as in the North
Caucasus) or hostage rescue operations, or
targeted killings using drones;
8.2. Article 3 (prohibition of torture and inhuman and degrading
treatment) in cases of ill-treatment of suspected terrorists, inhuman
detention conditions , ill-treatment sustained while held incommunicado
in police custody, the
risk of ill-treatment in case of deportation/extradition, and
in rendition and secret detention cases;
8.3. Article 5 (right to liberty and security) in relation
to arrests, interrogations
and the length of detention , abusive
administrative detention, the
right to be brought promptly before a judge or other officer, the
right to be tried within a reasonable time (tied to Article 6) and
to challenge the lawfulness of the detention in court;
8.4. Article 6 (fair trial) issues when military and other
special tribunals are used in terrorism cases, when so-called blacklists
are created without proper procedures, and
when ordinary judicial procedures are modified in terrorism cases;
8.5. Article 7 (no crime without a law) requiring a minimum
of legal certainty in relation to the definition of newly criminalised
activities when crimes are created to prevent and fight terrorism
more efficiently;
8.6. Article 8 (right to privacy) particularly in relation
to surveillance powers;
8.7. Article 10 (freedom of speech and information) relating
to orders for disclosure of information, mass surveillance, and other
restrictions on freedom of speech, such
as the prohibition of terrorist propaganda etc;
8.8. Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association) as
concerns the dissolution of political parties alleged to be fronts
of terrorist groups.
9. Measures relating to asylum,
return (“
refoulement”), expulsion
and extradition can also be problematic.
2. Factual Assessments
2.1. Ukraine
10. Ukraine derogated from some
of its obligations under the United Nations International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human
Rights
on 5 June 2015 and
10 June 2015 respectively concerning the situation in Crimea and
eastern Ukraine. The derogations concern ‘anti-terrorist’ operations
being conducted by Ukrainian forces in certain areas of eastern
Ukraine as well as other measures being taken by the government
in response to the situation.
Ukraine has also
renounced its responsibilities for ensuring the respect for human
rights and implementing the relevant treaties in Crimea and eastern
Ukraine in favour of the Russian Federation, who it says is in occupational
control of these regions.
11. Ukraine has also lodged four Inter-State proceedings against
Russia concerning the events in Crimea and eastern Ukraine.
In addition to
the inter-State applications, more than 1 400 individual applications related
to the events in Crimea or the hostilities in eastern Ukraine are
currently pending before the Strasbourg Court. They have been lodged
against both Ukraine and Russia or against one of those States.
2.2. France
12. Following the terrorist attacks
of 13 November 2015, the French President stated that “La France
est en guerre” and declared a subsequent state of emergency.
The French Parliament prolonged
this state of emergency for 3 months until 26 February 2016.
On 24 November 2015, France
filed a formal notice of derogation under Article 15 of the Convention
in respect of ‘some’ of the measures taken which appeared necessary
to prevent the commission of further terrorist attacks.
13. It should be noted that the French Parliament has amended
the initial legislation, of 1955, on the State of emergency in order
to allow for parliamentary control of administrative decisions to
be made in such circumstances. Since 20 November 2015, measures
taken in the framework of the state of emergency have been under
constant parliamentary supervision with the aim of justifying their
‘value added’ compared to the efficacy of general law regarding
terrorism.
14. During the period 14 to 26 November 2015, over 1600 search
and seizure operations without judicial warrant (
perquisitions administratives’) were
carried out. From 14 November 2015 to 7 January 2016, that number
has risen to over 3 000,
with
more than 380 people being placed under house arrest (‘
assignées à
résidence’),
leading to only around 60 guilty verdicts.
15. The use of these emergency powers has been criticised on civil
liberties grounds.
For example, in relation to climate
change protests in Paris on the eve of COP21, the police issued
‘
interdictions de manifester, interdictions
de séjour et 27 assignations à residence’
(prohibition
to demonstrate, to stay in certain places, and house arrests). In
addition, questions have been asked as to whether the powers are
being used solely to combat terrorism or whether they are being
seen by the police as an opportunity to operate, in cases unrelated to
terrorism, unshackled by the usual procedural requirements.
Furthermore,
the Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner, Nils Muižnieks,
has criticised the measures stating that “there is a risk that these measures
could sap the system of democratic control”. He added concerns about
the ethnic profiling of suspects facing police searches and “the
stigmatisation of certain communities”, adding: “We react very quickly and
cast off human rights guarantees as we consider they are not useful
in the fight against terrorism”.
16. In the aftermath of the Paris terrorist attacks of January
2015, the ‘
Loi n°2015-912
du 24 juillet
2015 relative au renseignement’
was passed. It allows for the Prime Minister to authorise intrusive
surveillance measures, without judicial oversight, for the broad
goals of “major foreign policy interests”, “protecting France’s “economic,
industrial and scientific interests” and the prevention of “collective
violence” and “organised delinquency”. The Prime Minister need only
seek the views of the ‘National Committee of Intelligence Techniques
Control’ and, in any case, is not bound by their opinion.
17. In their decision n° 2015-713 DC of 23 July 2015,
the
Conseil
Constitutionnel struck down one of the most excessive
sections of the law which would have allowed for the surveillance
of practically all international communications, as it was worded
too broadly.
Following
the decision of the
Conseil Constitutionnel, a
new bill relating to surveillance of international electronic communications
was approved, giving authorities the same powers as the sections
struck down in the earlier law.
2.3. Turkey
18. In July 2015, the peace process
between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Turkish Government
broke down over a bombing in Suruç killing numerous young, mostly
Kurdish demonstrators, and the subsequent killing of two police
officers. In addition to this, the Da’ish carried out suicide attacks
in Turkey, most recently on 12 January 2016.
The
Turkish Government has accordingly undertaken a number of counterterrorism
operations, including blocking websites, banning and dispersing
protests, as well as imposing long-term curfews in many districts
of Southeast Turkey such as Cizre, Silopi and Sur.
19. Although reports are conflicting, the curfews have reportedly
been accompanied by the cutting of mobile phone signals, the blocking
of roads, measures preventing anyone from entering or leaving the
areas, as well as the cutting of water and electricity. Outside
observers were banned from entering and scores of people were reportedly
unable to access a hospital for treatment. Amnesty International
has reported that “protests and vigils taking place daily outside
the curfew areas are routinely dispersed by police using tear gas
and water cannons, and protesters are detained”, and has called
“on the Turkish government to end the indefinite curfews in Kurdish
neighbourhoods across east and south-east Turkey”.
In one instance, a detained DIHA
journalist is alleged to have been exposed to torture by special
operations military teams.
As of 4 January 2016, “curfews”
have been declared 56 times in 20 districts over seven cities. In
some districts where curfews have been officially lifted, there
is still a de facto siege.
According to the Minister
of the Interior over 3 000 ‘terrorists’ have been killed since July
2015.
On 15 January 2016, 19
academics who had signed a petition calling for an end to the violence
in south-eastern Turkey were arrested and accused of terrorist propaganda and
“denigrating the Turkish nation”.
As
reported by Amnesty International, the authorities have prevented independent
observers from bar associations and human rights organisations from
entering areas under curfew, making it difficult to form an accurate
picture of what is going on.
20. On 31 December 2015, following the requests from a number
of applicants for the indication of interim measures, the Court
asked the Turkish Government to provide it with factual information
about the curfew situation and its consequences for the people concerned.
On 12 January 2016, the Court decided not to apply Rule 39 (interim
measures) because the elements at its disposal were insufficient,
but to apply Rule 40 (urgent notification of an application) and
to deal with the applications as a priority under Rule 41 (order
of dealing with cases).
2.4. North Caucasus
21. The 2010 report “Legal remedies
for human rights violations in the North Caucasus region” by Mr
Dick Marty for the Committee of Legal Affairs and Human Rights
, highlights the
serious and delicate nature of the human rights situation in the
North Caucasus region, particularly in the Chechen Republic, Ingushetia
and Dagestan.
22. On May 5, 2015, the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights
held a hearing in Yerevan, Armenia, with the participation of two
experts, in the framework of the report under preparation “Human
rights in the North Caucasus: what follow-up to Resolution 1738
(2010)?”
During this hearing,
Mr Koroteev, Legal Director at Human Rights Centre “Memorial”, noted
that anti-terrorism operations were still being unlawfully conducted and
that they had led to the killing of numerous civilians and he pointed
out the general failure of the criminal justice system in the region
and the lack of initiative from the authorities to open investigations
and the overall climate of impunity. Accordingly, defendants could
be taken into custody without legal grounds, without a hearing and
by simple order of President Kadyrov, even after they had been acquitted
by a court.
23. The situation in the Northern Caucasus region continues to
be tense, particularly in relation to the increased Da’ish presence
and recruitment in the region.
Counter-terrorist operation
legal regimes have been introduced in districts of Dagestan as well
as in parts of Nalchik (Kabardino-Balkaria), as recently as 11 January
2016.
3. Constitutionalisation
of the state of emergency and laws on the deprivation of nationality
24. In
France,
following the terrorist attacks of the 13 of November 2015, the
Prime Minister presented a set of two constitutional amendments
in a draft law for the protection of the Nation on 23 December 2015.
These amendments would, on the one hand, set into the Constitution
the conditions under which a State of Emergency can be declared
and subsequently extended, and, on the other, allow for the stripping
of French nationality from dual nationals found guilty of an offence
constituting a grave attempt on the life of the Nation.
3.1. Constitutionalising
the State of Emergency
25. The French constitutional amendment
is intended to set the triggering mechanism of the State of Emergency
into the ‘constitutional marble’
;
it is not meant as an attempt to widen those powers and so uses the
wording of the current laws.
26. However, in so doing, it effectively removes much of the judicial
oversight from the process. Firstly, constitutionalising the State
of Emergency effectively removes the oversight of the
Conseil Constitutionnel. Similarly,
it also removes judicial oversight of matters relating to individual
freedoms from the purview of the ordinary judge (‘
juge judiciaire’) and places it
into the hands of the administrative judge, who does not have the same
guarantees of independence from the government.
27. In Hungary, the government is proposing a constitutional amendment
that would introduce a new category of emergency that could be declared
in case of a “situation created by a terrorist threat”, the threshold for
this would appear to be rather subjective, depending on the will
of the government. Such a situation would allow for the government
to
inter alia, govern by decree,
order curfews, forbid large gatherings, decide on the expulsion
of individuals and control the use of the internet and postal service.
3.2. Laws on the deprivation
of nationality
28. In its ‘
avis
sur le projet de loi constitutionnelle de protection de la Nation’ (opinion
on the draft constitutional law on protection of the Nation), the
Conseil d’Etat accepted that, although
responding to a legitimate objective, the measure itself would have
little practical impact, as it would have little dissuasive effect and
would only apply to a very small number of individuals.
Furthermore, it noted the possibility
of a challenge in the European Court of Human Rights under Articles
3 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights
– to which could be added Article
14 in conjunction with Article 8.
29. The French Prime Minister, Mr Manuel Valls, has himself explicitly
stated that such a measure, while not in itself being a weapon to
fight terrorism, did send a clear symbolic message to those who
no longer deserved to belong to the national community.
However, it has been noted that
such a measure could have another symbolic effect by creating “different
categories of French citizens.”
Indeed “it gives the impression
that dual citizens are not really French, and that terrorism is
not a problem among the “real” children of the French Republic,
only those who come from somewhere else.”
30. One may recall, in this connection, Assembly Resolution 2031
(2015), in which “The Assembly underlines that security responses
must be accompanied by preventive measures aimed at eradicating
the root causes of radicalisation and the rise of religious fanaticism,
especially amongst young people”.
In particular to “take
measures to combat marginalisation, social exclusion, discrimination
and segregation especially among young people in disadvantaged neighbourhoods”.
31. Furthermore, what crimes constitute ‘une
atteinte grave à la vie de la Nation’ (a serious attack
on the life of the Nation) is determined by the legislature and
could be open to further expansion and abuse.
32. In the United Kingdom, in 2002 the government passed the
Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act promising
that the powers would be used sparingly. Successive governments,
however, have not felt bound by that promise and executive powers
relating to the stripping of nationality have been gradually expanded
and their usage become more frequent (from 7 over the period 2002-2010,
to 48 over the period 2010 to 2014
). In
addition, the powers themselves have been gradually expanded so
that a deprivation order can be made if
inter
alia the Home Secretary is satisfied that deprivation
is “conducive to the public good” and would not make the person
stateless.
If
the person obtained their citizenship through naturalisation, the
Home Secretary need only have reasonable grounds to believe that
the person is able to become a national of another country or territory
and has conducted himself in a manner which is seriously prejudicial
to the interests of the State.
Some commentators have questioned
whether these powers, and the way in which they are used, undermine the
United Kingdom’s international obligations, in particular in respect
to the prohibition on making persons stateless
and
their use of targeted drone strikes.
33. That said, the French measures on deprivation of nationality
differ from the United Kingdom’s in that they remain part of the
criminal law. Whilst such measures are at best unnecessary and at
worst counterproductive, they are at least based on a criminal conviction,
with the implied standards of due process.
34. Assembly
Resolution
1840 (2011), paragraph 6 states: “The Parliamentary Assembly considers
that terrorism should be dealt with primarily by the criminal justice
system, with its inbuilt and well-tested fair trial safeguards to
protect the presumption of innocence and the right to liberty of
all.” Indeed, “Coercive administrative measures for preventive purposes
should be of limited duration, be only applied as a last resort and
be subject to strict conditions, including minimum requirements
regarding evidence and judicial or appropriate political oversight.”
In this regard, a worrying shift can be detected towards administrative
law, control orders or temporary exclusion orders with difficulties
in appeal, secret courts and intelligence briefings.
35. Comparable measures for stripping dual nationals of their
nationality in relation to terrorist offences exist in Belgium,
Switzerland (although in place since 1951, this measure has never
been used) and Spain (although the relevant law does not allow for
the Spanish authorities to strip the nationality from those who
travel to take part in terrorism related activities).
In Azerbaijan, measures regarding the
deprivation of citizenship are being used in order to systematically
crack down on free expression and press freedom, leading in some
cases to journalists being rendered stateless.
It is an example
of how such powers can, over time, be abused.
36. The increase in the use of these measures may, in part, be
due to the increase in the number of fighters travelling to Syria
and Iraq to fight in the conflict or to engage in terrorism. To
this end, the report by Mr Dirk Van der Maelen, for the Committee
on Political Affairs and Democracy ‘Foreign fighters in Syria and
Iraq’,
provides information
on the scale of the phenomenon, its root causes and measures which
may be taken at different levels in order to tackle it.
Amendment A (to the draft resolution)
Explanatory note:
The amendment aims at triggering the procedure for an adoption,
by the Venice Commission, of an opinion on the compatibility, with
relevant European human rights standards, of the draft law to revise
the French Constitution with a view to constitutionalising the state
of emergency and on withdrawal of nationality. An opinion by the
Venice Commission would opportunely recall established European
standards in this field, which may concern not only France, but
also other countries making use of, or considering the introduction
of, special emergency rules in the fight against terrorism, such
as is the case with respect to Hungary, Turkey and Ukraine. Furthermore,
in the run-up to the French parliamentary debate on the above mentioned
constitutional revision, such an opinion would help provide lawmakers
with an authoritative appraisal in the light of applicable European
standards.