1. Introduction
1. The right to respect for private
and family life is a fundamental right, enshrined in Article 8 of
the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5, “the Convention”).
This right is of equal importance in everyone’s lives, yet progress
in this field towards achieving equality regardless of sexual orientation
has often been slower than in other fields.
2. In its
Recommendation
1474 (2000) on the situation of lesbians and gays in Council of
Europe member States, the Parliamentary Assembly called on member
States to “adopt legislation which makes provision for registered
partnerships
”. It again noted
in its
Resolution 1728
(2010) on discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation
and gender identity, that the denial of rights to
de facto “LGBT families” in many
member States needed to be addressed. The Assembly subsequently
dealt with a number of key issues affecting the private and family
lives of transgender people in its
Resolution 2048 (2015) on discrimination against transgender people in Europe
(focusing on discrimination based on gender identity), and affecting
the private and family lives of intersex people in its
Resolution 2191 (2017) on promoting the human rights of and eliminating discrimination
against intersex people (focusing on discrimination based on sex
characteristics). However, it has not examined discrimination in
the field of private and family life based on sexual orientation
since 2010, and some additional issues have come to light since
the adoption of the aforementioned resolutions.
3. For its part, in 2010, the Committee of Ministers adopted
Recommendation
CM/Rec(2010)5 on measures to combat discrimination on grounds of sexual
orientation and gender identity. The standards set out in this recommendation
as regards respect for private and family life were for the most
part based on the case law of the European Court of Human Rights
(“the Court”) as it then stood, and essentially recommended that member
States should ensure that whatever legislation was in place should
be applied without discrimination.
4. Since the adoption of these texts, the Court has been called
upon to deliver judgments in a number of cases concerning various
aspects of the right to private and family life of lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people and their children,
and there have been significant developments in its case law. In
the course of the same period, many Council of Europe member States
have adopted legislation extending marriage to same-sex couples
or granting them other forms of legal recognition, for example in
the form of civil partnerships or unions. Others have extended the
set of rights granted to same-sex couples under national legislation.
There have also been developments extending the possibilities for
adoption or co-adoption by persons living in same-sex couples. These
important advances towards greater equality for rainbow families have
however at times been accompanied by vocal protests from some parts
of society, and some member States have changed their Constitutions
or laws in order to prohibit same-sex marriage.
5. In parallel, other countries around the world, as well as
other regional human rights bodies (notably the Inter-American Court
of Human Rights) and the United Nations, are increasingly recognising
the need to guarantee genuine equality for rainbow families, and
changing their laws or adopting new standards to this end.
6. This report takes as its starting point the reality that same-sex
couples and other rainbow families exist throughout Europe, whether
or not legislation provides for them, and that the lives of human
beings are adversely affected every day when these families are
deprived of rights. I believe it is crucial and urgent that our
legal systems acknowledge this reality and that we work to overcome
the discrimination experienced by both adults and children in rainbow
families. I wish both to highlight the standards that already clearly
apply to Council of Europe member States, and that should be implemented
by all of them, and to explore additional paths forward to achieving
full equality in the field of private and family life, regardless
of sexual orientation.
7. I wish to note from the outset that although this report primarily
focuses on rainbow families composed of same-sex partners, with
or without children, or of individual lesbian or gay persons who
are parents or who wish to raise children, there are many other
forms of rainbow families. Nothing in this report should be understood
as limiting the notion of rainbow families to the forms just described.
Moreover, while I have used the term “same-sex partners” and similar
variants throughout this report, as they are the terms familiar
to most readers, it should be recognised that the term “same-gender
partners” is more accurate. This term is not yet widely used, but
is, rightly, becoming increasingly common.
2. Why does legal recognition of rainbow
families matter?
8. Rainbow families have the same
needs as any other families. Yet differences in treatment between rainbow
families and other families abound. For instance, same-sex partnerships
or marriages recognised in one country are not always recognised
when borders are crossed; States sometimes hinder the recognition
of same-sex partnerships in other countries where this is available,
by refusing to provide necessary documents; children being raised
by same-sex couples do not always benefit from equal legal relationships
with both parents; in many cases, neither adoption nor co-adoption
by persons living in same-sex couples are provided for; freedom
of movement is in practice denied to families with a transgender
parent whose gender is not legally recognised.
9. When same-sex partnerships are not recognised, couples are
deprived of rights that different-sex partners take for granted.
When one partner dies, their same-sex partner may be denied a survivor’s
pension, and may even lose the home the couple shared, although
a different-sex partner in the same situation could have remained.
Partners may be denied the right to see each other when one partner
receives emergency care – depriving them of the care and support
they most need in difficult times, and that would not have been
refused to different-sex partners. Same-sex partners may also be
denied access to family allowances or more favourable rules with
respect to taxation. Children of same-sex couples may likewise be
deprived of the care of the person who has always been a parent
to them, if one partner dies or the couple separates. Moreover,
if the couple itself is not recognised, there is generally also
no legal framework to regulate the partners’ rights and mutual obligations
in the event that they separate.
10. These differences not only pose real and serious problems
in ordinary people’s everyday lives, but are unjustified and constitute
clear discrimination. As politicians, we have a responsibility to
eliminate such violations of human rights. At the same time, we
must vigorously combat the prejudice that enables these forms of
discrimination to persist.
3. Same-sex
couples
11. To take stock of where member
States presently stand and of the current state of the case law
of the European Court of Human Rights in this field, I will first
look at how relationships between same-sex couples are regulated.
I will look at the rights of same-sex couples and single gay or
lesbian persons raising or wishing to raise children in the next
chapter of the report.
3.1. Legal
recognition of same-sex partnerships
3.1.1. Legal
recognition in member States
12. Thirty years ago, only a handful
of European countries recognised any rights to cohabiting same-sex couples,
for example in the fields of migration law, rent law or inheritance
tax.
In 1989, Denmark
became the first country in the world to grant legal recognition
to same-sex couples as such in the form of registered partnerships.
In 2001, the Netherlands became the first country to allow same-sex
couples to marry. Since then, legal recognition of same-sex partnerships
in Europe has constantly increased. By 2010, six Council of Europe
States had granted same-sex couples equal access to marriage and
13 had passed some kind of legislation allowing same-sex couples
to register their partnerships. By 2015, these numbers had grown
to 11 and 18 respectively.
13. As of August 2018, amongst Council of Europe member States,
15 recognise same-sex marriage
and 22 provide for forms of registered
partnerships.
Ten of
these 22 States also provide for same-sex marriage; the remaining
12 member States provide for registered partnerships but do not
recognise same-sex marriage. Of these 12 States, 10 provide for
registered same-sex partnerships (civil unions) having rights similar
to those of married couples.
The other two States provide
for the legal recognition of same-sex partnerships, but with limited
rights compared with those of married couples.
In total, 27 of the Council of Europe’s
47 member States currently provide some form of legal recognition
of same-sex partnerships, and 25 of these provide either full marriage
equality or rights similar to those of married couples.
14. The trend towards increasing legal recognition of same-sex
couples moreover continues, as additional countries change their
laws to provide legal recognition where it did not previously exist,
or to provide a higher level of recognition than previously. In
December 2017, the Austrian Constitutional Court repealed the legal provisions
that denied same-sex couples access to marriage. The ruling will
take effect from 31 December 2018 (unless the legislator acts to
repeal or amend the impugned provisions earlier), bringing the number
of Council of Europe member States recognising same-sex marriage
to 16.
15. It is important to note that the impetus for the above changes
has essentially been driven from within member States, based on
societal demand. In some States, it is the government that has introduced
legislation to ensure marriage equality or provide for registered
partnerships for same-sex couples; in others, a private member’s
bill has been at the origin of such legislation. Sometimes, court
judgments finding discrimination in individual cases have prompted
States to act. In Ireland, marriage equality was achieved through
a referendum, about which Ireland’s Minister for Children and Youth
Affairs, Katherine Zappone, spoke in detail at the Conference on
private and family life for LGBTI people held, under the auspices
of the Danish Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers, in Copenhagen
on 2 March 2018.
16. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that these changes
have not occurred overnight or without debate, in particular as
concerns marriage equality. In France, large rallies were organised
to contest the introduction of marriage equality in 2013. Similar
demonstrations against the introduction of same-sex civil unions
were held in Italy in 2016. In Hungary, registered partnerships
have been available to same-sex couples since 2009, but the new
Constitution that came into effect in 2012 limited marriage to different-sex
couples. In Croatia, registered same-sex partnerships were introduced
in 2014, but only after a referendum had been held in 2013 that
modified the Constitution so as to define marriage as being between
a man and a woman.
In Slovenia,
where same-sex partnerships have enjoyed legal recognition since
2005, the National Assembly passed a bill in March 2015 amending
the Marriage and Family Relationships Act so as to express marriage
in gender-neutral terms. However, the amendment was rejected by
referendum in December 2015 (albeit with only 36% participation).
A more inclusive form of civil partnerships was nevertheless approved
by parliament and came into effect in February 2017.
In
these two cases, the referendum to limit marriage to a union between
a man and a woman was called following an initiative of civil society.
A similar initiative in the Slovak Republic in February 2015 failed,
however, due to low voter turn-out (21.4%).
17. In other countries, no form of legal recognition of same-sex
partnerships exists. Amendments have moreover been proposed or made
to the Constitution in some of these countries in order to restrict
the definition of marriage to cover (only) marriages between a man
and a woman. In Armenia, such amendments were introduced as part
of a wide-ranging package of constitutional amendments approved
by referendum in December 2015.
In
Romania – in parallel to the highly publicised court battle of a
Romanian-American gay couple married in Belgium and seeking to move
together to Romania (see section 3.2.1 below) – a popular initiative
to hold a referendum in order to modify the Constitution to define
marriage as a union between a man and a woman collected 3 million
signatures in 2016, and a referendum has been announced for 7 October 2018.
Recent reports moreover suggest that, if passed, the referendum
would redefine the family itself as based on marriage between a
man and a woman, a definition that would be in clear conflict with
the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
In Georgia, the
constitutional definition of marriage was recently changed to mean
“a union of a woman and a man for the purpose of founding a family”
as part of a series of constitutional amendments made by parliament
and that will come into force following the next presidential election
in 2018.
18. In the Russian Federation, where legislation prohibiting so-called
“gay propaganda” is in force, a gay couple who married in Denmark
and whose marriage, having been legally contracted abroad, was registered in
Moscow in January 2018, faced a wide-scale and violent backlash
when their story was broadcast in the media, including hate speech
by politicians, police intimidation and death threats. In fear for
their safety, the couple was forced to leave the country. Moreover,
the civil servant who had registered the marriage was sacked.
19. It is fair to say that there are currently contrasting positions
among Council of Europe member States as regards the highest level
of legal recognition available to couples, namely marriage equality.
However, there is equally a clear trend towards granting increased
recognition of same-sex partnerships – both as regards the legal
status of the partnerships themselves and as regards the access
to other rights that such partnerships entail. These societal changes
have moreover occurred very fast. In 2001, when the Netherlands
introduced same-sex marriage, no one could have imagined that such
a short time later, so many other countries would have followed
suit or taken such great strides in this direction.
3.1.2. Case
law of the European Court of Human Rights on the right to private
and family life and the need for legal recognition and protection
of the relationships of same-sex couples
20. It has been established for
more than 40 years that a person’s sexual life is an important part
of their private life within the meaning of the European Convention
on Human Rights.
In
1981, the European Court of Human Rights found that the existence
of legislation criminalising homosexual acts between consenting adults
constituted in itself a breach of the right to private life.
Such legislation is no longer
in force in any Council of Europe member State.
21. In 2010, in its judgment in the case of Schalk and Kopf v.
Austria, the Court noted that same-sex couples are just as capable
as different-sex couples of entering into stable, committed relationships,
and unanimously held that the relationship of a cohabiting same-sex
couple living in a stable de facto partnership fell within the notion
of “family life”, just as the relationship of a different-sex couple
in the same situation would.
The fact that
same-sex couples enjoy the right to family life is now well-established
case law.
In 2013,
the Court further found that there was no justification for barring
same-sex couples from entering into civil unions that had been created
as an alternative to marriage for different-sex couples; doing so
was thus in breach of the Convention.
22. The Court has made clear that same-sex couples are in need
of legal recognition and protection of their relationship. In 2015,
it moreover concluded that States have a positive obligation to
ensure that same-sex partners have available a specific legal framework
providing for the recognition and protection of their unions, a
finding reaffirmed in 2017.
It
has emphasised that the absence of such a framework leaves couples
in a legal vacuum and fails to take account of social reality.
23. The Court considered in the above cases that no prevailing
community interest had been shown to outweigh the need of same-sex
couples to have their partnerships legally recognised or to justify
the situation where the applicants’ relationship was devoid of any
recognition and protection. It is in my view impossible today to
imagine any circumstances in which such a prevailing interest could
be demonstrated – even in countries where there is strong opposition
to same-sex marriage. Indeed, while it has not to date found there to
exist an obligation under the Convention for States to take the
specific step of recognising same-sex marriage,
the
Court has repeatedly found that the protection of the traditional
family (usually the main reason advanced for depriving same-sex
couples of rights) is not a reason capable of justifying different
treatment on grounds of sexual orientation as regards access to
rights of same-sex couples.
It has moreover
stressed States’ obligation, in their choice of means designed to
protect the family, to take into account developments in society
and changes in the perception of social, civil status and relational
issues, including the fact that there is not just one way or one
choice when it comes to leading one’s family or private life.
24. It is also worthy of note that at United Nations level, the
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has called on
a number of European countries in recent years, including Bulgaria,
the Russian Federation, the Slovak Republic, and “the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia”, to provide legal recognition to same-sex
couples and/or to extend to them benefits reserved to married couples.
The Committee on
the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women has also in recent
years called on European States to complete the adoption of pending
regulations or legislation recognising same-sex partnerships (Estonia,
Serbia) and emphasised the importance of equal treatment of same-sex
and other partnerships (Liechtenstein, Luxembourg).
3.2. Access
to rights of same-sex couples
25. Whatever the specific framework
within which legal recognition is made available to same-sex couples, the
most immediate issue at stake for them is their access to substantive
rights. Being deprived of rights that different-sex couples take
for granted – such as being able to visit one’s partner in emergency
care, not losing one’s abode when one’s partner dies, or being able
to reside in the same country as one’s partner – has a direct impact
on same-sex couples’ lives. This may be more important on a practical
level than the name (marriage, registered partnership, civil union,
etc.) that is used to refer to a relationship in law.
3.2.1. European
and international case law on access to rights of same-sex couples
26. Same-sex couples are frequently
deprived of access to specific rights on the sole grounds of their
sexual orientation. The Court’s case law has however made clear
that where sexual orientation is at stake, differences in treatment
can only be justified by particularly convincing and weighty reasons,
including in the field of private and family life. States’ margin
of appreciation in this field is thus narrow, and measures taken
must not only pursue a legitimate aim but must also be shown to
be necessary to achieve that aim.
27. The Court has thus made clear that unmarried same-sex couples
must have access to the same rights and duties as unmarried different-sex
couples in the context of
succession
to a tenancy, and that the blanket exclusion of persons
living in a homosexual relationship from succession to a tenancy
cannot be accepted as necessary for the protection of the family
viewed in its traditional sense.
28. In the field of
health insurance
cover, it has found that a legal provision that qualified
as dependants only a close relative of the insured person or their
cohabitee of the opposite sex – excluding the insured person’s cohabiting
same-sex partner – was discriminatory and in breach of the Convention.
29. Regarding access of same-sex partners to
survivors’ pensions, the Court has
not so far considered any of the cases that have come before it
to amount to violations of the European Convention on Human Rights. This
position falls short, however, of that taken by the Court of Justice
of the European Union in a series of judgments.
The United Nations Human
Rights Committee has also made clear that, in making survivor’s pensions
available to heterosexual unmarried couples but not to homosexual
unmarried couples, States Parties to the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights had violated the prohibition on discrimination enshrined
in Article 26 of the Covenant.
The
Inter-American Court of Human Rights has also found such an exclusion
to constitute a breach of human rights.
30. In today’s increasingly globalised world, more and more people,
regardless of sexual orientation, are finding a life partner with
a nationality different from their own and/or moving with their
partner to work in another country. The Court has found that reserving
to different-sex couples the possibility of applying for a
residence permit for family reunification constitutes
a violation of the Convention,
as does making it impossible for a same-sex
partner to meet the definition of “spouse” under national law for
the purposes of the grant of a residence permit.
The Court of Justice of the
European Union has also recently ruled that, within the meaning of
European Union
freedom of movement provisions,
the term “spouse” must be understood to include spouses of the same
sex. This is so regardless of whether same-sex marriages can be
concluded in the country to which the spouses move.
31. More generally, the European Court of Human Rights has found,
in its examination of the rights of same-sex couples, that “basic
needs which are fundamental to the regulation of a relationship
between a couple in a stable and committed relationship [include],
inter alia, the mutual rights and
obligations they have towards each other, including moral and material
support, maintenance obligations and inheritance rights”.
This
finding should guide all Council of Europe member States in their
regulation of the rights of same-sex couples.
3.2.2. Other
rights frequently recognised in domestic law
32. Of course, it is only cases
that have not been resolved to the applicants’ satisfaction at domestic
level that reach the Strasbourg Court. States however have the power
to extend same-sex couples’ access to a far broader range of substantive
rights than those discussed above – and many do. In addition to
the rights examined above, a large number of other rights and responsibilities
that generally apply between different-sex couples are widely recognised
to same-sex couples across a number of European States. Thus, a
recent study covering the situation in 2015/2016 in 23 jurisdictions
in 21 European States found a high level of consensus among these
jurisdictions in granting a series of rights (and imposing some
duties) on same-sex couples in fields such as income, migration,
“troubles”, splitting up and death.
33. The highest level of consensus concerned taking a partner’s
income into account when calculating entitlements to social benefits
– in other words, reducing such benefits for same-sex couples, as
is done for different-sex couples. 93% of jurisdictions applied
such rules to same-sex couples. This compared with 80% consensus
as regards entitlement to lower income tax rates for same-sex couples
than for two individuals without a partner. (On the latter point,
I should however note that in some countries, such as my own, different-sex
couples also do not benefit from lower income rates than individuals.)
34. In between these two (high) levels of consensus, a series
of other rights not already dealt with in the case law of the Court
are today very widely granted to legally recognised same-sex partners,
and the number of States that extend the recognition of these rights
to same-sex couples has grown significantly over the last ten years.
These rights include:
- as regards
migration: residence rights for the non-European same-sex partner
of a non-European residing in the country; recognition of the partnership
in the context of an application for citizenship;
- as regards “troubles”: recognition of the same-sex partners
as next-of-kin for medical purposes; entitlement to leave in order
to care for a sick partner; entitlement to leave in order to care
for the sick parent of a partner; the applicability of statutory
protection against domestic violence; the right to refuse to testify
against one’s partner in criminal procedures;
- as regards splitting up: the applicability to same-sex
couples of rules on alimony; the consideration as joint property
of possessions acquired by the couple during their relationship;
- as regards death: entitlement to compensation for wrongful
death of one’s same-sex partner; entitlement to inherit when one’s
partner dies intestate; exemption from inheritance tax; the consideration
as joint property of possessions acquired by the couple during their
relationship.
There is also a high level of consensus (88%) as regards granting
a survivor’s pension to the surviving partner of a same-sex couple.
35. I consider the rights listed
above to fall within the “basic needs which are fundamental to the
regulation of a relationship between a couple in a stable and committed
relationship”, to use the language of the Court. Thus, in addition
to the rights already recognised by the Court, the above rights
should also be recognised to same-sex couples throughout the Council
of Europe area. This is not about granting special privileges or advantages
to LGBTI people – it is simply a question of affording equal recognition
to stable and committed same-sex couples, who have the same needs
as any other couple.
4. Rainbow
families with children
36. International human rights
instruments recognise the right to found a family and to decide
freely on the number and spacing of one’s children.
These fundamental
rights are crucial for all people, regardless of their sexual orientation,
gender identity or sex characteristics. I nonetheless consider it
as beyond the scope of the present report to examine questions regarding
access to medically assisted procreation and gestational surrogacy,
except in so far as any laws that already exist in member States
are applied in a discriminatory way. For example, where single women
are granted access to medically assisted procreation, this access
should be granted equally to everyone who is able to give birth,
regardless of their sexual orientation; in the few Council of Europe
member States where surrogacy is possible, equal access should again
be granted to all, without discrimination.
37. It is however crucial to recognise that today, many children
are growing up in rainbow families. They need their relationships
with their parents to be recognised and protected by law. Whether
or not parental authority is recognised not only has a direct impact
on everyday practical questions such as who can collect a child
from school or agree to medical treatment on behalf of the child,
but also determines the level of protection given to a child’s relationship
with their same-sex parents when life-changing events occur, including
the separation of their parents or the death of one of them. Adoption
rights are also crucial here.
4.1. Situation
in member States
38. As is the case with same-sex
partnerships, there is growing recognition of adoption rights in
Council of Europe member States. Joint adoption by same-sex couples
– meaning adoption by both members of the couple, where both are
unrelated to the child – was allowed in eight Council of Europe
member States in 2010; by 2015, this number had grown to 12. Second-parent
or co-adoption by same-sex couples – in which one member of the
couple adopts the child of the other without the first parent losing
their legal rights – was allowed in 11 Council of Europe member
States in 2010; this number had grown to 15 by 2015. By 2015, seven States also
provided for automatic co-parent recognition, meaning that there
were no barriers to a child born to a same-sex couple being recognised
from birth as the child of both partners.
39. Today, joint adoption by same-sex couples is provided for
in 17 member States;
second-parent or co-adoption
by same-sex couples is provided for in 18 member States, of which
16 also provide for joint adoption,
and 10 States (all of which provide
for at least one form of adoption) provide for automatic co-parent recognition.
In total, 19 Council of Europe
member States today grant legal recognition to the relationship between
a child and their non-biological parents in same-sex parented rainbow
families – up from a total of 11 States in 2010 and 16 in 2015.
40. There is thus a growing trend towards legal recognition of
the parenting rights and responsibilities of same-sex couples in
our geographical area (up from 23% of member States in 2010 to 38%
at present). However, the right to family life of same-sex parented
rainbow families is still not recognised in more than 60% of member
States, leaving children and their parents in these countries exposed
to all the risks described above.
4.2. European
and international case law
4.2.1. Case
law of the European Court of Human Rights
41. As is the case with same-sex
partnerships, the Court has been called upon to examine the human
rights aspects of relationships between LGBTI parents and their
children in numerous cases. The situations covered are varied, and
reflect the realities of our societies.
42. As regards
parental authority,
in 1999, the Court found that sexual orientation could not be cited
as a negative factor in deciding which parent should have custody
of a child after a heterosexual marriage ended in divorce.
The relationship
between a homosexual parent and their child from a previous relationship
is thus protected under the Convention.
43. In 2008, the Court found that refusing, on the grounds of
sexual orientation, to allow a
single
LGBTI parent to adopt a child genetically unrelated to them in
a country where single-parent adoptions are permitted, constituted
discrimination, in violation of the European Convention on Human
Rights.
44. Regarding
simple or second-parent
adoption – by means of which the biological parent of
a child retains parental authority and their partner is legally
recognised as also having parental authority – the Court found in 2012
that restricting second-parent adoption to married spouses, even
where same-sex couples are excluded from marriage, was not in violation
of the Convention.
However,
in 2013, it found that where second-parent adoption is possible
for unmarried heterosexual couples, but not for unmarried same-sex
couples, this constitutes an unjustified distinction (i.e. discrimination)
based on sexual orientation. No weighty and convincing reasons had
been adduced to show that excluding second-parent adoption by an
unmarried same-sex couple, while allowing that possibility for an
unmarried different-sex couple, was necessary for the protection
of the family in the traditional sense or for the protection of
the interests of the child.
45. The Court has not to date found any obligation on States to
grant automatic recognition as the child’s second parent to the
female partner of a woman who has given birth to a child (“co-parent
recognition”), even where the women are living in a registered partnership
and where a woman’s husband would be legally presumed to be the
biological father of a child born in (heterosexual) wedlock, regardless
of whether this was in fact the case.
I wish to stress here
that – just as for the recognition of same-sex marriage or indeed
as regards any other right – nothing prevents a State from going
beyond the Court’s case law and taking a position that is more favourable,
both to the same-sex partner of the child’s mother and to the child,
and which ensures that both of the parents who will be raising the
child are recognised, from the child’s birth, as the child’s parents. This
is clearly in the child’s interests and has already been done, for
example, by Belgium.
4.2.2. Other
international case law
46. The Inter-American Court of
Human Rights also found in 2012 that sexual orientation is not a
ground that justifies depriving LGBTI of the custody of their children.
In reaching this finding, it emphasised,
inter
alia, that considerations based on stereotypes of sexual
orientation were not admissible, and that, for the purpose of guaranteeing
the protection of the child’s best interest, it was not appropriate
to base custody determinations on unfounded and stereotyped assumptions
about the parent’s capacity and suitability to ensure and promote the
child’s well-being and development; that States could not use societies’
intolerance towards people’s sexual orientation as a justification
for perpetuating discriminatory treatments; and that the law and
the State must help to promote social progress, otherwise there
would be a grave risk that they would be legitimising and consolidating
different forms of discrimination that violate human rights.
4.3. Well-being
of children in rainbow families
47. One of the arguments most frequently
raised against granting legal recognition to same-sex partnerships is
that doing so will “open the door” to same-sex couples raising children,
and that this will harm children. Such arguments are however fallacious,
on at least two very basic grounds. First, same-sex couples are
already raising children, and second, research has consistently
shown that children raised in rainbow families have the same levels
of well-being as other children.
48. At the conference held in Copenhagen on 2 March 2018, one
teenager bore powerful, uplifting, personal witness to his positive
experience of growing up in a rainbow family in Spain. Professor
Robert Wintemute of King’s College London recalled his experience
of speaking at a 2012 conference of the Network of European LGBTIQ*
Families Associations (NELFA), which was attended by over 300 happy
and much loved children of LGBT parents, and wishing that he could
take all these children to Strasbourg, so that the judges could
look at the evidence before them.
49. At the hearing held by our committee in Paris on 5 June 2018
we examined the situation of children in rainbow families through
a scientific lens, thanks to the presentation by Ms Kia Aarnio of
a recent research project on the well-being and experiences of children
in rainbow families financed by the Finnish Ministry of Education
and Culture.
This
study, which involved 129 children aged 7 to 18 growing up in rainbow
families and their parents, showed that it was not parental gender
or sexual orientation that affected children’s well-being but the
functioning of the family. Children in rainbow families had similar
numbers of friends, similarly positive school experiences, similar
family lifestyles and similar symptoms of anxiety or depression
to their peers. LGBT parents were found to be very committed to
parenthood, and supported and encouraged their children a lot. The
same vulnerabilities affected children in rainbow families as other
children, for example if their parents had divorced.
50. The negative aspects of living in rainbow families related
to other people’s attitudes – annoying questions from peers, offensive
comments from other family members or other adults. Ten- to twelve-year-olds in
rainbow families were bullied more than their peers, but they nonetheless
had the same levels of psychological well-being as their peers,
possibly due to more motivated parenting and good friendships. One in
seven children had a grandparent who had ceased contact with the
child’s family because of the parent’s sexual orientation or gender;
however, in many cases, other family members or close friends of
the child’s family replaced this negative relationship, and the
child expressed no negative consequences as a result. When asked
what they would like to change in the world to make life even better
for them in a rainbow family, children wished that other people
would know more about sexual minorities and rainbow families and
would accept diversity.
51. The conclusions of this study correspond to the conclusions
of many other studies carried out internationally in the past decades.
According
to a recent analysis of 79 scholarly studies on the well-being of
children with gay or lesbian parents, 75 of these studies had found
that children of gay or lesbian parents fared no worse than other
children. These studies had used standard research methods in the
fields of sociology and psychology; while some had small sample
sizes, this meant that there was a limit to how far they could be
generalised, but did not invalidate their findings. Moreover, a
2010 study on the school advancement of 3 500 children with same-sex
parents had found no significant differences between these families
and families with different-sex parents. Another study in this group
had been based on nationally representative, longitudinal data using
a sampling pool of over 20 000 children, of which 158 lived in a
household with same-sex parents. Only four studies had concluded
that children of gay or lesbian parents faced added disadvantages.
However, all of these four studies had taken their samples from
children who had experienced the break-up of their family. Such
groups are known to face increased risks and these four studies
have therefore been considered as unreliable by many scholars. In
short, this research shows that there exists an overwhelming scholarly
consensus, through more than 30 years of peer-reviewed research,
that having gay, lesbian or bisexual parents is not harmful to children.
52. To put it another way, research consistently shows that it
is not same-sex parents but societies that are not accepting of
diversity that harm children in these families. We must base our
public policy decisions as regards rainbow families, not on misconceived
notions of “traditional” families as the only, irreplaceable, family format
that can provide a healthy upbringing for a child – a notion that
can also be harmful to children in single-parent families and in
blended (step-)families – but on the need both to ensure acceptance
of the diverse families, whether “traditional” or “non-traditional”,
that exist in all our societies, and to promote a discrimination-free
environment for all parents and children. Indeed, as the Inter-American
Court of Human Rights has made clear, and as was already implicit
in the reasoning applied by the European Court of Human Rights nearly 20 years
ago, a parent’s sexual orientation has no bearing on their capacity
to raise and provide for a child.
5. Trans
and intersex people and the legal recognition of family ties regardless
of sexual orientation
53. Trans and intersex people may
be lesbian, gay, bisexual or heterosexual or have any other sexual orientation.
It is crucial to ensure that their right to respect for their private
and family life is also guaranteed regardless of sexual orientation.
All of the rights discussed above apply also to trans and intersex
people, whatever their sexual orientation. However, some additional
issues may arise where the above human rights intersect with issues
arising around the recognition of gender identity or where discrimination
occurs on the grounds of sex characteristics.
54. In 2014, the Court found that requiring a transgender person
to convert their marriage into a registered (same-sex) partnership
in order to obtain the full recognition of their new gender, in
a country where same-sex marriage was not provided for but registered
partnership provided similar rights to marriage, was not in breach of
the Convention. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has however
since found that requiring a transgender person to divorce their
spouse in order to change the sex indicated on their birth certificate
was discriminatory and in breach of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights.
55. The Assembly has already called on States to remove any restrictions
on the right of transgender people to remain in an existing marriage
upon recognition of their gender, to ensure that spouses and children
do not lose certain rights in such cases, and to abolish sterilisation
requirements – which impair trans people’s sexual and reproductive
health rights – for access to gender reassignment and legal gender
recognition.
All
of these matters raise particular issues as regards the right to
respect for private and family life under the European Convention
on Human Rights. Serious issues may also arise for trans parents
and their children when the former are registered on their children’s
documents according to the gender assigned to them at birth. For example,
in 1997, the Court recognised the family ties between a trans man
and his child born through artificial insemination, but refused
to grant the man recognition as the child’s father. I wish to stress
that States have a responsibility to resolve these issues as well,
by providing for trans parents’ gender identity to be correctly recorded
on their children’s birth certificates.
56. Where gender recognition procedures for minors are lacking
or excessively complex, rainbow families with transgender children
often opt against travelling abroad in order to avoid being exposed
to discrimination and degrading treatment. This effectively hinders
the freedom of movement of these families.
57. The Assembly has emphasised that intersex people also need
simple, quick and accessible legal gender recognition procedures
and has called on States to ensure that intersex people are not
prevented from entering into a civil partnership or marriage or
from remaining in such a partnership or marriage as a result of
the legal recognition of their gender.
58. States which take or have taken the step – as recommended
by the Assembly
– of recognising gender markers
other than “male” or “female” must also ensure that persons (whether
trans or intersex or neither) who identify outside these two categories
and who thus do not fit “traditional”, heteronormative definitions
of marriage are able to have their stable and committed relationships,
and their relationships with their children, legally recognised
in exactly the same ways as discussed for other couples in this
report.
6. Is
there an obligation on States to recognise same-sex marriage?
59. The European Court of Human
Rights has noted that it no longer considers that the right to marry enshrined
in Article 12 of the Convention must in all circumstances be limited
to marriage between two persons of the opposite sex.
It has
so far considered, however, that the Convention does not place a
positive obligation on Contracting States to grant same-sex couples
access to marriage, whether under Article 12 of the Convention or
under Article 14 taken in conjunction with Article 8. This finding,
first made in 2010, when only six Council of Europe States granted
same-sex couples the right to marry, has been reiterated several times
since. However, it is important to note that in drawing its conclusions
on issues where there is not yet an obvious consensus throughout
Europe, the Court looks at the balance found in European societies,
and its position is likely to evolve as an increasing number of
States recognise this right.
60. The European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice
Commission) has recently cautioned against changing a Constitution
so as to exclude same-sex marriage, emphasising that letting the
ordinary legislator decide such matters is satisfactory and preferable,
and leaves more room for future developments. The Venice Commission
has also emphasised, in view of the case law of the European Court
of Human Rights, that if any such constitutional changes are nonetheless
made, they should in no case be interpreted as prohibiting the legal
recognition of same-sex partnerships.
61. Many opponents of same-sex marriage argue that the institution
of marriage is designed to enable the founding of families and,
in particular, to protect procreation. This is however a fallacy:
marriages of infertile couples, couples who choose not to have children
and couples too elderly to procreate are perfectly legal, and are
not called into question by those who militate against same-sex
marriage. Other opponents argue that children raised in rainbow
families are placed at risk by the mere fact of having LGBTI parents.
This is also untrue, as discussed above. Others still argue that
because international law provisions on the right to marry refer
expressly to men and women, whereas other provisions use terms such
as “all human beings”, or “everyone”, this proves that only marriages
between a man and a woman are protected under international law. In
fact, the
travaux préparatoires of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (which served as strong inspiration
in many subsequent human rights instruments, such as the European
Convention on Human Rights) show that the inclusion of specific
references to “men” and “women” in what became Article 16 of the Declaration
had nothing to do with the sexual orientation of the spouses. Rather,
it was designed to guarantee women’s equality in the field of marriage
– something that was by no means a reality at the time in many countries
(and, as we know, unfortunately still is not a reality everywhere).
62. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has pointed out repeatedly
that “the presumed lack of consensus within some countries regarding
full respect for the rights of sexual minorities cannot be considered a
valid argument to deny or restrict their human rights or to reproduce
and perpetuate the historical and structural discrimination that
such minorities have suffered”.
It
has moreover underlined that there is no purpose acceptable under
the American Convention on Human Rights for which differentiated
treatment regarding the ways in which heterosexual and same-sex
couples can form a family could be considered necessary or proportionate.
While religious and philosophical convictions play an important
role in the life and dignity of those who profess them, the secular
and religious spheres must coexist peacefully in democratic societies,
and States’ role is to recognise the sphere inhabited by each of
them, not to force one into the sphere of the other. In the Inter-American
Court’s view, creating an institution specifically for same-sex
couples that produces identical effects to marriage but that is
given a different name would moreover serve to stigmatise and belittle
these couples, by drawing attention to their difference from heteronormative
stereotypes, and would constitute discrimination based on sexual
orientation. The free and autonomous choice to enter into a permanent
and marital relationship, whether
de
facto or formal, forms part of the dignity of each person
and merits equal rights and protection whatever the sexual orientation
of the parties. The Inter-American Court has therefore called on
States to promote, in good faith, the legislative, administrative
and judicial reforms necessary to adapt their laws, interpretations
and practices to this reality.
63. I wish to stress that granting marriage equality in no way
diminishes the rights of heterosexual couples and “traditional”
families. Moreover, the enormous symbolic significance of recognising
same-sex marriage must not be ignored, for it not only carries with
it the guarantee of equality and inclusion but also sends a strong message
of acceptance by society and of refusal to countenance discrimination
on grounds of sexual orientation. This is why, although my focus
in this report has not been on the merits of specific forms of legal recognition
but on how to ensure the necessary protection of the concrete rights
and responsibilities of same-sex partners and their children, I
make no secret of my personal belief that full marriage equality
should be the ultimate goal in all Council of Europe member States.
7. Conclusions
64. This report is not about abstract,
theoretical debates but about real human beings – LGBTI partners
and parents and their children – whose lives are harmed every day
by the failure of societies and laws to provide adequately for their
needs.
65. More than half of the member States of the Council of Europe
have made giant strides forwards towards achieving equality in the
field of private and family life, without discrimination on grounds
of sexual orientation, since Denmark first introduced registered
partnerships in 1989. There is a clear and positive trend both as regards
the number of States that have granted legal recognition to the
relationships of same-sex couples and as regards the extent of the
rights recognised to these couples.
66. The case law of the European Court of Human Rights has also
evolved, in particular over the last ten years, as have other international
standards. The Court has recognised that same-sex couples are protected by
the right to family life enshrined in the European Convention on
Human Rights and set out some clear minimum standards that all States
should apply. It has acknowledged that same-sex couples are in need
of legal recognition and protection of their relationship, and that
States have a positive obligation to provide a legal framework by
which to achieve this. It has indicated some basic elements which
need to be covered as regards the mutual rights and obligations
of the partners, such as moral and material support, maintenance
obligations and inheritance rights. It has also found that, even
in States where marriage equality is not recognised, a legal framework
must be established to provide for the recognition of same-sex marriages
contracted abroad. As regards children, the Court has also established
that a number of rights available to unmarried different-sex couples
must be available without discrimination to unmarried same-sex couples.
It has found that States’ margin of appreciation when interfering
in a marriage in the event of gender recognition has limits and
must not lead to a loss of rights of spouses or children. In reaching
these conclusions, the Court has not revolutionised Europe but has
reflected real and ongoing change in our societies.
67. I believe that it is crucial to continue working at national
level to ensure that rainbow families benefit from the protection
they need to guarantee their well-being in daily life. There may
be many different paths to achieving equality, but what is certain
is that failing to respect the right to private and family life
of LGBTI people can have drastic human consequences for the persons
concerned. Moreover, the reality is that today, throughout Europe,
many children are growing up in rainbow families, and they need
their relationships with their parents to be recognised and protected
by law, as this is fundamental to their well-being.
68. I recognise that controversy often surrounds these issues
in public debates – in particular when it comes to marriage equality
– and that societal change takes time. But these debates must not
be allowed to harm rainbow families or obscure their very real needs
and rights. I firmly believe that it is our duty as legislators
and our governments’ obligation to ensure that the societies we
live in, and those that we build for the future, are societies that
avoid stigmatisation, prejudice and hate and that promote inclusion,
acceptance and respect for all. We all deserve to live in societies
where our families, and all families, are respected and their well-being
is promoted.