1. Introduction
1. Greece (officially the Hellenic
Republic) is located in the north-eastern part of the Mediterranean
Basin and forms the southern tip of the Balkan Peninsula in south-east
Europe. With a total area of around 132 000 km², including some
2 000 islands and islets, it has the longest coastline in Europe
(some 13 700 km) and borders the Aegean, the Ionian and the Mediterranean
Seas. Greece has land borders with Albania, Bulgaria, “the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” and Turkey. The vast majority of
its population of around 10.8 million are Greek Orthodox (up to
97%).
2. The modern Greek State gained independence from the Ottoman
Empire in 1832. During the following century, both the territory
and population of the Kingdom of Greece gradually expanded. After
its occupation during the Second World War and liberation in 1944,
Greece slid into a protracted civil war until 1949. The efforts
to consolidate democracy were interrupted by a military coup in
1967; political and civil rights were suspended, thousands of people
were arrested and the King was forced to flee the country. After
seven years of military dictatorship, the “Regime of the Colonels”
collapsed in 1974. The Third Hellenic Republic was established,
parliamentary democracy reintroduced and the constitutional monarchy
abolished.
3. Greece became the 11th member State of the Council of Europe
on 9 August 1949. It initially joined the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO) in 1952 and reintegrated the organisation in
1980. In 1981, Greece acceded to the European Economic Community,
later transformed into the European Union, as the first Mediterranean
country which had emerged from a dictatorship. Respectively in 2000
and 2001, Greece became a member of the Schengen Area and the eurozone.
Greece is also a founding member of the United Nations, the Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the Organization
for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the Organization
of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) and the Union for the
Mediterranean (UfM).
4. Upon its accession to the Council of Europe, Greece committed
itself to respecting the obligations incumbent upon every member
State under Article 3 of the Statute of the Council of Europe (ETS
No. 1) with regard to pluralist democracy, human rights and the
rule of law. In October 2017, Greece had ratified 99 Council of
Europe treaties and signed 59 additional treaties without ratification.
International conventions are an
integral part of Greek domestic law and prevail over any contrary
provision of domestic law. In April 2014, Greece ratified the Council
of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings
(CETS No. 197) and, in March 2016, the European Social Charter (revised)
(ETS No. 163). On 25 January 2017, Greece ratified the Convention
on Cybercrime (ETS No. 185) and its Additional Protocol concerning
the criminalisation of acts of a racist and xenophobic nature committed
through computer systems (ETS No. 189), as well as the Convention
on Laundering, Search, Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds
from Crime and on the Financing of Terrorism (CETS No. 198) on 7 November
2017. It also signed the Council of Europe Convention against Trafficking
in Human Organs (CETS No. 216) in March 2015 and the Additional
Protocol to the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention of
Terrorism (CETS No. 217) in January 2016.
5. Nevertheless, several important treaties still await ratification
by Greece. In particular, in
Resolution 1953
(2013),
the Assembly called
on Greece to sign and/or ratify the following Council of Europe
treaties: the European Charter for Regional Minority Languages (ETS
No. 148); the Framework Convention for the Protection of National
Minorities (ETS No. 157) and Protocol No. 12 to the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 177) concerning the fight against discrimination.
The
Greek authorities recently announced that were also preparing the
ratification of the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence
Against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No. 210, “Istanbul Convention”).
At
the time of writing, no additional information was available on
a possible ratification of the European Convention on Nationality
(ETS No. 166), Protocols No. 15 amending and No. 16 to the European
Convention on Human Rights (CETS Nos. 213 and 214, signed in March
2017), as well as on the possible signature and ratification of
the Council of Europe Convention on the Participation of Foreigners
in Public Life at Local Level (ETS No. 144).
6. This periodic report was drafted in line with
Resolution 2018 (2014) on the progress of the Assembly's monitoring procedure
(October 2013-September 2014) and the explanatory memorandum approved
by the Monitoring Committee on 17 March 2015. It is based,
inter alia, on the most recent findings
of the Council of Europe monitoring mechanisms, the reports of the
Parliamentary Assembly and the Commissioner for Human Rights of
the Council of Europe and, when relevant, reports prepared by other
international organisations and civil society. I would like to thank
the Greek delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly for the extensive comments
submitted in March and September 2017,
which were taken into account when
drafting the present document.
2. Background
2.1. Political
system and constitutional powers
7. As set out in the Greek Constitution,
Greece is a parliamentary republic.
Executive
power is exercised by the President and the government. The 1975
Constitution restricted the authority of the President to prevent a
concentration of power in his hands, The 1986 constitutional reform
further curtailed the competencies of the President to the benefit
of the Prime Minister. Following these reforms, the role of the
President in the formation of the government is limited to formally
appointing the Prime Minister and, on his recommendation, the other members
of the government. Moreover, the President cannot force the government
to resign.
8. The government is thus politically accountable to the Hellenic
Parliament: after a general election or after the previous government's
resignation, every new government is required to appear in parliament
and request a vote of confidence, and may also do so at any other
time. An important mechanism for parliamentary oversight is a motion
of censure against the government or one of its members, which must
be approved by an absolute majority of the total number of MPs.
This is a mechanism of last resort that has a high barrier for success:
the last time a government was defeated by a vote of no confidence
was in 1993.
MPs also exercise parliamentary
control through various other means
but in the view of several observers,
these control mechanisms are considered as being weak in practice.
9. The government (officially the Ministerial Council) defines
and directs the general policy of the country and has the right
to introduce legislation. The cabinet is led by the Prime Minister,
who is usually the leader of the political party with the majority
of seats in parliament. He determines and directs the government’s
policies and actions. The current Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras,
leader of the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), took office
for his second mandate on 21 September 2015 after his party won
the early elections the previous day. He previously served as Prime
Minister from 26 January to 20 August 2015, when he was forced to
resign after he lost his parliamentary majority. On 4 November 2016,
the Tsipras cabinet was reshuffled, with the entry of several new
ministers.
10. The Head of State is the President of the Republic. He is
indirectly elected, usually by an outright majority of members of
parliament (MPs),
for a five-year term, renewable
once. Although the President is the nominal Commander-in-Chief of
the Greek Armed Forces, his powers are limited to a mostly ceremonial
role, such as formally promulgating adopted legislation. He represents
Greece internationally and may take some important political initiatives,
such as sending back already adopted laws to parliament. To exercise
most powers conferred on him, the President usually requires the
countersignature of the Prime Minister or the responsible minister.
Prokopis Pavlopoulos is the seventh President of Greece and took
up office in March 2015.
11. Legislative power is entrusted in the Hellenic Parliament.
The 300 MPs of the unicameral parliament are directly elected for
a four-year term. The parliament has the right of legislative initiative,
adopts legislation, approves the State budget, ratifies international
treaties and exercises parliamentary control over the government.
Moreover, the parliament has the right to revise or amend the Constitution;
may introduce a motion of censure and can override a presidential
veto. Currently, 19.7% of MPs are women.
12. The Greek electoral system is characterised by a complex system
of reinforced proportional representation for the election of MPs,
which allows for the formation of strong majority governments. Out
of the 300 seats in the Hellenic Parliament, 238 are determined
by universal suffrage, voters choosing the candidate or candidates
of their choice in the 56 constituencies. The political party receiving
the majority of votes is awarded a majority bonus of an extra 50
seats – a system which is intended to enhance government stability.
The
remaining 12 seats are filled from national party lists based on
the proportion of the total vote that each party received. The electoral
threshold is set at 3%. According to the Constitution, voting is mandatory
in Greece, but none of the existing penalties and sanctions are
enforced.
13. The Greek judicial system consists of three tiers: civil and
criminal courts; administrative courts; and special courts. The
Council of State (also “High Judicial Council”) is the highest administrative
court and the Supreme Court (also “court of cassation”) is the highest
court as regards civil and criminal matters. There is no constitutional
court in Greece. The Greek Constitution provides for several special
courts, including the permanent Court of Audit that reviews State
expenditure and the non-permanent Supreme Special Court that notably
examines electoral violations and adjudicates in cases where the
Council of State and the Supreme Court have taken contradictory
decisions or if they judge differently the constitutionality of
a legal provision, and another non-permanent Special Court that
hears cases involving former or serving members of government for criminal
offences committed in the course of their duties.
2.2. Relations
with neighbouring countries
14. Greece is the largest economy
in south-east Europe and an important regional investor. Due to
its geostrategic situation at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, the
Middle East and Africa, Greece is an important regional actor and
has developed a regional policy aimed at consolidating peace and
promoting stability throughout its immediate neighbourhood.
That said, relations with neighbouring
countries are complex, with a number of unresolved issues that remain
sources of tension and potential conflict. The Greek Ministry of Foreign
Affairs has identified several issues of major political interest
for Greece's foreign policy.
15. Firstly, Greek–Turkish relations have long been characterised
by alternating periods of mutual hostilities and reconciliation
since Greece achieved its independence from the Ottoman Empire.
They have been marked by four wars, a major population exchange
in 1923, the persecution of the orthodox ethnic Greek minority in Turkey,
causing many to flee the country in the 1950s/60s, and the Cyprus
conflict in 1974. Τhe delimitation of the continental shelf between
the two countries has not yet been settled. Tensions have remained
high with regard to legal disputes and claims over sovereignty rights
in the Aegean Sea,
which led the two countries to the brink
of war in 1987 and 1996.
After 1999, following major earthquakes
in both countries, a period of relative normalisation began which
resulted in the lifting of the Greek veto against Turkey's bid for
European Union accession. Bilateral relations were aimed at reducing
tension and enhancing co-operation, and have been fostered through
regular high-level talks since 2009.
For instance, progress has been
made on the legal status of the Greek Ecumenical Patriarch in Turkey.
That
said, the Aegean dispute still remains unresolved and property claims
regarding the Greek Orthodox Halki seminary are not settled. According
to the Greek authorities, Turkey continues to challenge Greece's
sovereignty, notably by violating its national air space.
The Turkish President
Erdoğan’s public and repeated remarks questioning the 1923 Lausanne
Treaty delineating the two countries’ common borders have raised
tensions and suspicions in this respect.
The asylum claims
by eight Turkish military officers after the attempted military
coup and the decision of the Greek Supreme Court to turn down the
Turkish extradition request have put further strain on bilateral
relations and given rise to fiery rhetoric in recent months. The
Turkish authorities immediately protested the court decision, adding
that co-operation and relations with Greece would be re-evaluated.
This situation
resulted in renewed tensions in the Aegean Sea at the end of January
2017 which, for the Greek authorities, were considered as attempts
by Turkey to contest Greek sovereignty over some islets which are
under Greek sovereignty in accordance with the relevant international
treaties in force.
16. Secondly, the Cyprus conflict is still unresolved. The developments
leading to the Turkish occupation of the northern part of Cyprus
were outlined in the recent periodic review on Cyprus
and will not be repeated here. In
January 2017, for the first time, the three guarantor powers Greece,
Turkey and the United Kingdom gathered to discuss the Cyprus issue.
Greece pursues
a foreign policy that is aimed at finding a “comprehensive, mutually
acceptable, just and viable” settlement of the Cyprus problem, with
obvious significance for Greek–Turkish relations.
17. Thirdly, the issue of the name of “the former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia” impacts on bilateral relations between the two countries.
Following the break-up of the former Yugoslavia in 1991, “the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia” seceded and declared its independence under
the name “the Republic of Macedonia”. Greece claims both the historical
and cultural heritage of the term “Macedonia”. Moreover, the term
also designates a wider geographical region, reaching from the current
territory of Greece to “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”,
Bulgaria and Albania, as well as Greece's largest and second-most-populous
region, also called “Macedonia”.
In 1993, “the former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia” was accepted as a member of the United Nations under
its current provisional name, until such time as an agreed solution
could be reached. Based on the 1995 Interim Accord, both countries
started negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations. These
discussions continue, without any substantial progress being made.
18. Finally, despite frequent high-level contacts and strong co-operation
between Greece and Albania, bilateral relations between the two
countries are still tainted with tensions on several issues, including
Albania’s request for the abrogation of the still effective 1940
status of war law by Greece, and Greece’s request to settle the
division of maritime borders and related sovereignty rights in line
with a bilateral agreement signed in 2009 which was overthrown by
the Albanian Constitutional Court. Further points of contention
concern the claims of the Cham Albanians for recognition of their
expulsion in 1944-45 and their right to return to their properties
in Greece, as well as demands by the Greek ethnic minority in Albania
to use the Greek language and for respect for their property rights.
2.3. Economic
and migratory crisis
19. Greece has suffered from a
deep and prolonged economic recession since late 2009, triggered
by the consequences of the 2007-2008 financial crisis and the sovereign
debt crisis,
which
resulted from decades of overspending, maladministration and structural
weaknesses. The crisis had significant adverse effects on the economy
and the labour market. Real gross domestic product (GDP) fell by
more than a quarter in five years, reducing the government's capacity
to repay its creditors. According to Eurostat, in 2015, the debt
level had slightly decreased to €311 billion or 176.9% of GDP (down
from the previous peak of 180.1% in 2014), while the deficit had
again increased to 7.2% of GDP.
The social consequences
of the crisis have been severe and persist today. Unemployment in
Greece reached 27.9% in September 2013 and youth unemployment was
as high as 60% in March 2013.
According to the Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), structural reforms
to boost growth and investment to create jobs, improve the stability
of public finances and provide an effective social safety net, are
crucial to help Greece recover from the profound social costs of
the economic crisis.
20. Under pressure from creditors, the Greek authorities accepted
three bailout loan agreements with the Troika, i.e. the European
Commission, the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), in 2010, 2012 and 2015, totalling some €326
billion.
It thus avoided a
sovereign default along with being forced to leave the euro. Greece
also received a debt restructuring of the sum of €127.1 billion
in 2012. The most recent bailout was concluded in July 2015 with
the backing of the Hellenic Parliament, following several months
of intensive negotiations, despite the rejection by referendum of
this bailout by the Greek population shortly before.
Under
the latter bailout conditions, Greece was required to continue to
pass harsh and deep-reaching structural reforms and austerity measures
to bring its deficit under control, which triggered widespread discontent
and anti-austerity protests among the Greek population. Germany
has played a major role in discussions around the Greek debt crisis
and has consistently resisted restructuring Greece's debt burden,
while the IMF repeatedly called on Eurozone governments for further
debt relief for Greece.
On 5 December
2016, eurozone finance ministers agreed, for the first time, on
a number of short-term measures to lighten Greece's debt burden,
including extending the repayment period and an adjustment to interest
rates. That said, it is likely that Greece will be required to agree
to further austerity measures in return for further medium- and
long-term debt relief.
Since the beginning
of the crisis, Greece has implemented a series of reforms as well
as government spending cuts and tax increases,
which
have had the effect that the economy is gradually recovering, with
growth projected in 2017.
21. At the same time, Greece has been heavily affected by the
ongoing migration and refugee crisis in the eastern Mediterranean.
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),
more than 850 000 refugees and migrants, mainly from Syria, Afghanistan
and Iraq – almost half of them women and children – reached Greek
shores in 2015, with a peak in October when more than 210 000 people
arrived by sea.
The large majority transited through
Greece and continued their journey to other European countries. Unilateral
measures resulting in border closures along the Western Balkans
migratory route in early 2016 left more than 60 000 refugees and
migrants stranded in mainland Greece and on the Aegean islands.
Greece had difficulties
in dealing with these high numbers, with an asylum system stretched
beyond its limits as a result of which tens of thousands of refugees
and migrants are still living in hastily established camps with substandard
conditions. The Parliamentary Assembly stressed that Greece has
been left bearing a disproportionate burden simply because of its
place on the map, and criticised the European Union and its member
States for having failed to provide adequate support to Greece,
both in terms of assistance and relocation
. Tens of thousands of refugees
and migrants thus lived in sub-standard conditions until the dissolution
of the Idomeni camp (in the northern part of Greece bordering “the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” (see paragraph 95 below).
The authorities also considered that this situation had deteriorated
on the Aegean islands since the EU–Turkey Statement
and its interpretation
by Turkey, which had led to a humanitarian crisis.
The good co-operation
established between Greece and Turkey to deal with the migration
crisis should however be highlighted.
3. Democracy
3.1. Impact
of the economic crisis on democratic institutions
22. Since the restoration of democracy
in 1974, the political system in Greece is characterised by a bipolar two-party
system, which was largely dominated by the alternating centre-right
New Democracy (ND) and the centre-left Panhellenic Socialist Movement
(PASOK), which provided a certain degree of political stability.
Until 2011, there were
only nine different prime ministers in office (with the exception
of caretaker governments). That said, only a few of the governments
remained in place to complete their electoral terms, which was mainly
due to resignations of the respective prime ministers for different
reasons.
23. The economic and sovereign debt crisis altered this status
quo and led to an escalated political crisis. As a result of the
austerity measures, nationwide anti-austerity protests and social
unrest erupted in May 2010,
including general strikes
across the country. A second wave of demonstrations erupted in May
2011 which initially were peaceful, but later turned violent.
Greece's fragile political
stability was further shattered by violent attacks by extremist
groups determined to exploit discontent over unpopular austerity
measures.
24. As the crisis progressed, Greek citizens increasingly lost
their trust in the political system. The Greek State was perceived
as being unable to deliver on the basic social contract and to limit
the socio-economic impact of the crisis and austerity measures on
individual citizens. Consequently, the legitimacy of the democratic
institutions as a whole was called into question.
Mainstream political
parties were unable to provide a satisfactory response to the crisis
and its social consequences and saw a sharp decline in popularity. In
contrast, far-left and far-right political parties, all of them
adopting an anti-austerity platform, received growing support. Widespread
public discontent with austerity measures helped propel the left-wing
SYRIZA into government together with the right-wing Independent
Greeks (ANEL).
The traditional
left-right divide has been replaced by a division between pro- and
anti-bailout loan agreements by the European Union and the IMF to
Greece. However, once in power, the SYRIZA-ANEL coalition government
under Prime Minister Tsipras was forced to accept the bailout to
keep Greece in the eurozone, in contradiction to the results of
the July 2015 referendum. While his government was re-elected in
the September 2015 general elections, it further polarised the already
divided Greek society
and undermined trust
in Greek politics and political parties.
3.2. General
elections
25. As already mentioned, the economic
and sovereign debt crisis, and growing discontent about the socio-economic
consequences of austerity measures had a deep impact on the 2012
and 2015 general elections and considerably altered the Greek party
system and the country's political landscape. According to Office
for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization
for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE/ODIHR), the May 2012
general elections – the first after the outbreak of the crisis –
were administered efficiently and impartially, in a competitive
and open manner.
They saw the decline
of the two traditional Greek political parties PASOK, which suffered
its worst defeat since 1974 with a mere 13.2% of the votes (down from
43.9% in 2009), and ND with 18.8% (down from 33.5%), due to their
support for austerity measures. SYRIZA became the second major party,
with an increase of 16.8% (up from 4.6%), and overtook PASOK as the
main force of the left wing. Moreover, the neo-Nazi Popular Association
– Golden Dawn entered parliament, for the first time, with 7%. However,
these elections resulted in no absolute parliamentary majority and
political leaders failed in their attempts to form a new government,
the parliament was dissolved and new elections were scheduled.
26. The June 2012 general elections were marked by the electoral
breakthrough of SYRIZA, gaining 26.9% of the votes cast. That said,
ND remained the strongest party with 29.7% and managed to form a
new unity government, comprising PASOK (12.3%) and Democratic Left
(DIMAR)
(6.2%)
under Prime Minister Antonis Samaras (ND). The opposition was represented
on the left side of the political spectrum by SYRIZA and the Communist
Party of Greece (KKE) (4.5%), on the right by the Independent Greeks
(ANEL) (7.5%) and on the far-right by Golden Dawn (6.9%).
27. In December 2014, the Samaras government called for snap general
elections, which took place in January 2015. After three years of
opposition, SYRIZA achieved its first large victory with its electoral
promise to ease austerity measures and to renegotiate a new creditor
agreement with better terms for Greece. With 36.3% of the votes
and the 50-seat bonus for having obtained the most votes, it was
only two seats short of an absolute majority. The party formed a
coalition government with the right-wing ANEL (4.8%) under Prime Minister
Alexis Tsipras (SYRIZA). In these elections, ND came second with
27.8%, and Golden Dawn third with 6.3%, while the newly-created
To Potami
entered
parliament with 6.1%. PASOK was reduced to an all-time low of 4.7%.
28. During the July 2015 bailout vote in parliament, 25 SYRIZA
MPs voted against the government or abstained, which meant that
the Tsipras government had effectively lost its majority and new
elections were held.
In these elections, SYRIZA obtained
again the 50-seat bonus with a clear majority of 35.5% of the votes cast.
SYRIZA renewed its previous coalition government with ANEL (3.7%),
resulting in a joint majority of 155 seats (now reduced to 153).
ND became the second largest party with 28.1%. The elections also
saw the consolidation of the far-right Golden Dawn as the third
political force in the country, obtaining 7%. The Democratic Coalition,
a political alliance between PASOK and DIMAR, came fourth with 6.3%
and ended in the opposition together with KKE (5.6%), To Potami
(4.1%), and the Union of Centrists (EK)
(3.4%)
which entered parliament for the first time.
3.3. Extremist
parties (Golden Dawn)
29. The disenchantment of the Greek
population with the political system combined with the refugee and migrant
crisis, provided fertile ground for extremist thoughts to flourish.
Popular support for the anti-austerity movement swiftly translated
into political support for those parties that emphasised the independence
and sovereignty of the Greek nation against further bailouts and
austerity measures, perceived as “dictated” by international creditors.
This resulted in the rise of anti-establishment and extremist parties
that pledged to provide an alternative based on their common Euroscepticism
and fervent nationalism.
30. The most well-known, and arguably most extreme, far-right
political party that benefited from the political crisis in Greece
is the Eurosceptic and ultra-nationalist Popular Association–Golden
Dawn, which endorses fascist and neo-Nazi ideology.
Golden Dawn was founded in
1985
and
has its origins in the publication, in 1980, of a magazine under
the same title.
The party is led
by Nikolaos Michaloliakos, a holocaust denier
who had ties with the
1967-74 military junta and who was convicted for involvement in
terrorist bomb explosions in 1978. Golden Dawn rejects liberal democracy
and its institutions. The party is accused of being organised as
a militarist organisation that endorses violence and propagates
discipline and ultimate respect for the leader. Golden Dawn is staunchly
racist and xenophobic; it promotes the superiority of Greek descent
and culture and aims to cleanse the Greek nation of its enemies,
such as, in the view of Golden Dawn, migrants and other minorities.
31. Golden Dawn was first able to transform popular support into
votes during the November 2010 local elections in the municipality
of Athens, where the party obtained 5.3% of the votes cast, winning
a seat on the City Council.
In
May and June 2012, Golden Dawn entered the Hellenic Parliament with
respectively 7% and 6.9% of the votes cast. Despite a crackdown
on Golden Dawn by the Greek authorities in 2013 and 2014, following
the stabbing of the anti-fascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas by a Golden
Dawn supporter in September 2013, the party retained its support
during the May 2014 European Parliament elections, where it obtained 9.4%
of the votes. During the January and September 2015 general elections,
Golden Dawn attracted 6.3% and 6.9% respectively; with its 18 seats,
it is currently the third political force in the Hellenic Parliament.
32. According to the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human
Rights, Golden Dawn members and supporters, including its MPs, have
repeatedly been linked or involved in violent attacks and hate crimes against
migrants and political opponents. The Commissioner expressed concern
about presumed links between the party and the Hellenic police.
Following the murder
of Pavlos Fyssas, the Greek authorities indicted 69 Golden Dawn
party members and supporters, including the party's leader and 18
of its current and former MPs, as well as a number of party officials
and police officers, for running and participating in a criminal organisation
and a range of other criminal offences. Moreover, the Hellenic Parliament
suspended State financing of political parties whose leaders or
elected officials are charged with serious crimes. The Commissioner
welcomed the Greek State's action against Golden Dawn as a major
step forward in the protection of the rule of law and democracy
in Greece.
The trial started
on 20 April 2015 and was still ongoing at the time of writing this
report.
33. The reasons for the success of Golden Dawn are manifold and
complex, but it is obvious that, with its extremist and ultra-nationalist
solution, the party was able to provide a plausible response to
the deep social and political crisis in Greece.
The rise of Golden
Dawn and its popular endorsement in the Greek political system raises
a number of questions as regards the nature of democratic politics.
The fact that a party that clearly positioned itself against parliamentary
democracy is able to operate within the confines of the parliamentary
system has revealed the deeply ingrained division of the crisis-ridden
society. The suggested constitutional outlawing of the party in
order to address the Golden Dawn phenomenon may have the opposite of
the intended effect and increase support for the party. A lasting
solution would require cultivating a more tolerant political culture
and overcoming the artificial division of Greek society.
3.4. Media
freedom
34. Over the past few years, the
economic crisis as well as a selectively enforced regulatory framework
have led to an erosion of media pluralism in the country. According
to the 2015 Freedom of the Press Report, numerous media outlets
have shut down, reduced their staff and salaries or failed to pay
wages. A high concentration of ownership animated by business interests
also negatively affected media independence. State-owned media tended
to avoid critical reporting, due to close ties with the political
elite, including the government and political parties. This polarised
environment encouraged political and legal pressure on journalists,
and the previous government reportedly interfered in editorial matters.
Consequently, the Greek media was unable to fully exercise its control
function over the executive.
35. In 2013, the government decided to close the Hellenic Broadcasting
Corporation (ERT), which operated five nationwide television channels
and several radio stations.
This step – although
found constitutional by the Council of State – was heavily criticised
by the political opposition. In 2014, a new, leaner broadcaster
was set up, whose independence and impartiality from the government
was, at best, questionable. In April 2015, ERT was re-established
as Greece's public broadcaster, increasing media diversity in the
country. However ERT remains economically dependent on the current
government and is therefore vulnerable to political interference.
36. Despite these positive steps, Greece's media environment remains
in the category “partially free” in Freedom House's Freedom of the
Press Index;
the country was classified
88 out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders' 2017 World
Press Freedom Index.
- According
to the Open Society Foundation, Greece was the European Union member
State “where journalism and the media face their most acute crisis”. The authorities argued
that recent legislation has regulated private broadcasting TV stations,
which previously operated without a legal licence: the number of TV stations
currently broadcasting in Greece is now the same as before the introduction
of the aforementioned legislation. In 2015 – a year marked by the
persisting economic crisis, two parliamentary elections and a national
bailout referendum – the Greek media remained particularly vulnerable
to potential undue pressure and political influence on content.
The authorities considered that this was demonstrated by the overwhelmingly
biased coverage of the referendum campaigns (in favour of the “yes”
camp) by private media, or
the rulings issued by the Council of State and the Supreme Administrative
Court annulling the conduct of the auction to grant licences to
information stations of general content and national range. In the meantime,
as noted by the Parliamentary Assembly, the Greek authorities
had suspended the auction, pending the decision of the Council of
State which stated that the operation of television channels until
then had been illegal and not in line with the Constitution; it
was thus imperative to restore legality and resume the public auction
for broadcasting licences as soon as possible, under the same law
that applied until now, provided that the auction is resumed by
the National Board for Radio and Television in order to comply with
the Constitution. Accordingly, the Greek Government
has legislated that the number of the television broadcasting licences
would be defined with the consent of the National Board for Radio
and Television (which is fully operational since November 2016),
which stipulated that the number of licences to be granted by public
tender would be seven.
- The Council of Europe also expressed its concern about
several journalists and media outlets facing sanctions for defamation
or insult.
37. The rapporteur calls on the Greek authorities to ensure the
independence of the Greek media.
3.5. Local
self-government
38. According to the Constitution,
the State administration is decentralised and matters of local government are
exercised by local government agencies. The administrative divisions
of Greece consist of two main levels: the regions and the municipalities.
There are 13 regions in Greece which are divided into 74 regional
units. A major structural reform in 2011 (the “Kallikratis Programme”)
reduced the number of municipalities to 325, which may be subdivided
into municipal units and communities and which are responsible for
social, financial, cultural and spiritual matters. The last local
and regional elections were held in May 2014. New Democracy (ND)
became the strongest political party with 26.3% of the vote, before
SYRIZA (17.7%) and PASOK (Olive Tree) (16.2%). Moreover, seven newly
created State administrations under the hierarchy of the Ministry
of the Interior oversee the regions. They are not entities of local
government, but exercise devolved State powers in issues such as
environmental and energy policy or migration.
39. Greece ratified the European Charter of Local Self-Government
(ETS No. 122) in 1989. However, several provisions of the Charter
are not applicable with respect to Greece and domestic law restricts
the scope of the Charter to the first tier of local self-government.
In its 2015 recommendation on local and regional democracy in Greece,
the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of
Europe encouraged the Greek authorities to extend the scope of the
Charter to the second tier of local government (regions) by amending
the existing legislation. Moreover, Greece has not signed the Additional
Protocol to the Charter on the right to participate in the affairs
of a local authority (CETS No. 207). That said, the Congress noted
with satisfaction the progress made in Greece, in particular by
means of the Kallikratis Programme, which represented an important
step towards a more decentralised territorial system. It notably
enhanced the competences, transparency and accountability of local
authorities, while increasing their financial autonomy and strengthening
their role in formulating and implementing policies at the local
level. However, the Congress asked the Greek authorities to review
the role, competences and responsibilities among the seven State administrations,
regions and municipalities, and to improve the consultation processes
among the State, regions and municipalities for all matters which
concern them directly.
40. The economic and sovereign debt crisis also had a very significant
impact on local authorities. The Congress recommended that the Greek
authorities review the legislation so as to confer statutory powers
on local authorities and to ensure that the transfer of competences
is accompanied by adequate concomitant financial resources, which
local authorities may dispose of freely within the framework of
their powers, notably through the levying of local revenues and
by enhancing their fiscal autonomy. The Congress further made a number
of recommendations, such as implementing urgently the existing provisions
for island and mountain municipalities and granting them special
status, particularly as regards their finances. It also underlined
the need to confer special status as capital city to Athens municipality
and to introduce special provisions for the metropolitan municipalities
of Athens and Thessaloniki.
41. While acknowledging the difficult context and the progress
made in the area of local democracy in Greece in recent years, the
rapporteur calls on the Greek authorities to take all necessary
steps to implement the Congress’s recommendations.
3.6. Relations
between Church and State
42. For historical reasons, the
Greek Constitution recognises Orthodox Christianity as the dominant
religion and confirms the prevalence of the Orthodox Church,
notably
by prohibiting proselytism. This prevalence is characterised through
deep institutional connections between the Orthodox Church and the
State. Most importantly, the Greek State grants certain privileges
and legal prerogatives to the Orthodox Church and financially supports
it.
Until 2010, the
Orthodox Church was largely exempted from taxes, despite being the second
largest owner of property after the Greek State. Following recent
legal reforms, the Church is now subject to taxation on property
used for non-religious purposes, while property used solely for
religious purposes remains exempt from taxation and municipal fees.
The
Greek National Commission for Human Rights (GNCHR) has underlined
the need to regulate relations between the Orthodox Church and the
State with a view to establishing distinct roles, in line with international
and Council of Europe standards.
43. In practice, the Orthodox Church remains a powerful institution
that continues to exercise significant societal and political influence
in Greece, notably through the Ministry of National Education and
Religious Affairs. For example, the Greek Orthodox Church Archdiocese
and Metropolitanates were granted eased capital control by ministerial
decision of September 2015.
As it seems that
co-operating with the Orthodox Church and protecting its privileges
might bring political gains, there is a need to introduce clear
safeguards with respect to the religious neutrality of the State.
44. Linked to the question of Church–State relations is the special
status of Mount Athos (region of
Aghion Oros),
commonly referred to as the “Autonomous Monastic State of the Holy
Mountain”. Mount Athos is a mountainous peninsula in northern Greece
and home to 20 Orthodox monasteries. Its status and autonomy are
protected by the Constitution; Mount Athos thus remains a self-governed
autonomous part of the Greek State. The Greek State grants both
customs franchise privileges and tax exemptions to Mount Athos.
The special status
of the monastic State was expressly recognised upon Greece's accession
to the European institutions. As a consequence, the free movement
of people and goods in its territory and the entry of women are
still prohibited
and Mount Athos
remains outside the European Union's value added tax area.
4. Rule
of law
4.1. Independence
and effectiveness of the judiciary
45. In its October 2016 evaluation
report on European judicial systems, the Council of Europe European Commission
for the Efficiency of Justice (CEPEJ) confirmed the impact of the
economic and sovereign debt crisis on the judiciary in Greece. According
to the report, the annual budget of the whole justice system, including
the budget allocated to the courts, legal aid and the public prosecution
services, amounted to only 0.5% of the total public expenditure,
which presents the lowest share of all 46 States evaluated. The
budget of the Greek judicial system was significantly reduced between
2010 and 2012. Although there was a slight increase between 2012
and 2014, primarily due to major financial efforts accompanying
the launch of computerisation of the courts and increased expenses
relating to legal aid, the Ministry of Finance still exercises tight
control on judicial expenditure due to the economic situation. Moreover,
between 2010 and 2014, the number of professional judges decreased
by 30% and the number of courts by 29%.
This cost efficiency saving
measures also had a direct effect on the administration of justice
and notably on the increasing workload of Greek courts.
46. Greece is one of the rare States where litigants are required
to pay a tax or court fee to launch a complaint and start a procedure,
including in criminal matters. The Greek National Commission for
Human Rights criticised the rapid increase in court fees which might
seriously impede access to courts, and consequently recommended
that litigation costs be abolished or at least drastically reduced.
Moreover,
while the law exempts victims of the most serious crimes as well
as racist crimes and domestic or sexual violence from the fee for
lodging a criminal complaint, this is, for instance, not the case
for victims of police ill-treatment not reaching the seriousness
threshold. The revenues generated by court taxes/fees increased
by 65% between 2010 and 2014, thus amounting to almost one third
of the overall budget of the judicial system. That said, legal aid
provision also increased over the 2010-2014 period and amounted
to 2.1% of the total budget.
47. While public prosecutors and judges generally enjoy functional
and personal independence and are subject to career-related mechanisms
and procedural rules which protect their integrity, the Council
of Europe Group of States against Corruption (GRECO), in its fourth
evaluation report, highlighted several concerns regarding judicial
independence in Greece. In particular, judges and prosecutors who
occupy the most senior positions are appointed by the Ministerial
Council for a maximum term of four years, upon a proposal by the Minister
of Justice, who can also initiate disciplinary proceedings against
them. GRECO thus recommended that the Greek authorities review the
selection process and the terms of tenure of the most senior judges
and prosecutors, who are subject to a potentially strong influence
by the executive, and consider amending the modalities for the initiation
of disciplinary proceedings in their respect.
48. The generous provisions on ministerial immunities contained
in the Greek Constitution have led to widespread public discontent
with the rule of law.
Due to concerns for the operational
autonomy of prosecution bodies and the independence and impartiality
of proceedings, GRECO recommended amending the complex and time-consuming
procedures involving a special court for legal proceedings against
serving and former members of government, so that they do not hamper
or prevent criminal proceedings against them. Backlogs in the judiciary
create additional vulnerabilities which should be addressed through
adequate guarantees against both undue delays and interventions
by third parties. More globally, according to GRECO, the judiciary
needs to be assessed in its overall functioning and made more transparent
and accountable through periodic reporting. The Greek authorities
also need to codify rules of conduct and streamline general supervision
over judges and prosecutors.
49. According to the CEPEJ report, specially authorised police
officers in Greece have extended prerogatives during the pretrial
phase and might even conduct the investigation and/or the prosecution;
tasks that are exclusively held by public prosecutors in many other
States, which is of concern. This was also highlighted by the European
Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment (CPT) in its 2015 visit report on Greece,
which noted that the current system
of investigations into allegations of ill-treatment by law-enforcement
officials is characterised by a number of systemic failings by the
police and judicial authorities. As a result, these investigations
often remain ineffective, thus favouring impunity. The report notably
criticises the passive role of prosecutors and judges when it comes
to starting an investigation into ill-treatment allegations and
the lack of action taken by prosecutorial authorities to effectively investigate
such allegations. The CPT recommended legal changes to ensure that
administrative investigations of alleged ill-treatment by the police
are always carried out by police officers from a different service
and reiterated its long-standing recommendation for the creation
of a fully independent police complaints body. It also recommended
that it be made clear to prosecutors and judges that they must comply with
their duties.
50. In August 2016, the Commissioner for Human Rights welcomed
the Greek authorities' decision to empower the Greek Ombudsman to
independently investigate allegations of ill-treatment by law-enforcement and
prison officers, in addition to the existing disciplinary and criminal
investigation mechanisms.
However, he
invited the authorities to envisage enlarging the scope of the mechanism's
competencies and to provide for a public review procedure to ensure
the effective functioning of the new mechanism.
Most importantly, the envisaged mechanism
still presents a risk for impunity, as it will not prevent the involvement
of police officers in the criminal investigation or prosecution
phase. As the recommendations of the Ombudsman are non-binding,
these police officers may take a reasoned decision for not following
them. In a statement of 21 November 2016, the Commissioner regretted
that the bill tabled for discussion in the Hellenic Parliament falls
short of establishing a really effective mechanism, as recommended
by him.
51. The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers has repeatedly
highlighted the chronic violations by Greece with respect to the
excessive length of judicial proceedings and the lack of effective
remedies, and called on the Greek authorities to adopt draft legislation
with a view to accelerating proceedings and providing compensation
to victims.
Due to the persistence
of this problem, the European Court of Human Rights (“the Court”)
decided to apply its pilot judgment procedure in the cases of
Vassilios Athanasiou v. Greece (concerning
administrative proceedings),
Glykantzi
v. Greece (concerning civil proceedings) and
Michelioudakis v. Greece (concerning
criminal proceedings).
In
all three judgments, the Court identified the structural nature
of the problem at stake, pointing to deficiencies in the justice
system. In December 2015, up to 347 judgments against Greece were
pending execution.
52. In response, the Greek authorities took a number of measures
to rationalise the judiciary, to accelerate and improve the efficiency
of judicial proceedings, and to provide effective remedies. This
was notably achieved by adopting a new Civil Procedure Code, shortening
trial times or relieving courts. Moreover, legislative amendments
introduced compensatory remedies in excessive length of proceedings
cases, allowing for appropriate and sufficient redress as regards
all domestic proceedings.
The reforms have started
to bring about the first results and have significantly accelerated
the proceedings, while reducing the average duration of litigations.
Moreover, the new remedies were found by the European Court of Human
Rights to be effective and accessible.
Consequently,
the Committee of Ministers decided to close the examination of the
three groups of cases and the three pilot judgements against Greece
in December 2015.
Despite
these substantial reforms, challenges remain in making the reforms
fully effective in practice and in managing the workload of courts.
In October 2016, CEPEJ noted that an impact assessment was not possible
for administrative and criminal cases, due to lack of statistical
data, and recommended closely monitoring the situation as regards
the efficiency and quality of the activities of courts and public
prosecutors in Greece.
53. Another issue in this respect is the overuse of pretrial detention
which, according to the Greek Centre for European Constitutional
Law (CECL), constitutes one of the chronic problems facing the Greek
criminal justice system.
The
lack of judicial faith in the effectiveness of alternative measures
renders recourse to pretrial detention widespread. This is, for
instance, highlighted by the very limited use of electronic monitoring, despite
a pilot project which started in May 2015.
Relevant Council of Europe
standards in relation to the right to liberty and security, including
on the length and reasonableness of pretrial detention, are not
being upheld in national courts and Greece has been found in violation
of the European Convention on Human Rights in several cases before
the European Court of Human Rights.
Moreover,
limited resources and delays in investigations are often responsible
for the relatively long duration of pretrial detention, which on
average lasts 6 to12 months in Greece. The CECL thus recommends,
along with training for judges and prosecutors on the Convention
and the Court’s jurisprudence, developing unified standards of pretrial
detention and enhancing the effectiveness of alternative measures.
At the time of writing, the Greek authorities
were examining the reduction in the use of pretrial detention in
the context of the drafting of a new Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure
Code.
54. While recognising the challenges and the measures taken by
the Greek authorities to enhance the effectiveness of the judiciary,
the rapporteur is concerned about the impact of the crisis on the
judiciary in Greece and by the findings of the relevant Council
of Europe monitoring bodies as regards judicial independence. He
therefore calls on the Greek authorities to implement the relevant
recommendations made by GRECO, the CPT and the Commissioner for
Human Rights as regards access to courts, judicial independence
and for establishing a fully effective independent police complaints
body.
4.2. Fight
against corruption and money laundering
55. Corruption remains one of the
main problems in Greece. According to GRECO, corruption represents one
of the root causes that contributed to the economic and sovereign
debt crisis in the country and the perception of corruption remains
high.
Greece was ranked 58 out of 168
countries surveyed in Transparency International's 2015 Corruption
Perceptions Index which marks a noticeable improvement from a historical
low ranking in 2008-09.
A 2013 Eurobarometer survey on the
perception of corruption found that 99% of the respondents are of
the opinion that corruption is widespread in the country and 66%
consider that bribery and abuse of power for personal gain is common
practice among politicians.
Transparency International's
February 2013 National Integrity System Assessment report estimated
the annual turnover of corruption to exceed €3 billion (and more
than €70 billion combined with the underground economy).
56. The need to fight corruption is increasingly recognised as
an important issue and Greece ratified the relevant Council of Europe
conventions on corruption in 2002 and in 2007. Although State officials
face criminal sanctions for corruption offences, the legal framework
still remains excessively complex, as GRECO pointed out.
This is
compounded by a low level of implementation and enforcement of existing
laws. Tax administration, public procurement and health care are
identified as the sectors most affected by corruption. Gifts, bribery
and facilitation payments are reportedly widespread.
Moreover, the most recent GRECO evaluation
report highlights cases of alleged legislative and institutional
manipulation that allowed their authors to be exempt from liability
– facilitated by an opaque legislative process and insufficient
controls. The adoption of a National Anti-Corruption Strategy and
Action Plan in 2013 is a promising development in this context.
Moreover,
the Greek authorities have intensified efforts to combat corruption
and tax evasion by increasing inspections among various authorities
and by taking numerous disciplinary measures against government officials
involved in corruption. Although the judiciary has recently enforced
more severe sentences in high-level corruption cases, investigations
often remain ineffective and judicial proceedings are characterised
by significant delays.
57. GRECO concluded that Greece had implemented satisfactorily
or dealt with in a satisfactory manner most recommendations of the
first evaluation report and half of the recommendations of the second
evaluation report.
However,
it had to prepare three interim reports before reaching the conclusion
that the level of compliance with the recommendations contained
in the third evaluation report was no longer “globally unsatisfactory”.
In this third interim report, GRECO commended Greece for the substantial
measures taken to ensure transparency of party funding, and notably
for adopting a new legal framework on political financing and the
control thereof, which now complies with the rules monitored by
GRECO.
58. In its fourth evaluation report, GRECO addressed 19 recommendations
to the Greek authorities. According to the GRECO experts, Greece
is at an “early stage of integrity-related policies for parliamentarians” as
relevant rules, internal procedures and a code of conduct for MPs
do not yet exist. They nevertheless praise the supervision by an
independent Committee for the Investigation of Declaration of Assets
since 2015 as a “promising development”. GRECO recommended providing
adequate scrutiny when legislation is in the drafting/adoption stage,
reviewing the system of declaration of assets, income and interests,
and introducing rules on how MPs engage with lobbyists. It further
called on Greece to take determined measures to review its system
of immunities for MPs so as to ensure that the procedures to lift
the immunity of MPs do not hamper or prevent criminal proceedings
in respect of MPs suspected of having committed corruption-related
offences.
59. Concerning the fight against money laundering, although Greece
is not a member of the Committee of Experts on the Evaluation of
Anti-Money Laundering Measures and the Financing of Terrorism (MONEYVAL), it
has been member of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) since
1991. The 10th FATF follow-up report of October 2011 provides an
overview of the main changes made to the anti-money laundering and
combating the financing of terrorism and proliferation (AML/CFT)
system in Greece since the adoption of their third mutual evaluation
report in June 2007. The FATF recognised that Greece had made significant
progress in addressing deficiencies previously identified and decided
that the country should be removed from the regular follow-up process.
60. As regards foreign bribery, Greece ratified the OECD Convention
on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International
Business Transactions (Anti-Bribery Convention) in 1999 and the
United Nations Convention against Corruption in 2008. The OECD has
called on Greece to urgently raise the priority of fighting foreign
bribery by further improving legislation and the relevant rules
and to explicitly address foreign bribery in its national anti-corruption
strategies.
61. While the rapporteur wishes to commend the Greek authorities
for the extensive measures they have taken to ensure transparency
of party funding and to fight corruption, he calls on them to pursue
their efforts by implementing GRECO’s recommendations so as to effectively
address the root causes of the phenomenon.
5. Human rights
5.1. General considerations about the system
of protection of human rights
62. The Greek Constitution provides
the basic framework for the protection of human rights in Greece
and contains one of the most detailed catalogues of civil and social
rights to be found in European constitutions, including the right
to employment, to social security and housing, and to health care.
These rights were further reinforced through the constitutional
revision of 2001 that introduced new individual rights, such as
the protection of genetic data and identity or the protection of
personal data from electronic processing. All people residing within
the Greek territory may enjoy this broad range of human rights and
the State and its agents must ensure that individual rights and
liberties can be exercised fully.
63. There are two independent national human rights structures
in Greece. The Greek National Commission for Human Rights (GNCHR)
is an advisory body to the Greek State on human rights matters,
composed of 32 institutions and organisations. It is considered
effective and a recent legislative amendment has further strengthened
it.
The Greek Ombudsman is a constitutionally
established authority with the task of protecting individual human
rights. The Ombudsman, whose work is considered effective, is notably
charged with investigating individual complaints. Following Greece's
ratification of the Optional Protocol to the United Nations Convention
against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment (OPCAT) in 2014, the Ombudsman's Office functions
as the National Preventive Mechanism (NPM) and monitors all places
of deprivation of liberty in the country. In addition, it was entrusted
with the external monitoring of return operations of third-country
nationals in 2014. Greece also plans to strengthen the responsibilities
of the Ombudsman as an equality body and with respect to investigating
allegations of ill-treatment by law-enforcement and prison officers,
in addition to his other competencies. Therefore, adequate resources
are of paramount importance for maintaining the effectiveness of
the Ombudsman's Office.
64. In 2014, the Greek authorities adopted their first National
Action Plan on Human Rights, covering the period 2014-2016. Moreover,
the authorities set up a number of national strategies, such as
the National Strategic Plan for Social Inclusion, as well as specific
action plans, for instance the National Action Plan on the Rights
of the Child. That said, the GNCHR criticised the absence of a national
action plan against racism and intolerance and recommended a mechanism
capable of assessing the human rights impact of all actions taken by
the Greek State.
At
the time of writing, the Greek authorities were still evaluating
the implementation of the National Action Plan on Human Rights and
were developing new priorities for a revised action plan. They also
examined possibilities for establishing an “effective, inclusive
and operational human rights planning mechanism”.
The rapporteur
would welcome further information from the Greek authorities on
the implementation of the National Action Plan on Human Rights and
the content and priorities of a possible revised action plan.
65. The economic crisis and austerity measures not only had severe
consequences on democratic institutions and the judiciary, they
also adversely affected the enjoyment of human rights and particularly
of social rights in Greece, with a disproportionate impact on the
most vulnerable. Since January 2015, the new government has taken
a number of measures in various fields aimed at mitigating the negative
consequences of austerity measures and addressing social inequalities.
The Greek authorities’ continuing focus on international human rights
protection mechanisms, including Council of Europe standards, should
be warmly welcomed.
66. In 2016, the European Court of Human Rights allocated 337
applications concerning Greece to a judicial formation, declared
inadmissible or struck out 455 applications and communicated 275
applications to the Greek Government.
It delivered 45 judgments
on Greece, 41 of which found at least one violation of the European
Convention on Human Rights. Most violations concerned the right
to an effective remedy (21 judgments), inhuman and degrading treatment
(17 judgments) and the length of proceedings (16 judgments).
In addition, Greece
made 15 unilateral declarations accepting at least one violation
of the Convention and 146 friendly settlements were reached. A total
of 707 applications were pending as at 31 December 2016.
Noteworthy judgments
of recent years concern the issues of inhuman and degrading treatment,
forced labour, length of proceedings (three pilot judgments), fair
trial rights, access to a court and to legal assistance, private
and family life, discrimination based on sexual orientation, conscientious
objection, freedom of association, property rights, education, refugees
and asylum seekers and Roma.
67. As regards the execution of Court judgments, the Committee
of Ministers supervised a total of 302 cases against Greece that
were pending execution by the end of 2015, including 52 leading
cases and 250 repetitive cases. A total of 94 cases were under enhanced
supervision. It is a positive sign that the Committee of Ministers was
able to close a total of 387 cases by final resolution in 2015,
most of which concerned length of judicial proceedings. Consequently,
Greece has significantly improved its record as regards non-implemented judgments
– a development that the rapporteur
warmly welcomes. Moreover, the Hellenic Parliament established in
2013 a special permanent committee on the monitoring of Court judgments
that is responsible for vetting legislation for Convention compliance
and conducting oversight of the execution of Court judgments. At
the time of writing, a draft law providing for the establishment
of such a special structure is underway.
5.2. Prevention of torture and other forms
of ill-treatment
68. During the last five years,
the European Court of Human Rights has found Greece to be in violation
of Article 3 of the Convention (prohibition of torture and inhuman
or degrading treatment or punishment), including its positive obligations,
in 59 cases that covered a variety of issues, such as conditions
and maltreatment in prisons, police custody, or in immigration detention.
The rapporteur expresses serious
concern about this high number of violations.
69. In its 2015 visit report, the CPT expressed concern that,
five years after its public statement concerning Greece in 2011,
the
Greek prison system was reaching breaking point. Excessive overcrowding
and chronic understaffing persisted in most establishments and was
compounded by other serious shortcomings, notably the insufficient
and inadequate provision of health-care services,
the
widespread problem of inter-prisoner violence and intimidation,
and the very poor detention conditions, some of which could easily
be considered as amounting to inhuman and degrading treatment.
The
CPT notably recommended that the Greek authorities develop a strategic
plan for prisons, review the state of prison health-care services
and address the other deficiencies highlighted in the report.
In their response, the Greek authorities
acknowledged most of the CPT's findings and committed themselves
to drafting a strategic plan for the prison system,
which,
I have been informed, has been completed and should soon be published.
The
measures introduced by the current government to address overcrowding,
and notably a 2015 law on prison reform, have significantly reduced
the prison population from around 12 800 at the end of 2013 to some
9 600 at the end of 2015,
i.e.
decreasing the number of prisoners by 20% and prison density from
121.4 inmates to 97.6.
The
authorities also expect to pursue the decongestion of prisons after
the adoption of another law in 2016. This is an encouraging development.
70. The CPT's findings from its 2015 visit illustrate once again
the “widespread and deep-rooted problem of police ill-treatment”.
The CPT received a “significant number of credible allegations of
excessive use of force by police officers” and concluded that the
infliction of ill-treatment by the police, particularly against
foreign nationals, including for the purpose of obtaining confessions,
continued to be a “frequent practice”. The report identifies a “culture
of impunity” under which it is not “unprofessional to resort to
ill-treatment”. The issue of police ill-treatment was already highlighted
in previous CPT reports and also by the Commissioner for Human Rights.
The
CPT urged the authorities to fully acknowledge this phenomenon and
called for a “comprehensive strategy and determined action” to address
it. The report also indicates that formal safeguards against ill-treatment,
notably the rights of notification of custody, access to a lawyer
and access to a doctor from the very outset of deprivation of liberty
are still not fully guaranteed in practice.
71. As regards immigration detention, the CPT noted the measures
taken by the Greek authorities in early 2015 to reduce the number
of people held in pre-departure centres, such as the increased use
of alternatives to detention and the release of vulnerable groups
and of people whose detention had exceeded six months. However,
it stressed that the concept for the operation of pre-departure
centres was still based on a security approach with detainees being
treated in many respects as criminal suspects. It notably criticised
the poor material conditions and lack of activities and the insufficient
health-care provision.
Recently, the Greek authorities
have created five “hotspots” on the Aegean Islands to register and
process new arrivals. After the entry into force of the EU–Turkey
Agreement in March 2016, the “hotspots” were temporarily transformed
into closed detention centres. The CPT visited some of the “hotspots”
in April 2016 to examine the treatment and conditions of foreign
nationals deprived of their liberty and went back in July 2016.
International organisations and non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
such as Amnesty International have criticised the appalling and overcrowded
conditions in the “hotspots”, in which many vulnerable groups are
held, as well as the inappropriate access to medical care, and the
lack of legal safeguards and basic support services.
The authorities
explained that the refugee crisis forced Greece to shoulder a disproportionate
burden, and that aid from their European partners has been less
than adequate. They also regret that the relocation programme deriving
from the EU–Turkey Agreement has not yet been activated, since many
EU members have failed to receive refugees as they should under
the relocation agreement.
72. The CPT report also pointed to various shortcomings concerning
the situation of children in detention, and particularly the unacceptable
conditions in which unaccompanied migrant children were placed.
The committee made it clear that every effort should be made to
avoid resorting to the deprivation of liberty of unaccompanied minors.
This problem became acute in 2016
due to the lack of any alternatives
to detention, the chronic shortage of suitable accommodation and
the absence of a comprehensive child protection system.
According
to Human Rights Watch, unaccompanied children were routinely subjected
to prolonged arbitrary detention in excess of the 45 days permitted
by the law. They were held under “protective custody”, often in
poor conditions and together with adults, while awaiting transfer
to dedicated open shelter facilities.
The European Court
of Human Rights, found the Greek authorities to be in violation
of the Convention as regards treatment and detention conditions
of unaccompanied minors.
The
authorities explained that 2 500 unaccompanied minors became stranded
in Greece following the EU–Turkey Agreement and the closure of borders.
The available accommodation places for unaccompanied minors at that
time was 423 – which had been sufficient to cover the – until then
– existing needs. The authorities added that unaccompanied minors
identified by the police authorities could stay in protective custody
for up to 45 days because of the lack of available places in the
shelters destined for unaccompanied minors.
73. To address this situation, the Greek authorities have prioritised
the protection of unaccompanied children in the context of the National
Strategy for the treatment of unaccompanied foreign national children. The
government sought to create additional facilities to host unaccompanied
children and to have 2 000 places available by the end of the summer
of 2017, which reportedly would be enough to shelter all the unaccompanied
minors living in Greece.
By the end of
September 2017, the National Centre of Social Solidarity (EKKA),
a government body responsible for placing minors, issued official
statistics indicating that there were now 1 125 places available
in 50 shelters for unaccompanied children. 106 unaccompanied children
were in protective custody while 1 652 unaccompanied children were
still on the waiting list.
The authorities stressed that unaccompanied
minors in “protective custody” are prioritised for placement in
shelters or in the newly created “safe zones” in existing open camps.
The Greek authorities have asked the EU partner States to prioritise
relocation for unaccompanied minors – the authorities deplored that
to date no satisfactory response has been given to this request.
In addition, Greece is working on draft legislation to review the institutional
and legislative framework and to reform the guardianship system.
74. In September 2017,
the
CPT released a highly critical report on Greece with respect to
the treatment of migrants in an irregular situation and the continued
detention of unaccompanied migrant children, as well as to the situation
of adult immigration detainees in Athens and Thessaloniki. It called
for action to tackle “the widespread and deep-rooted problem of
police ill-treatment”, with ineffective safeguards against ill-treatment. The
CPT raised concerns over the treatment of foreign nationals in the
Reception and Identification Centres (“hotspots”) on the Aegean
islands and the continued and routine detention of foreign national
children for lengthy periods in poor living conditions and with
insufficient care offered to them. The authorities were invited to
review their approach with regard to “protective custody” of unaccompanied
children and end their immigration detention, and all detention
of parents with children at the Illegal Migration Department (TDPM)
of Thessaloniki.
75. Concerning the situation in places of detention, the CPT considered
the conditions of detention in immigration detention facilities
and in most of the police stations visited as “totally inadequate”,
if not “inhuman and degrading”, as in the Drapetzona Police Station.
In prisons, a highly explosive situation resulted from overcrowding,
combined with high levels of inter-detainee violence, insufficient
basic health-care provision, inadequate assistance to vulnerable
groups and deficient legal safeguards.
76. The Commissioner for Human Rights, for his part, in a recent
letter to the Greek Government, pointed out that the conditions
and treatment of people with disabilities in psychiatric hospitals
have worsened due to budgetary and staffing cuts and that patients
face an increasing risk of excessive use of mechanical and chemical
restraint as well as of ill-treatment. The Commissioner notably
raised concern about several cases of patients dying in a psychiatric
hospital in Athens and encouraged the Greek authorities to limit
recourse to involuntary placements
and to physical
restraint in psychiatry – according to reports by the Ombudsman,
a number of inmates in one psychiatric institution had been neglected
and “constantly restrained and kept inside cages”.
At
the time of writing, measures to address these issues are reportedly
being prepared by the Ministries for Health and for Labour.
77. On 18 April 2017, the Commissioner reiterated his concerns
in a letter addressed to the Greek Government expressing concern
about new reports of ill-treatment by Greek police officers. He
stressed that these were well-documented and very serious cases
illustrating the long-standing and systemic problem of excessive
use of violence in law enforcement, which required determined and
systematic action by Greece. Noting with interest the adoption,
in December 2016, of a law establishing a national mechanism for investigating
incidents of arbitrariness in security forces and in detention facilities,
the Commissioner called for the adoption also of preventive measures,
such as systematic, initial and ongoing training of all law-enforcement
officials, prosecutors and judges.
78. In addition, the Commissioner called on the authorities to
review existing legislation in order to ensure that adequate and
dissuasive penalties are always imposed by courts and fully executed
in all cases of ill-treatment by law-enforcement agents. He also
invited them to ensure that the definition of torture contained
in the Criminal Code is fully aligned with that contained in the
United Nations Convention against Torture.
The Minister of Justice indicated
in his reply that the parliament had been seized on this issue,
and that an investigation had been launched into the ill-treatment
cases raised by the Commissioner.
79. While acknowledging the steps taken to reduce prison overcrowding
and to strategically address the situation in Greek prisons, the
rapporteur calls on the Greek authorities to increase their efforts
to implement the recommendations of the CPT and the Commissioner
for Human Rights as regards police ill-treatment, immigration detention,
children deprived of their liberty and psychiatric patients, so
as to address without delay the serious deficiencies found.
5.3. Fight against racism and intolerance
80. In 2012-2013, Greece witnessed
a dramatic increase in racist violence and hate crimes, primarily targeting
migrants. In his April 2013 report, the Commissioner for Human Rights
raised serious concern about this trend and the weak State response
to the problem. He called on the Greek authorities to condemn “firmly and
unequivocally” all instances of hate speech and hate crime and to
use “all available means” to combat these crimes and to end impunity.
Acts
of racist violence continue to present a significant problem. Although there
was a slight decline in 2014, after the Greek authorities took action
against Golden Dawn and strongly condemned racist actions, there
was again a steep increase of racist violence in 2015. The Racist
Violence Recording Network recorded a total of 273 incidents of
racist violence with more than 300 victims in 2015, as well as incidents
targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI)
people (185 incidents). It is of particular concern that law-enforcement
officials were involved in 16 incidents of racist violence.
81. The Greek authorities have reacted with a number of measures.
In
2014, a new anti-racism law was adopted and the existing criminal
legislation strengthened.
Another major
step was the appointment of two special prosecutors and the creation
of two specialised police departments and 68 regional offices for investigating
acts of racist violence. A recent law provides for the establishment
of the National Council against Racism and Intolerance – an inter-ministerial
body with the participation of independent bodies and NGOs – which
is notably tasked with drawing up a comprehensive anti-racism strategy
and a National Action Plan against Racism and Intolerance, as requested
by ECRI.
In
addition, it was tasked with the design of strategies to combat
hate speech made in the media and by public officials. A mechanism
for registering alleged incidents of racist and xenophobic violence
has been established and a hate speech monitoring mechanism is planned.
82. While ECRI welcomed the developments in legislation and law
enforcement in its 2014 report, it noted the remaining challenges
with regard to the implementation of the law and underlined that
the measures taken remained “largely insufficient” to counter racist
violence. Under-reporting and lack of will to investigate cases of
violent attacks or to consider the question of racist and/or homo-/transphobic
motivation during judicial proceedings effectively added to the
climate of impunity. Often, hate speech and intolerance, usually
directed against migrants, but also against Roma, Jews, Muslims,
and LGBTI people, were inadequately addressed and not officially
condemned. In addition, State support for victims was inadequate.
In this context ECRI reiterated its long-standing recommendation
that Greece ratify Protocol No. 12 to the European Convention on
Human Rights.
83. The Commissioner for Human Rights, after his recent visit
in July 2016, welcomed the government's efforts to combat racism
and homophobia, including by condemning racist acts at the highest
political level and promoting a positive discourse towards migrants,
which sent a clear signal of zero tolerance of racism and xenophobia.
Nevertheless, in his view, much more needs to be done to enhance
the effectiveness of the law-enforcement and justice systems in
investigating racist acts, including through systematic and continuous
anti-discrimination training for police officers, prosecutors and
judges.
In a follow-up letter
to the Greek Government in August 2016, the Commissioner stressed
the need to enhance implementation of the existing anti-hate crime
legislation, to collect and analyse hate crime data in a more systematic
manner and to raise public awareness on racism and intolerance against
marginalised groups.
In
this respect, the rapporteur welcomes the recent ratification of
the Convention on Cybercrime and its Additional Protocol concerning
the criminalisation of acts of a racist and xenophobic nature committed
through computer systems.
84. The rapporteur welcomes the Greek authorities’ efforts to
combat racism and intolerance. However, additional steps are required
to effectively combat racist violence and impunity and to implement
anti-hate crime legislation, in line with the recommendations of
ECRI and the Commissioner for Human Rights. The ratification of
Protocol No. 12 to the Convention is of major importance in this
respect.
5.4. Fight against discrimination
85. The austerity-driven policies
are exacerbating already existing inequalities and ingrained discrimination practices
in Greece and have had a disproportionate impact on the most disadvantaged
groups of the population.
The crisis has notably had an
adverse effect on gender equality which could not be mitigated by the
National Programme for Substantive Gender Equality for the period
2010-2013 (extended until 2015). As a consequence, female unemployment
rates are particularly high, many women occupying precarious or
part-time jobs, and the gender pay gap has increased.
This is notably
due to cuts in childcare and the lack of adequate public day-care
structures, but also because of persistent discrimination, patriarchal
attitudes and deeply rooted stereotypes regarding the role of women.
To counter inequalities and discrimination
against women, the Greek authorities have elaborated a new Action
Plan on Gender Equality covering the period 2014-2020. Despite efforts
to increase the participation of women in political life and decision-making
bodies, women continue to be under-represented and the Greek authorities
have recognised that further efforts are needed.
86. Child poverty and youth unemployment as consequences of the
economic crisis are major concerns which are likely to have long-term
effects on Greek society and the population. In 2015, more than
a third of all children (37.8% or 710 000) in Greece were at risk
of poverty and social exclusion.
Moreover, almost
half of young people aged 15 to 24 were unemployed, despite a slight
improvement,
and 32.4% of all young people
aged 20 to 34 were neither in employment nor in education and training.
87. With regard to children’s rights, the persisting institutionalisation
of children with mental disabilities in psychiatric hospitals and
care institutions is of concern. A National Action Plan on the Rights
of the Child, which aims to support deinstitutionalisation and make
a transition to community-based services, is being drawn up. In
addition, several measures, including new legislation, are being
prepared to reform foster care and adoption and to review the legal
framework for State and private care institutions in order to ensure
effective monitoring and supervision.
88. Recently, the Commissioner for Human Rights expressed concern
about the negative impact of the economic crisis on the rights of
people with disabilities. His main concerns relate to health care
and the standard of living of people with disabilities as well as
the situation of people with intellectual and psychosocial disabilities
in institutions. These developments have created an increased risk
of social exclusion. Despite the Greek authorities’ efforts in the
context of the recently adopted National Strategic Plan for Deinstitutionalisation,
the lack of budgetary resources has led to serious understaffing
in psychiatric and social care institutions and is likely to undo
the positive effects of the reform of psychiatry initiated by the government.
In a letter of September
2016, addressed to the Greek Government, the Commissioner criticised
the persistent, grave deficiencies in the mental health-care system
and called on the Greek authorities to redouble their efforts towards
deinstitutionalisation and to address the shortcomings through better
co-ordination and planning, and a stronger and more effective monitoring
system.
Moreover,
as regards social inclusion, the European Committee of Social Rights
(ECSR), in its Conclusions XX-1 of 2012, found that there was no
proof that people with disabilities are guaranteed effective equal
access to employment.
89. It should be highlighted that the Greek authorities have made
numerous efforts to fight discrimination based on sexual orientation
or gender identity, and carried out a legislative review of equality
and non-discrimination policies. The authorities notably passed
new legislation extending civil partnerships to include same-sex
couples, conferring many rights similar to those deriving from marriage.
This was the consequence of a 2013 Grand Chamber judgment of the
European Court of Human Rights which found a violation of the Convention
due to discrimination based on sexual orientation.
Moreover, the
competences of the Ombudsman for investigating alleged cases of
discriminatory treatment have been reinforced and gender identity
and gender characteristics have been explicitly included as grounds
for non-discrimination in the new anti-racism legislation and the
revised equal treatment law. The higher age of consent for male
homosexual acts was abolished and the Law on gender recognition
was adopted in October 2017. At the time of writing, the authorities
were considering legislation on the possibility of instituting the
marriage of same-sex couples and the joint adoption of children
by them, in the context of a comprehensive review of family law.
Despite
these very positive measures in law, the practice in Greece is still
characterised by considerable discrimination and intolerance towards
LGBTI people, who do not benefit from sufficient support and protection.
Harassment by the police and discrimination in education are commonplace.
Moreover, an increasing number of LGBTIs have been victims of violent
attacks. ECRI therefore recommended that the Greek authorities develop
a national strategy to combat discrimination and homo-/transphobia.
90. The current social inclusion policies are inadequate or insufficient
to alleviate the difficult situation of Roma: the vast majority
of them are still marginalised and socially excluded. Prejudices
against Roma remain widespread. The economic crisis has disproportionally
affected this group, despite a series of measures promoted by the
Greek authorities. The National Strategy for Social Integration
of Roma 2012-2020 prioritises housing, education, employment and
health, and most regions have developed Regional Strategies for
Roma Integration. However, they lack solid legal guarantees and
effective implementation, and representatives of the Roma community
are not adequately involved in the development and implementation
of Roma integration programmes. The Roma population continues to
live in inadequate and sub-standard housing and are particularly
vulnerable to long-term unemployment and poverty. The ECSR, in two
decisions from 2004 and 2009 and in its Conclusions XIX-4 (2011),
found that the housing conditions of Roma were inadequate and that Roma
families were forcibly evicted and did not benefit from sufficient
legal protection and remedies.
Racial segregation
affecting Roma children in schools still persists, despite relevant
judgments of the European Court of Human Rights.
ECRI
recommended that the Greek authorities develop an effective strategy
to put an immediate end to this practice.
I
have since been informed that a Special Secretariat for the Integration
of Roma has been established and operates under the Alternate Minister
of Labour.
91. It is of concern that the Greek authorities do not recognise
the concept of national minorities based on ethnicity. Τhe Muslim
minority in Thrace
is the only recognised religious minority
in Greece, in accordance with the 1923 Lausanne Peace Treaty. Members
of the Muslim minority in Thrace enjoy special rights with regard
to their religion, language and mother-tongue education. It is positive
to note that the Greek authorities took further measures to protect
and promote their rights, such as the adoption of legislation that
allows pupils of this minority group to participate in optional
Islamic classes in Greek public schools.
However, it is of concern
that Sharia law is still applied by local Muftis in civil and inheritance
matters for members of the Muslim minority in Thrace instead of
Greek civil law.
This
issue was already addressed by the previous Commissioner for Human
Rights in 2009. He notably stressed the incompatibility of this
practice with European and international human rights standards
and urged the Greek authorities to ensure that the review and control by
domestic civil courts is effective.
On 14 November 2017, Prime Minister
Tsipras announced the introduction of a bill that would set limits
to the jurisdiction of Sharia law in Thrace and make the jurisdiction
of the mufti optional.
The call on the Greek authorities
to ratify the European Charter for Regional Minority Languages and
the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities
are longstanding Assembly recommendations.
92. The Greek authorities are considering appropriate options
to execute three Court judgments in which the Court found a violation
of the right to freedom of association due to the refusal to register
– or the dissolution of – associations from the Muslim minority
in Thrace.
Full
implementation of the judgments is still pending.
One
positive step taken by the Hellenic Parliament was the adoption,
in October 2017, of legislation providing the procedural avenue
for the reopening of civil law cases in compliance with the relevant Court
judgments and in direct reference to the Court.
93. The rapporteur notes the Greek authorities’ efforts to fight
discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity, but
is concerned about the disproportionate impact of austerity measures
on the most vulnerable, such as women, children and young people,
people with disabilities and Roma. He urges the authorities to increase
efforts to fight discrimination and to overcome existing inequalities
by implementing ECRI’s recommendations and by addressing the findings
of the ECSR and the Commissioner for Human Rights. The authorities
are also encouraged to accede to the European Charter for Regional
or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection
of National Minorities.
5.5. Rights of refugees and migrants (including
detention of irregular migrants and asylum seekers, expulsion of
aliens, etc.)
94. The arrival of an unprecedented
number of foreign nationals in Greece in 2015 triggered a major humanitarian
crisis in the country and continues to pose important human rights
challenges.
Despite major efforts to
rescue people at sea,
the Greek authorities
struggle with their disproportionate responsibilities. The Assembly
has on numerous occasions taken a very clear position on the inadequacy
of the European response overall and underlined that “the refugee
and migrant crisis in the eastern Mediterranean must be fully accepted
as a European and global problem, and not only a Greek one. The
only effective response will be based on respect for the human rights
of refugees and migrants … and on genuine solidarity and the practical sharing
of responsibility”.
The
dramatic increase in arrivals on the Aegean islands and the more
than 60 000 refugees and migrants who currently remain stranded
in Greece have stretched the country's already strained budgetary
and staffing resources to its limits, and its reception and identification
systems are beyond breaking point.
95. Following the border closures along the Western Balkans migratory
route, the situation notably deteriorated at the informal camp at
Idomeni, on the northern Greek border, where more than 13 000 people –
including more than 8 000 women and children – were gathered in
early 2016. The abysmal conditions in the camp were qualified as
a “humanitarian disaster” by the Special Representative of the Council
of Europe Secretary General on Migration and Refugees.
Eventually, in May 2016, the Greek
authorities completed the evacuation of all refugees and migrants
from the Idomeni camp to emergency shelters. However, the situation
in most of the 50 or so temporary accommodation centres at the time
was desolate in many respects. New accommodation places had to be
hastily set up in order to rehouse the thousands of refugees and migrants
from the Idomeni camp. Refugees and migrants were accommodated in
sometimes overcrowded and often unsanitary accommodation sites which
are inadequately equipped for the winter. In addition, the living conditions
are poor and only basic needs are being catered for.
After his visit in July 2016, the
Commissioner for Human Rights, whilst recognising and commending
the enormous efforts made by the Greek authorities and the Greek
people, noted the need to further improve living conditions, including
medical care, in refugee reception facilities.
The Greek authorities
informed me that they have meanwhile taken measures to cope with
the winter months: they have radically restructured the accommodation
sites, improved living conditions, and moved 20 000 people to apartments
and hotels. Only 23 of the 40 camps initially created in co-operation with
the UNHCR after the closure of the borders are still open. Funding
by the European Commission should enable more asylum seekers to
be relocated in apartments, in co-operation with local authorities.
96. Shortly after the conclusion of the EU–Turkey Agreement, material
conditions on the Aegean islands deteriorated drastically and the
“hotspots” became severely congested and overcrowded.
The
Assembly, in a resolution adopted on 20 April 2016, considered that
the Agreement raised several serious human rights issues relating
to both its substance and its implementation and stressed the European
Union’s and EU member States’ responsibility.
The situation on
the islands remains explosive. The Greek authorities regret that
the procedure now in place, which derives from the interpretation
of the EU–Turkey Statement, prevents them from transferring asylum
seekers who are unlikely to acquire refugee status to the mainland
(in detention, as is required by Greek law) in order for their asylum
requests to be processed swiftly and for unsuccessful applicants
to be returned to the island they came from, and from there back
to Turkey. Greece has repeatedly addressed requests to Turkey and
has equally asked for the support of the European Commission on
this issue.
This situation has led at times to
appalling living conditions, creating a volatile security situation marked
by violent protests and fights, and mounting tensions and frustration
because of lengthy asylum procedures and long waiting times. Moreover,
assistance for the high number of vulnerable people is insufficient,
putting notably women and children at risk.
Procedural safeguards,
such as access to legal aid and interpretation services, are inadequate.
In the meantime, agreements
have been concluded with the European lawyers’ associations to provide
access to legal aid. At the time of writing, the number of new arrivals was
again on the rise.
97. In its 2011
M.S.S. v. Belgium and
Greece judgment, the Court found that asylum seekers
in Greece were at risk of violations of their rights due to the
living and detention conditions they would face as well as failures in
the Greek asylum system. Therefore, a country returning asylum seekers
to Greece would be in breach of its obligations under the Convention.
Greece reformed its asylum system on the basis of a 2010 National
Action Plan on Asylum Reform and Migration Management, revised in
2012. Despite improvements and the welcome establishment of an autonomous
Asylum Service and an Appeals Authority, the asylum system is still dysfunctional,
mainly due to underlying structural problems as well as lack of
capacity and staff, thus limiting asylum seekers' effective access
to asylum and the authorities’ ability to clear the persistent backlog
of cases.
98. The current refugee and migration crisis continues to place
pressure on the Greek asylum system. Asylum applications and pre-registration
requests increased drastically in 2016 due to the EU–Turkey Agreement
and the
de facto closure of
the Western Balkans migratory route. The Greek authorities emphasised
that they guarantee the individual right to seek asylum, despite
pressure on Greece by the European Commission and EU member States
to accelerate processing and returns to Turkey, in order to implement
the EU–Turkey Agreement.
The
authorities consider that the Greek Asylum Service – which was not
designed to receive thousands of asylum seekers – has significantly
improved its services since the migration crisis.
Consequently,
a comprehensive long-term strategy for dealing with all aspects
and human rights implications is required. This also requires increased
European solidarity through further support to Greece by the European
Union and its member States: current support still falls short of
their commitments in terms of assistance and relocation. In addition,
the European Union's asylum and migration policy, and notably the
Dublin III Regulation, should be reformed, as has been highlighted
by the Assembly.
Against this background, the European
Commission's recent recommendation to resume transfers of asylum
seekers to Greece under the Dublin III Regulation by March 2017
appears premature, particularly in the light of the fact that the
Committee of Ministers has not yet closed its supervision of the
M.S.S. judgment.
99. In December 2013 and February 2014, the Commissioner for Human
Rights expressed concern about the alleged breaches of the fundamental
rights of migrants in the context of border patrols, including a
large number of reported collective expulsions (so-called “push-back”
operations) on land and at sea, as well as allegations of ill-treatment
of migrants by members of the Hellenic police or coast guards. He
called on the Greek authorities to radically change their migration
policy and practice, effectively investigate all recorded incidents,
and take all necessary measures to end and prevent recurrence of
such practices.
The stated commitment
of the Greek authorities to respect international human rights standards,
the implementation of relevant training activities, and the adoption
of a code of ethics for coast guard staff are steps in the right direction.
The authorities
underlined that, since 2015, the Greek State has continuously saved
lives at sea, also with the help of the European Agency for the
Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of
the Member States of the European Union (Frontex) and under the
co-ordination of Frontex and NATO.
100. Another concern related to the police round-up operation “Xenios
Zeus”, implemented between August 2012 and February 2015, which
consisted of indiscriminate identity checks aimed at cracking down
on irregular immigration and crime in Athens. The operation mostly
targeted foreign nationals and was criticised for the alleged use
of the discriminatory practice of ethnic profiling. Some 85 000
people were apprehended and taken to police stations for identification
purposes until February 2013, but less than 5 000 people were found
to be in an irregular situation.
101. The Greek authorities consider that the integration of refugees
and migrants into Greek society cannot be effective as long as the
flows of refugees and immigrants are continuous. Efforts have been
made by the Greek authorities, such as the adoption of the “Code
of Immigration and Social Integration” and legislation on facilitating
integration programmes and the acquisition of Greek citizenship
by second-generation migrants. The authorities stress that asylum
seekers have the right to work (but this is a country where unemployment
is at 23% and over 50% for young people). Refugee and migrant children
are now going to school. Further relocating refugees and migrants
from camps to apartments will contribute to integration. A special
plan on integration was to be worked out during May and June 2017.
Some
100 migrant integration councils operate at local level. Most resources
are allocated to dealing with the emergency initial reception rather
than to integrating refugees and migrants. The high unemployment
rate in Greece has hindered refugees' and migrants' access to the
labour market. In July 2016, the Commissioner for Human Rights called
on the Greek authorities not to ignore the long-term integration
challenges and to design and implement an ambitious migrant integration
policy.
102. In June 2017, the Assembly acknowledged that the situation
in Greece had seen some improvements thanks to the creation of hotspots,
reception, registration and more efficient asylum processing. However, 63 000
asylum seekers were waiting for the outcome of their status determination
procedure – 14 000 of them being confined to the islands and the
situation of unaccompanied minors was “of utmost concern”. The Assembly
thus recommended that the Greek authorities increase the reception
capacity, close unsuitable sites as a matter of urgency, pay more
attention to the specific needs of unaccompanied and separated children, end
the systematic detention of rejected asylum seekers (and abolish
their detention at police stations), and substantially improve detention
conditions. At the same time, the Greek authorities were invited
to speed up the processing of asylum applications from registration
to appeal, improve and harmonise procedures in hotspots and other
disembarkation ports, adopt legislation on guardianship, make better
use of European Union long-term funding for reception and hosting
facilities and the monitoring of the Aegean Sea area, and implement
an effective integration policy for recognised refugees.
103. The rapporteur welcomes the important efforts made by the
Greek authorities in the context of the migration and refugee crisis.
However, there is a need to intensify efforts so as to improve living
conditions and the integration of refugees and migrants in Greece,
and to ensure the effective functioning of the asylum system, in
line with the recommendations of the Commissioner for Human Rights.
This requires increased European solidarity and a comprehensive
long-term strategy at EU level.
5.6. Protection of social rights in the
context of austerity
104. The economic crisis and austerity
measures have had a severe impact on the enjoyment of social rights by
the Greek population and have led to a rapid deterioration of living
standards coupled with the dismantling of the welfare state in the
country. The European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR), the Commissioner
for Human Rights and the Greek National Commission for Human Rights
have repeatedly sounded the alarm about the drastic consequences
for the most vulnerable groups, and urged the Greek authorities
and international stakeholders to meet their international and European
human rights obligations, notably by making impact assessments when
designing or implementing austerity measures.
105. Several years of recession and austerity measures have persistently
challenged the constitutionally protected right to work and the
right to an adequate standard of living. Unemployment has reached unprecedented
levels: Greece is the EU country with the highest overall unemployment
rate. The use of flexible forms of employment under poor working
conditions has also increased.
Salaries were drastically cut –
in some cases by as much as 50% and working conditions weakened.
The system of collective bargaining and collective agreements has
been largely dismantled and social benefits drastically reduced
or withdrawn. As a result, by 2012, the disposable incomes of households
decreased by 40% and more than one million Greeks lived in households
with no income at all.
In 2014, almost
four million people – more than one-third of the Greek population
– and almost two-thirds of foreign nationals were at risk of poverty
or social exclusion or lived below the poverty threshold.
In 2015,
nearly one Greek in five lacked funds to meet daily food expenses
and the number of daily attendees at soup kitchens exploded to several
hundreds of thousands of people.
In two decisions
in 2012, the ECSR found that several austerity measures violated
the rights contained in the 1961 European Social Charter (ETS No.
35) (ESC).
None of these measures was repealed
and another collective complaint on this issue is currently pending
before the ECSR.
In its
Conclusions XX-1 of 2012 and XX-3 of 2014, the ECSR stressed that
the efforts deployed were inadequate to combat unemployment and
that minimum wages were insufficient to ensure a decent standard
of living, in particular the minimum wage to all workers under the
age of 25 was below the poverty level.
106. The economic situation and austerity measures also had a devastating
effect on other social rights, such as the right to social security
and social protection. Social insurance and social protection programmes
as well as pensions and retirement benefits were drastically cut.
The reform of the pension system deepened the vulnerability and
risk of poverty among the elderly, with pension benefits often below
the poverty level. The ECSR also found in five collective complaints
that the social security and pension rights guaranteed by the ESC had
been violated. The committee concluded
inter
alia that pension reform measures would “risk bringing
about a large-scale pauperisation of a significant segment of the
population”.
In its 2013 conclusions, the ECSR underlined
that the minimum unemployment benefit for beneficiaries without
dependants were manifestly inadequate and that the rights to social
security and social assistance were not complied with.
107. The number of homeless people has drastically increased, with
some 20 000 people losing their homes between 2011 and 2012.
Moreover, drastic
cuts in public health spending, which reached a historic low in 2014,
have had a serious effect on the right to health care. The Greek
health-care system is drastically underfinanced, with a potentially
long-term impact on public health. An estimated 2.5 million Greeks
have no health insurance and the proportion of people with inadequate
access to health-care services or unmet health-care needs has increased
sharply.
Waiting times
and admission fees have increased, shortages of material are endemic
and public hospitals and health centres have had to close. Hospitals
and pharmacies now demand cash payment for treatment and drugs,
which many patients cannot afford, and patients are refused treatment.
The Commissioner for
Human Rights noted with concern the increasing demand in mental
health care coupled with staff and budgetary cuts and urged the
Greek authorities and their international lenders to spare health
care, in particular psychiatry, from further budgetary cuts.
The Greek authorities
have announced an increase in the public health-care budget and
legislation enacted in early 2016 established health coverage for
all uninsured individuals, giving them free access to the public
health system, and medical care and treatment at zero or near-zero
cost.
108. As of January 2015, the new government made efforts to protect
the rights of vulnerable people, notably through measures aimed
at addressing social inequalities that particularly affected the
most disadvantaged groups of the population. In March 2015, the
Greek authorities adopted a law to ensure provision of basic goods
and services to people and families living in extreme poverty, including
free electricity, rent allowances and food stamps. As of November
2015, individuals and families facing extreme poverty also benefited
from a pilot guaranteed minimum income scheme in 13 municipalities
which was expected to be extended throughout the country by the
end of 2016. The government has also paid a one-off supplement to
some 1.6 million low-income pensioners. The Greek authorities have
also adopted a National Strategy for Social Inclusion that aims to
review policies on tackling poverty and social exclusion and prioritises
the reforms of the social protection system.
Moreover, the
government has indicated that its priority was “to provide support
to the unemployed in order to mitigate the effects of the current
economic situation”, notably through employment programmes and public
benefit employment schemes. It is noteworthy that unemployment rates
started to slightly decline (to 23.1%) in September 2016.
109. More generally, Greece has further strengthened the protection
of social rights with the ratification of the European Social Charter
(revised), of which it has accepted 96 of the 98 paragraphs. That
said, the country has not yet made a declaration enabling national
NGOs to submit collective complaints.
110. The rapporteur wishes to voice serious concern about the severe
impact of the austerity measures on the enjoyment of social rights
in Greece, as pointed out by the ECSR and the Commissioner for Human
Rights. He commends the measures taken by the Greek authorities
aimed at addressing social inequalities and encourages Greece and
its international lenders to implement policies that ensure the
provision of an effective social safety net.
5.7. Other human rights issues
111. Violence against women and
particularly domestic violence remain a serious and widespread problem in
Greek society.
Despite the extent
of the problem, domestic violence remains under-reported and only
a few perpetrators are prosecuted and punished. In 2014, some 3 900
victims of domestic violence were identified, almost 1 200 prosecutions
were initiated and some 300 perpetrators convicted.
A 2006 law presents
the basic legal framework on combating domestic violence in Greece
and
inter alia criminalises marital
rape. However, the law still fails to address all the aspects and
root causes of the phenomenon. In particular, it does not criminalise
all offences of a domestic character and does not tackle stereotypes
relating to traditional gender roles. Moreover, most of its provisions
are not incorporated in the relevant codes.
Within
the framework of the National Action Plan on Preventing and Combating
Violence against Women 2009-2013, a number of initiatives have been
taken by the Greek authorities to counter domestic violence and
protect victims, such as the launch of a helpline and the creation
of several counselling centres and shelters throughout the country.
The programme has also contributed to increasing the visibility
of domestic violence as a crime which is prosecuted
ex officio. Awareness-raising activities
are being launched by the General Secretariat for Equality and the
Research Centre for Equality Issues. That said, further efforts
and awareness-raising measures are required. It is expected that
the planned ratification of the Convention on Preventing and Combating
Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, which was signed in
2011, will produce major effects in countering violence against
women and domestic violence. The rapporteur encourages the Greek authorities
to swiftly accede to the treaty.
112. Greece is a transit and destination country for trafficking
in human beings (THB), mainly for the purpose of forced labour and
sexual exploitation. Marginalised and other vulnerable groups, such
as Roma children and the increasing number of single women and unaccompanied
child migrants, are particularly exposed to the risk of becoming
victims of THB.
The GNCHR expressed its
concern about the lack of an effective protection framework for
victims of trafficking.
While the ratification
of the Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings
and the transposition of the EU Anti-Trafficking Directive in 2013
have improved the legal framework, it is not in itself sufficient
to ensure its implementation and to effectively combat human trafficking. In
October 2016, the Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking
in Human Beings (GRETA) carried out its first evaluation visit to
Greece and its report is forthcoming. The efforts of the Greek authorities,
notably by establishing specialised anti-trafficking units for the
investigation of relevant cases, are hindered by difficulties in
identifying victims of THB and law enforcement. The July 2016 US
Department of State's Trafficking in Persons Report noted that,
in 2015, the Greek authorities identified only 57 victims of THB,
mainly due to under-reporting. Only 37 criminal proceedings were
initiated on grounds of THB, leading to convictions in only 23 cases.
It is positive to note that, in 2015, the government provided assistance
to all identified victims of THB and issued renewable residence
permits to three of them.
I
was pleased to learn that Greece has now appointed a national rapporteur
on THB, established (September 2016) a national system for the identification and
referral of victims of trafficking, and set up a parliamentary committee
against human trafficking (June 2016). A newly established protection
framework should also increase protection, services and psychosocial support
to (women) victims of trafficking in both State-run and NGO-operated
shelters.
113. In its first evaluation report of October 2017,
GRETA welcomed the adoption of anti-trafficking legislation
and the setting-up of specialised structures, training and awareness-raising
activities. It highlighted however the need to improve the identification
of victims of trafficking for all forms of exploitation – including among
asylum seekers, irregular migrants and unaccompanied children –,
effectively grant the 30-day recovery and reflection period to presumed
victims and address the special needs of male victims and children. It
also urged Greece to identify gaps in “the investigation procedure
and the prosecution of trafficking cases in order to ensure an expeditious
trial and effective, proportionate and dissuasive convictions”.
114. While the Greek Constitution and State practice guarantee
the right to conscientious objection, the length of the alternative
civilian service for conscientious objectors (15 months) is still
much longer than that of military service in the Greek Army (nine
months) where the majority of conscripts serve.
This difference in treatment
has been criticised repeatedly as disproportionate and discriminatory,
and the ECSR, in
its Conclusions XX-1(2012), found that it constituted a disproportionate
limitation on the “right of the worker to earn a living in an occupation
freely entered upon”.
Men refusing both
military and alternative civilian service face prosecution in the
military justice system, with sanctions of up to two years' imprisonment.
Moreover, in a recent
judgment of September 2016, the European Court of Human Rights found
that a Greek conscientious objector did not enjoy the necessary
procedural safeguards of impartiality and independence in having
his request for alternative civilian service examined.
6. Conclusions
115. In the past decade, Greece
has suffered from a deep and prolonged financial crisis followed
by an economic recession, which have had significant adverse effects
on the economy and the labour market. These austerity measures have
also persistently challenged the constitutionally protected right
to work and the right to an adequate standard of living, and other
social rights, such as the right to social security and social protection.
This particularly affects the most disadvantaged groups of the population.
In addition, Greece has faced a major migration crisis triggered
by, inter alia, the ongoing
conflict in Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, which has seen hundreds
of thousands of refugees reach the Greek coasts in recent years.
Greece has assumed a large share of the financial burden of the
management of the migration crisis, for which it should be lauded. However,
regrettably, this situation also proved to be fertile ground for
extremist thoughts to flourish in Greece.
116. In this context, the Monitoring Committee stresses that Greece
has ensured that its democratic institutions and human rights protection
mechanisms function so as to, overall, comply with Council of Europe standards.
Greece globally honours its membership obligations to the Council
of Europe. In the light of the findings of the monitoring mechanisms
of the main Council of Europe conventions, a number of issues should, however,
be addressed by the authorities. The committee therefore wishes
to make the following recommendations to the Greek authorities:
- Recalling GRECO’s finding that
corruption represents one of the root causes that contributed to
the economic and sovereign debt crisis in the country, the Monitoring
Committee commends the Greek authorities for the extensive measures
they have taken to ensure transparency of party funding and to fight
corruption. It calls on them to pursue their efforts by implementing
GRECO’s recommendations so as to effectively address the root causes
of the phenomenon.
- The Monitoring Committee remains concerned by the persistent
problem of ill-treatment by the police. It welcomes the setting
up of a National Mechanism for investigating incidents of arbitrariness
in security forces and in detention facilities within the ombudsman
institution in December 2016. That notwithstanding, it urges the
authorities to take determined action to tackle this systemic problem,
in line with the recommendations of the CPT and the Commissioner
for Human Rights. It expects the parliament to align the definition
of torture contained in the criminal code with that of the Convention against
Torture and set up effective safeguards against ill-treatment. It
encourages the authorities to reinforce the preventive measures,
including systematic training of all law-enforcement officials, prosecutors
and judges and to ensure that adequate and dissuasive penalties
are always imposed by courts and fully executed in all cases of
ill-treatment by law-enforcement agents. In this respect, it also draws
attention to the situation of children deprived of their liberty
and of psychiatric patients and invites the Greek authorities to
address without delay the serious deficiencies found.
- With respect to refugees and asylum seekers, while stressing
that the management of the refugee crisis is a shared responsibility
of all European countries, the Monitoring Committee acknowledges
the efforts made by the Greek authorities to face this migration
crisis. It calls, however, on the Greek authorities to end the detention
of immigrant children, to intensify efforts to improve living conditions
and the integration of refugees and migrants, and to ensure the
effective functioning of the asylum system, in line with Assembly Resolution 2174 (2017), the recommendations of the Commissioner for Human Rights
and the latest recommendations issued by the CPT.
- In this context, the Monitoring Committee reiterates its
call on the Greek authorities to intensify their efforts to combat
effectively racism and intolerance, and to take resolute action
to combat racist violence. No impunity for racist violence and hate
crime should be allowed to exist. Anti-hate crime legislation should
be implemented effectively, in line with the recommendations of
ECRI and the Commissioner for Human Rights. The committee urges
the Greek Parliament to ratify Protocol No. 12 to the European Convention
on Human Rights without further delay.
- With respect to the rule of law, the Monitoring Committee
remains concerned about shortcomings in the judicial system, in
particular as regards access to courts, judicial independence and
the absence of a fully effective independent police complaints body,
despite recent reforms undertaken. It calls on the Greek authorities
to enhance the transparency and accountability of the judicial system
and implement the relevant recommendations made by GRECO, the CPT
and the Commissioner for Human Rights in this regard.
- The Monitoring Committee also invites the Greek authorities
to:
- take all necessary steps
to implement Recommendation
372 (2015) of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of
the Council of Europe to strengthen local democracy administrations
and their financial capacity;
- ratify the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence
against Women and Domestic Violence signed in 2011 in order to combat
violence against women, which remain a serious and widespread problem
in Greek society;
- further enhance the independence of the media and refrain
from undue political interference.
117. Finally, in a context marked by recession and austerity measures,
the Monitoring Committee commends the measures taken by the Greek
authorities aimed at addressing social inequalities and welcomes
the ratification of the European Social Charter (revised) in 2016,
which should further strengthen the protection of social rights.
It encourages the authorities to make a declaration enabling national
NGOs to submit collective complaints, and to pay further attention
to the severe impact of the austerity measures on the enjoyment
of social rights in Greece, as pointed out by the European Committee
of Social Rights and the Commissioner for Human Rights.