1. Introduction
1. Relations between the Council
of Europe and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) were officially established in 1962 and the first Parliamentary
Assembly debate on the activities of the OECD took place in 1963
on the basis of the report transmitted by the OECD to the Council
of Europe.
2. The enlarged Parliamentary Assembly debates were introduced
in 1993, on the basis of special rules, to allow delegations of
national parliaments of OECD member States which are not members
of the Council of Europe and of the European Parliament to participate.
Since then, the enlarged Assembly operates as a unique platform
for parliamentary scrutiny of the OECD activities.
3. A new methodology for enlarged debates was agreed upon in
January 2019 with the aim of achieving a stronger and more efficient
institutional relationship between the Assembly and the OECD, streamlining procedures
and making better use of both Organisations’ strengths.
4. In line with this agreement,
enlarged
Assembly debates on the activities of the OECD take place every two
years, on the basis of a report presented by the Committee on Political
Affairs and Democracy. Reports will focus on specific themes to
be defined by the Rapporteur in collaboration with the OECD. During
the same year, an exchange of views with OECD experts will be organised
as part of the agenda of the committee, in the context of the preparation
of the committee’s report on the OECD activities.
5. The last report of the enlarged Assembly dates from April
2021 and focused on “Fighting fiscal injustice: the work of the
OECD on taxation of digital economy” (
Resolution 2370 (2021)). The report underlined that fair and redistributive
taxation, was both an essential tool for governments to raise the
funds necessary for the proper functioning of public services and
a fundamental anchor for democracy. Frequent revelations of aggressive
tax planning, tax avoidance and artificial profit-shifting practices
combined with the deterioration of public finances since the 2008
global crisis and exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic, have made
the need for internationally co-ordinated policy responses to tackle
tax injustice more urgent than ever before. According to the report,
the booming digital economy, where most value is created through
virtual and stateless platforms run by tech giants, calls for a
rethink of the traditional model for distributing the international
tax base, moving away from the concept of “permanent establishment”
underpinning it since the 1920s. The report commented on the role
of the OECD in this field and its work on the Inclusive Framework
on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS) which were instrumental
in reaching global consensus on how to make the international tax
system fairer and more stable.
6. In September 2022, the Committee on Political Affairs and
Democracy tabled a motion for a resolution entitled “The activities
of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)”
aimed at initiating a new report
to be debated in 2023. The motion was referred to the committee
on 10 October 2022 and I was appointed rapporteur for the present
report on 13 October 2022.
7. In accordance with the new procedure, I carried out a visit
to the OECD Headquarters on 27 January 2023 to discuss specific
themes for the 2023 report with OECD Secretary-General Mathias Cormann.
It was agreed that the report would focus on globalisation in times
of crises and war and the role of the OECD. I had a further opportunity
for a more detailed discussion on issues to be covered in the report
with Ms Ingrid Barnsley, Chief of Staff to the OECD Secretary-General,
former Deputy Director of the OECD Environment Directorate, and
Ms Elsa Pilichowski, Director of Public Governance and Director
of Public Affairs and Communications, on the margins of the meeting
of the OECD Global Parliamentary Network in Paris on 4-5 April 2023.
On this occasion, it was agreed that various OECD departments would
make substantial written submissions offering, on the one hand,
an analysis of the major trends and threats that the global economy was
faced with in the new global context, and on the other hand, an
overview of relevant OECD activities aimed at preventing or mitigating
negative trends and promoting positive trends. I am sincerely grateful
to OECD colleagues for a most valuable contribution which is at
the core of my report.
8. On 24 April 2023, I presented an outline report and the committee
agreed with my proposal to change the title of the 2023 report to
“Globalisation in times of crises and war: the role of the OECD
since the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine”.
9. As the new title suggests, I intend to study the ways in which
the new global context resulting, inter
alia, from shocks provoked by the Covid-19 pandemic and
the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine, has
affected the already existing negative trends in globalisation,
and the role that the OECD can play to mitigate these negative trends.
10. Worries about trade dependencies and supply disruptions are
not new, but current public debates put them in the spotlight, particularly
as global economic and geopolitical outlooks are worsening. They
have recently resulted in another wave of calls for “slowbalisation”,
“deglobalisation”, “friendshoring”, “nearshoring”, creation of “trading
blocks” or “relocalisation”.
Tensions between the USA and China
on broader geopolitical issues also raised the spectrum of “decoupling”
of the two economies. Even the perspective of eventual US-EU trade
wars was discussed, in the aftermath of US Inflation Reduction Act
(IRA), which came into effect on 1 January 2023. IRA subsidises
green technologies made in the United States for over US$370 billion
and according to its critics would inflict damage on major trading
partners and allies that they would have to retaliate. The General
Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned that
“fragmented world’s rival blocs may risk a new cold war”
. However, in the recent G7 Communique
of May 2023, the leaders of the West openly declared that “we are
not decoupling or turning inwards. At the same time, we recognise
that economic resilience requires de-risking and diversifying.”
Is the world moving away from unconstrained globalisation
centred on growth and efficiency, toward a fractured system of competing
technological standards, higher costs, and increased constraints?
This report will try to highlight these issues, from the vantage
point of the OECD.
11. On the occasion of the 2023 OECD Ministerial Council Meeting,
under the theme: “Securing a Resilient Future: Shared Values and
Global Partnerships”, OECD member States reaffirmed that “[o]ur
like-minded community remains committed to: the shared values of
individual liberty, democracy, the rule of law, human rights, gender
equality, environmental sustainability and tackling inequalities,
as set out in our 2021 Vision Statement; as well as diversity and
inclusion. (…) We reaffirm the importance of multilateralism and
standing united in addressing global challenges, and in reaching
out beyond our current membership to enhance and develop global
partnerships. (…) We value the OECD’s role in promoting free and
fair trade, investment, and supply chain resilience, as set out
in the new OECD trade strategy; and facilitating international cooperation
to counter attempts to undermine open, market-based economic systems.”
12. In addition, I am planning to look at the developments with
regard to the OECD’s ongoing work against fiscal injustice and the
taxation of digital economy, on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting
(BEPS) as a follow up to the 2021 Assembly report.
2. Prospects for Globalisation against
the background of major global shocks
2.1. New
global context
13. In the wake of the Covid-19
pandemic,
the Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine, and the related energy and cost-of living crisis,
most OECD countries were grappling with fiscal deficits, elevated
public debt levels and a subdued outlook for economic growth. Many
governments introduced new fiscal policy measures or extended existing
support schemes to cushion the impact of higher food and energy prices
on households and businesses (OECD Economic Outlook, 2023
). In 2022, across the OECD as a whole,
total general government spending was estimated to be close to 43%
of GDP, about 2½ percentage points higher than the 2017-19 average.
The public debt/GDP ratio is estimated to have increased by almost 6%
over the same period
(OECD
Economic Outlook, 2023). The recent increases in public sector wages and welfare
benefits to reflect high inflation introduced further pressure on
public spending.
14. Medium and longer-term trends such as population ageing and
the rising relative price of services will keep adding pressure
on government spending on pensions, public health, and long-term
care.
One should also bear in mind the
digital transition, which would require public investments for the
digital transformation of public services, but also possibly in
education and skills for the up-skilling and re-skilling required.
In addition, I should mention increased spending in defence in the
context of the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine
and other rising geopolitical tensions. In the absence of policy
reforms, these changes are estimated to raise spending by around
5% of GDP by 2060 in the median OECD country. Climate change adaptation
and the green transition will also require new investment, increasing
pressures on public spending to the extent that investment is financed
by the State. These trends, together with evolving shorter-term
policy priorities, reinforce the need to ensure public finances
are on a sustainable path.
15. Three years on from the start of the Covid-19 crisis, labour
markets have recovered relatively well; in June 2023, the OECD average
unemployment rate was at 4.7%, compared to 5.3% in December 2019.
16. Indeed, across the OECD, many companies have faced significant
difficulties in recruiting new workers.
The Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine added significant risks for employment and well-being,
driving a global rise in inflation. While tight labour market conditions
have contributed to a pick-up in nominal wage growth in many OECD
countries, nominal wages have not kept up with inflation and real wages
have declined in virtually every OECD country and by 5% on average
year-on-year in the fourth quarter of 2022. The particularly sharp
increases in energy and food prices are having a significant impact
on low-income groups, for whom food and fuel account for a larger
share of their household expenditure, and who have less capacity
to bridge the gap with savings or borrowing.
17. Moreover, the compounding effects of the Covid-19 pandemic,
global conflicts, the climate crisis, and rising inequalities have
reversed global progress on poverty reduction. The number of people
living in extreme poverty, which had markedly fallen for almost
25 years, is now on the rise. In 2020, 700 million people were living
in extreme poverty and nearly half of the world was living with
less than US$6.85 a day.
The Human Development Index value
is declining for the first time on record, with 9 out of 10 countries
globally registering a backslide in health, education, and standard
of living.
18. In this framework, democracies are under unprecedented levels
of pressure from within and without. The polarisation of political
discourse, geopolitical tensions, public health and economic crises,
and creeping foreign interference in democratic processes – all
also fuelled by mis- and disinformation – have tested citizens’ trust
in public institutions and are driving many governments to strengthen
and protect democratic values and processes.
2.2. The
impact of the pandemic
19. Evidence gathered by the OECD
since the onset of the Covid-19 crisis confirms that international
trade of goods and services has experienced unprecedented structural
changes.
At the beginning, many countries faced
disruptions when seeking to source masks, respirators and other
medical equipment as factories in countries specialised in their
production were unable to cope with surging demand and, in some
cases, faced shutdowns due to lockdowns.
20. The spread of lockdowns, border closures, disruptions of transport
and logistics, and significant shifts in consumer demand and government
spending, drove supply disruptions for a wider range of products
such as plastic, glass, lumber or semiconductors, and for related
downstream industries such as construction and automobiles. Since
early 2023, goods trade is largely back to pre-pandemic levels,
but its geographical directions and product structure remain significantly
altered.
21. However, the extent to which the supply disruptions seen during
the pandemic were due specifically to what might be called insufficient
resilience of supply chains and whether less internationally developed
supply chains would have reduced shortages are still up for debate.
22. During the pandemic, unprecedented shifts in consumer demand
and policy interventions affecting the functioning of factor and
product markets
aggravated pressures on some supply
chains. In several cases, global value chains (GVCs) reconfigured
swiftly to address unprecedented surges in demand, especially for
masks,
tests and vaccines, home-nesting products and semiconductors
(with imports
increasing by more than 1000% over just three months in some cases).
Most recently, certain supply chain pressures have eased, and shipping
costs have declined,
which was also due to
reduced demand for imports resulting from the worsening macroeconomic
outlook.
2.3. International
trade and disruption of supply and value chains
23. The economic shocks of the
Covid-19 pandemic and the ramifications of the Russian Federation’s
war of aggression against Ukraine have reinvigorated the debate
on whether the benefits of production in GVCs
outweigh their associated risks and what might be the
best ways of tackling them. Increasing policy uncertainty, geopolitical
tensions, volatility of climatic conditions, and an increasingly
competitive landscape in raw materials markets are increasing GVC
risks. National security and strategic autonomy concerns, together
with calls on governments to limit dependency on foreign economies,
are putting open markets and rules-based trading systems under pressure.
24. In this context, the overwhelming perennial evidence of the
benefits of international trade, investment and non-discriminatory
market openness – including the contribution of international trade
to peace – which go hand-in-hand with better economic performance
in countries at all levels of development, when combined with adequate
social measures of protection of income, are often neglected. It
is important not to lose sight of how markets can enable the diversification
and balancing of supply and demand, underpinning resilient supply chains.
It should also be kept in mind that resources, skills and know-how
are unevenly distributed across countries and that trade is key
for many countries to overcome the constraints of what is available
in their domestic economy.
25. The heterogeneity of changes in trade flows across products,
sources and destinations seen during the pandemic suggests an
increased
uncertainty and high adjustment costs. The Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine
has resulted in additional supply disruptions for several agricultural
commodities, natural resources, steel, and other manufacturing products.
26. Both the pandemic and the war imply an increased need ‒ and
incentives ‒ for consumers, firms and governments to adopt new or
intensify existing risk mitigation strategies. We are seeing some
shifts in global supply chains related to geopolitical tensions
and the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine. For
example, Western companies are facing some pressure to diversify
away from China, and the Chinese economy has become less attractive
for foreign companies. However, some of OECD’s most recent research suggests
that broadly, over the past decades, there has been no general trend
towards de-globalisation.
27. Recent analysis of global value chain dependencies
reveal that upstream dependencies
(reliance on foreign inputs) are particularly pronounced in manufacturing,
where production may rely heavily on critical inputs that are produced
by only few suppliers. This exposes downstream production to supply
shocks that can vary in nature (for example conflicts, natural disasters,
pandemics, financial crises). These shocks can have a large impact
on downstream production when there is little capacity to substitute
with alternative suppliers. Recent shocks (for example shortage
of semiconductors) have exposed the importance of upstream risks,
and the need for a better mapping of vulnerabilities. In the case
of the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine, many
countries may be exposed, directly or indirectly, to adverse consequences
related to the supply of, for example, agricultural, energy or metal
products.
28. The Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine
has revealed the importance of better mapping the positioning of
countries in value chains. For instance, with its abundance of mineral
resources, Russia is relatively upstream in global value chains,
and thus a disruption in Russian supplies can have significant consequences
on downstream production in many countries either directly (for
example by increasing the production cost for steel) or indirectly
(for example by increasing the cost for downstream users of steel,
such as the car industry). Geopolitical tensions with Russia exposed
the difficulty of replacing Russian gas with other sources of energy
and, in the short run, aggravated economic impacts.
2.3.1. Rise
of energy prices
29. The Russian Federation’s war
of aggression against Ukraine has driven global energy prices up, exacerbating
inflation in a context where the costs of living were already rising
rapidly around the world. As a result, inflation rose to levels
not seen in decades, reducing economic growth around the world.
30. The prices of oil, natural gas, electricity and coal had already
increased strongly during 2021, but soared further, often to historic
peaks after the beginning of the Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine in February 2022. Energy is an important input to
the economy, hence a rise in energy prices can hamper firms’ output,
raises price levels and erode the purchasing power of households,
as energy expenditures tend to increase, crowding out other spending.
31. The large and sudden energy price increases motivated governments
to implement a range of relief measures, mostly consisting of: (i)
price caps and tax cuts on energy, and (ii) income transfers and
tax credits to consumers. The aim of these measures was to protect
households’ purchasing power and the viability of firms. Consequently,
untargeted measures accounted for 80% of the total gross fiscal
cost of announced support for 2022-23. Such untargeted measures
often result in large fiscal costs, disproportionate support for better-off
households, weakened incentives to save energy, and sustained demand
for fossil fuels. Energy support schemes should become more focused
on the most vulnerable, preserving incentives to reduce energy use
and freeing scarce budget resources to help address other policy
priorities (OECD Interim Economic Outlook
). The gross fiscal costs of support
measures are large and vary widely across countries, amounting to
about 0.7% of GDP in 2022 and 0.8% in 2023 in the median OECD economy
but exceeding 2.5% of GDP in some countries.
32. While many energy prices have receded from their 2022 peaks,
the recent energy crisis has evidenced energy-security risks, insufficient
progress towards reducing dependence on fossil fuels and the vulnerability of
energy consumers. Appropriate policy responses involve tackling
the short-term energy crisis, while making progress towards long-term
objectives through cost-effective policies that increase long-term
energy security, accelerate the climate transition and benefit from
public support.
33. Climate change mitigation will require a fundamental, massive
and rapid transformation of our economies and energy supply. Strong
policies to reduce emissions, improved technologies and large-scale investment
will be crucial. While countries globally and individually have
committed to emission reduction targets, they have provided insufficient
details on how they will achieve their climate change mitigation, adaptation
and financing objectives. Their achievement would require enacting
standards and regulations, public investment, innovation subsidies,
as well as price- and non-price-based incentives. The relative importance
of these instruments differs across countries depending on their
circumstances and preferences. The transition will also be determined
by the interaction of climate policies with macro, energy and structural policies.
2.3.2. Other
commodities
34. The prices of several commodities,
such as aluminium, copper and nickel, are currently at, or close
to, historical highs. They have increased markedly since the beginning
of the millennium, particularly during the global financial crisis
of 2008-2009 and the Covid-19 pandemic, and the Russian Federation’s
war of aggression against Ukraine has exacerbated this trend. The
most direct effects were on energy, food and some raw materials
markets, which were highly dependent on supplies from Russia and
Ukraine. Some of these effects proved transitory but some have contributed
to the global inflationary pressures that emerged after the pandemic
and have directly disadvantaged consumers and put pressure on costs
of producers in food, energy and raw-material-intensive industries.
35. The Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine
is directly damaging Ukraine’s agricultural production and exports,
given the importance of the two exporters in several agricultural
markets, and is threatening global food security (
OECD
policy brief). The partial reopening of Ukraine's ports thanks to
the Black Sea Grain Initiative relieved pressure from global food
markets. The
FAO
food price index, which monitors the price development of the major agricultural
commodities globally, shows agricultural commodity prices have been
declining since the peak in March 2022 but are still 25% above the
average before the start of the Covid-19 pandemic. The OECD is an
active member of the G20 initiative Agricultural Market Information System
(AMIS) which monitors market and policy developments for wheat,
maize, rice and soybean as well as for fertilisers.
36. Fertilisers are a major input for agricultural and food production
and their production is strongly linked to energy and mineral deposits.
Russia is a major player in production and exports, especially for
potash and nitrogen.
Prices have fallen from their peaks
in 2022 but remain high compared to long-term averages and lead
to increasing agricultural prices as assessed in the forthcoming
OECD-FAO Agricultural Outlook 2023-2032.
37. Prices of many industrial raw materials used intensely across
the manufacturing sector and essential to digitalisation and building
renewable energy technologies– such as aluminium, copper, nickel,
lithium and graphite – have reached record highs. This is particularly
concerning in the context of the green transition because, as countries
pursue their CO2 emission reduction targets and use less fossil
fuels, demand for such critical raw materials is
estimated
by the International Energy Agency (IEA)
to
grow severalfold and tensions in international raw materials markets
have been on the rise, as illustrated by the ongoing surge in export restrictions
on these materials as documented by the OECD
.
2.4. Inflation
and its repercussions on income and labour and social policies
38. Inflation pressures emerged
in nearly all OECD economies at an unusually early stage during
the recovery from the pandemic in 2021, pushed up by supply bottlenecks
and a rapid rebound in the demand for goods. With the Russian Federation’s
large-scale war of aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 disrupting
food and energy markets, inflation around the globe has increased
to levels that many economies had not experienced since the 1970s.
High inflation has generated a cost-of-living crisis, eroding households’ real
disposable income and living standards and slowing consumer spending
growth.
39. As of April 2023, inflation and the cost-of-living crisis
continue to weigh on economies worldwide with annual inflation projected
to remain well above central banks’ inflation targets almost everywhere
through most of 2024.
Goods price
inflation has begun to recede, helped by the easing of global supply
bottlenecks and global energy prices, but services price inflation
has yet to peak in most countries.
40. The need to lower inflation durably and to provide support
to firms and households while food and energy prices remain high
has prompted substantial changes in the macroeconomic policy mix
over the last two years. Governments have rolled out considerable
fiscal support to cushion the impact of higher food and energy prices.
Most central banks rapidly tightened monetary policy since late
2021, with the impact becoming increasingly visible from the second
half of 2022.
41. Inflation has strong distributional effects. Low-income households
and rural households are typically hit the hardest by higher food
and energy prices given the composition of their spending. The real
value of outstanding debt and savings is also reduced. A key risk
is that higher inflation becomes entrenched over time, with high
price inflation, pushing up wage growth and labour costs and generating
further price increases.
42. In this context labour market and social policies have an
important role in protecting living standards. Governments have
been taking action to protect living standards, especially for vulnerable
populations, notably through minimum wage increases and income support
for individuals and their families, for instance through targeted
support measures such as energy price subsidies or lump-sum payments,
adjusting existing social transfers to inflation, or applying discretionary
benefit boosts to existing targeted support such as child-related entitlements
or in-work benefits. However, the burden of inflation must be shared
fairly between households, employers, and governments.
43. As already mentioned above, nominal wages have not kept up
with inflation. Although nominal year-on-year wage growth reached
5.6% on average across 34 countries in the first quarter of 2023,
it fell short of inflation by -3.8% on average. At the end of 2022
real wages were below their fourth quarter of 2019 level by an average
of -2.2% in 24 of the 34 OECD countries with available data. On
top of the immediate challenges of the cost-of-living crisis and
the post-Covid recovery, global megatrends – demographic change,
and the green and digital transitions – are transforming labour
markets and social policy needs. Digital skills are in high demand
across countries, and digital skills shortages are already arising,
on top of the unprecedented broader levels of vacancies in the post-Covid
context. In Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, for example,
on-line job postings for data scientists increased by more than
40 times between 2012 and 2021.
44. The Covid-19 crisis affected the economic well-being of vulnerable
groups, such as youth and children from disadvantaged households,
much more than other groups.
Low-skilled workers and low-income
families are also more likely to be hit in the current environment
of high inflation, economic slowdown and the Russian Federation’s
war of aggression against Ukraine. For instance, in February 2023
at the European Union level, the average year-on-year inflation
level experienced by poor households
was
more than 1 percentage point higher than that of non-poor households
(12.6% for the non-poor and 13.9% for the poor)
.
Similarly, inequalities are still prevalent across the OECD. Provisional
estimates for 2020 suggest that on average in the OECD, people in
the top 20% of the income distribution were between 4.1 and 5.1
times richer than people in the bottom 20% (compared to 4.7 times
in 2019). The ratio ranged from 2.8 to 7.5 across the OECD countries.
2.5. Repercussions
on democracy and trust in institutions
45. In 2021, the inaugural OECD
Trust Survey
of 22 OECD countries found that four
in ten respondents trusted and four did not trust their national
government. On average across the OECD, citizens are reasonably confident
they can rely on their governments to deliver public services and
are relatively happy with these services. Yet governments do not
always meet people’s expectations on participation, representation
and responsiveness; and perceptions of public integrity can also
be an issue. For example, fewer than one-third of respondents, cross-nationally,
thought the political system in their country allows them to have
a say in government decision making, and a similar share believed
that the government would adopt opinions expressed in a public consultation.
Younger people, those with lower levels of education and lower incomes on
average trust government less than other groups do. These trends
demonstrate the need for OECD governments to reinforce their democratic
governance systems.
46. The spread of mis- and disinformation poses a fundamental
threat to the free and fact-based exchange of information that underpins
democracy. False and misleading information can discourage democratic engagement,
distort policy debates, and undermine societal resilience. By making
it more difficult to access timely, relevant, and accurate information,
the amplification of mis- and dis-information can undermine the public’s
willingness and ability to engage constructively in democratic life.
Reinforcing the integrity of information that people consume can
help prevent the blurring of lines between authentic political speech
and purposefully deceptive content, and in turn strengthen resilience
to polarisation and foreign and malign interference. While the existence
of falsehoods is not new, their immediate and global amplification
poses novel threats to democracies. Recent health, economic, and
geopolitical crises, such as the Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine, have highlighted the urgency for governments to
strengthen their capacity to respond to the spread of false and
misleading information, while simultaneously building more resilient societies.
2.6. Poverty
in low- and middle-income countries
47. As already mentioned above
(2.1), extreme poverty, which had markedly fallen for almost 25
years, is now on the rise. In 2020, 700 million people were living
in extreme poverty and nearly half of the world was living with
less than US$6.85 a day.
Under current trends, a projected
575 million people will still be living in extreme poverty and only
one-third of countries will have halved their national poverty levels
by 2030, pushing the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal 1 to “end
poverty in all its forms everywhere” out of reach.
While international assistance and
solidarity are needed more than ever, mounting and competing needs exacerbated
by the polycrises are putting unprecedented strain on aid budgets,
and risk further diluting aid’s focus on poverty alleviation.
48. As low- and middle-income countries simultaneously face growing
financing needs, spiralling debt and declining available financing
for sustainable development, notably in terms of government revenues,
their SDG financing gap reached US$3.9 trillion in 2020, a 56% jump
from 2019.
49. OECD
data shows that official development assistance rose to an
all-time high of US$204 billion in 2022, up 13.6% in real terms
from 2021. The increase was primarily due to a sharp rise in spending
on processing and hosting refugees within donor countries (US$29.3
billion in 2022, up from 12.8 billion in 2021) and a jump in aid
to Ukraine following Russia’s invasion and ongoing war of aggression
(US$16.1 billion in 2022, up from just US$918 million in 2021).
2022 registered a fall in net bilateral official development assistance
flows from Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries to Least
Developed Countries (-0.7%), Africa (-7.4%) and to sub-Saharan Africa
(-7.8%). On average, DAC members allocated 0.09% of their gross
national income to least developed countries, falling short from
the UN target of 0.15-0.20%. Ensuring that support during short-term
crises is coupled with a maintained focus and accelerated progress
in pursuit of long-term development goals, particularly in support
of the world’s poorest and most vulnerable countries, will be critical
to fast-track progress towards ending extreme poverty.
2.7. Migration
issues
50. The slowdown of international
migration witnessed during the Covid-19 pandemic was reversed in
2021, due to a strong bounce back in economic and administrative
activity and the re-opening of borders. 2022 was marked by even
greater flows, resulting from the Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine, which triggered a refugee and humanitarian crisis
at a scale unforeseen in Europe since the Second World War.
51. After a record decrease of more than 30% in 2020 due to the
Covid-19 crisis, permanent-type migration to OECD countries bounced
back by 22% in 2021. Family migration increased by 40% in 2021 and
remained the largest category of inflows: 4 in 10 new permanent
immigrants to the OECD were family migrants. Labour migration to
OECD countries also recovered by 45% in 2021, accounting for 18%
of total permanent-type inflows.
52. The global competition for talent continues as OECD countries
are introducing new pathways to attract highly educated migrants,
remote workers, and investors. At the same time, in an effort to
alleviate hiring challenges due to labour shortages and offer better
working conditions to precarious foreign workers, many governments
expanded their temporary labour mobility schemes and bilateral agreements.
53. Integration policy reforms have mostly focused on increasing
individualisation, improving mentorship, language training, and
helping migrants gain rapid and stable access to the labour market.
Recognition of skills remains high on the integration policy agenda.
In 2021, around 70% of immigrants were employed, and 9% unemployed,
OECD-wide. In OECD countries, the labour market performance of recently
arrived immigrants in 2021 improved more compared to their longer-settled
counterparts.
54. The Ukrainian refugee crisis led to a significant influx of
refugees in 2022. More than 10 million Ukrainians have become either
internally displaced or refugees abroad. By April 2023, there were
around 4.7 million displaced Ukrainians in OECD countries. Many
remained in neighbouring countries, but others have moved onward,
including increasingly to non-EU OECD countries, or have returned
to Ukraine. Early evidence on
the
labour market inclusion of Ukrainian refugees indicates that their entry into the labour market has
been faster than for other refugee groups in the OECD. By November
2022, the share of working-age Ukrainian refugees in employment
was already over 40% in some OECD countries. Elsewhere, the share
was lower but increasing. However, much of the early employment
uptake has been concentrated in low-skilled jobs and skills mismatches
are widespread.
55. There are also concerns that climate change could spur large-scale
movements of people. According to some projections, natural disasters
will displace hundreds of millions of people in the coming decades.
Initially movements have mainly been within countries, but long-term
and long-distance emigration have become more significant. The impact
of climate change on human mobility is difficult to isolate. Climate
change is only one of several, often compounded, factors that influence
migration and displacement, which include declining or volatile
agricultural incomes, shrinking livelihoods, conflicts over natural
resources, and rising food insecurity.
2.8. Environment
and climatic crises
56. The economic and social shocks
caused by Covid-19 and the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against
Ukraine are occurring in the shadow of other complex, interlinked
global threats and challenges. Climate change is key among these.
As highlighted by the most recent IPCC 6th Assessment Report the science
increasingly suggests that the impacts of warming – even at levels
below 2°C in global temperature rise – are likely to be more severe
than previously thought.
57. The COP26 Glasgow Climate Pact, reaffirmed at COP27, demonstrates
strong global consensus on the need to transition to net-zero greenhouse
gas emissions by 2050 and accelerating adaptation action, with many
countries committing to achieving net-zero emissions. However, increased
long-term climate ambition has not been met with commensurate credible
action in the short term. A rapid acceleration in action is still needed
if climate goals are to be reached. Avoiding the worst impacts of
climate change means reducing emissions globally by 45% from 2010
levels by 2030, and to net-zero emissions by 2050, according to
the IPCC. The urgency of the climate crisis is amplified by the
growing risks of crossing climate tipping points. At a certain level
of warming, these elements of the global climate system may pass
points of no return that would result in irreversible and often
abrupt changes to our environment including potentially severe regional
or local hazards. The latest science shows that tipping points are
likely to occur at lower levels of warming than previously thought;
already at current levels of climate change, some tipping points
cannot be ruled out. This has stark implications for near-term policy
making. For example, the collapse of the Atlantic Meridional Overturning
Circulation would represent a complete reorganisation of ocean circulation
and lead to a redistribution of heat around the planet as well as
shifting rainfall patterns affecting sea ice, global sea levels, agricultural
systems, marine and terrestrial ecosystems, and exacerbating the
biodiversity loss crisis.
58. Against this backdrop, Covid-19 recovery spending presented
an opportunity to enhance climate policy efforts, yet evidence shows
that it did not quite live up to the promise of “building back better”.
Only around a third of total recovery spending was environmentally
friendly, and almost 15% of total recovery spending went towards
environmentally harmful activities.
The Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine further highlighted pressures on global energy prices,
supply chains and food security, providing a stark example of how
both short- and long-term climate goals can be impacted by global
shocks and disruptions. This has called for a re-thinking of our
approach to climate policy making and a focus on embedding a systems lens
to ensure “resilient by design” approaches – for example, seeking
to be prepared for, and to respond to, multiple disruptions without
knowing their exact nature. This includes identifying systemic bottlenecks
and potential socio-economic and environmental disruptions, and
designing policies to anticipate them.
59. Critical to applying a systems approach, is addressing the
interlinkages between action on climate change, biodiversity loss
and pollution – spanning air, water, and plastics. This represents
a core focus of the OECD’s efforts to tackle climate change in the
context of this triple planetary crisis. For example, climate mitigation
and adaptation remain largely compartmentalised and are dealt with
separately from other environmental challenges such as biodiversity
loss. Yet, there are key synergies that must be harnessed if the climate
crisis is to be addressed effectively.
60. Conserving, restoring and improving the management of forests,
grasslands, wetlands and agricultural lands, could deliver an estimated
23.8 gigatonnes of cumulative CO2 emission reductions by 2030. However, biodiversity
loss remains a serious environmental challenge; compromising nature’s
ability to provide essential ecosystem services that we all rely
on, such as crop pollination, water purification, nutrient cycling,
flood protection and carbon sequestration.
61. Nature-based solutions have received increasing attention
as a means to both mitigate emissions and adapt to climate impacts.
Natural systems are often considerably more resilient than those
managed by human intervention. For example, efforts to restore forests
or mangroves create an opportunity to increase ecosystems’ carbon
storage capacity, while also contributing to the reduction of weather-related
risks, such as landslides or coastal storm surges.
62. At the same time, pollution – air pollution and waste – remains
a significant environmental challenge calling for a systems approach
to addressing the triple planetary crisis – and to facilitate important
co-benefits in tackling pollution, climate change and biodiversity
loss through whole-of-government action.
63. This is at the heart of the OECD’s approach to supporting
policy makers drive action on climate change and the environment.
The OECD’s organisation-wide initiative, “Net Zero+”: Building Climate
and Economic Resilience in a Changing World,
represents a multi-year whole-of-Organisation
push to help governments better embed the climate crisis in economic
policy making. The initiative specifically looks at applying systems thinking
to drive policy outcomes that not only safeguard the resilience
of the global transition to net-zero emissions, but also help build
systemic resilience to the impacts of climate change itself in the
face of diverse global challenges.
3. What
the OECD can do to prevent or mitigate the negative trends and promote
positive trends?
3.1. International
trade of goods and services
64. OECD’s work supports the diagnosis
of possible wider economic and social impacts and helps identify the
best policy alternatives to minimise exposure to risks. Several
studies used the OECD Inter-Country Input-Output tables and Trade
in Value Added statistics
and modelling tools to identify potential
supply chain bottlenecks. Some of the conclusions of these studies
were that vulnerabilities to shocks associated with high global
value chains dependence are amplified by high geographic concentration
of suppliers or buyers,
and that China is the most critical
choke point in global value chains across a broad range of industries,
both as a dominant supplier and as a dominant buyer.
However,
some policies to localise value chains are likely to be less efficient
and would not necessarily offer more stability in the face of shocks.
A forthcoming OECD report summarises
the large and still emerging OECD and external evidence on global
value chain risks and possible responses.
65. OECD’s interactive webtool “
Keys
to Resilient Supply Chains” emphasises and provides practical tips on how to in
principle anticipate risks, minimise exposure, build trust and keep
markets open. As a forum for discussion and co-ordination, in 2022
and 2023, the OECD organised two Member Economists Conferences on
Supply Chain Interdependencies. These conferences aim at facilitating
the discussion between Member countries to better understand, analyse
and monitor the nature and magnitude of international crises and supply
chain disruptions, and to better co-ordinate related policy responses.
66. The OECD has als
o
contributed to promoting standards of conduct to reduce risks of supply
chain disruptions and minimise negative effects once such disruptions
materialise via the responsible business conduct framework, in line
with the
OECD
Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and OECD due diligence guidance. The OECD/IEA Climate Change Expert Group has highlighted
ways to ensure that “Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes”
under the Paris Agreement are traded in a way that promotes environmental integrity.
3.1.1. Energy
prices
67. Regarding energy prices, the
OECD will continue focusing on the energy-environment-economy nexus in
its work. Energy affordability, security and addressing climate
change – and their macroeconomic consequences – are now at the core
of the policy analysis and recommendations in the OECD’s Economic Outlook
and
Economic
Surveys. Over the years, the Organisation developed comprehensive
work programmes on the effects of energy and climate policies on
firms and households, their interactions with other economic and
social policies as well as the public acceptability of climate policies.
Consequently, the OECD aims to support countries in adopting and
implementing a full, environmentally effective, economically efficient and
publicly acceptable climate strategy, in line with the
OECD’s
2022 Framework to Decarbonise the Economy and the
Horizontal
Project on Climate and Economic Resilience.
68. The OECD collaborates extensively with the International Energy
Agency, the International Transport Forum, the Nuclear Energy Agency
and other international organisations and governments. This has
enabled the Organisation to draw upon and build up relevant expertise
regarding energy and climate policies and to integrate this expertise
into mainstream economic analysis. This is particularly evident
in recent Economic Outlooks which devoted significant attention
to energy market developments and related work focused on fiscal policies
to cushion the effects of the energy price shock on households and
firms (ECO/CPE (2023)6)
. But it particularly pertains
to longer-term work ranging from innovative initiatives on monitoring
outcomes and environmental, energy and economic policies relevant
for the climate transition, to the development of long-term scenarios
considering their macro- and microeconomic consequences and feedback
loops.
69. Notably, to support climate change action, the OECD recently
launched the
Inclusive
Forum on Carbon Mitigation Approaches, which is an initiative designed to help improve the
global impact of emissions reduction efforts around the world through
better data and information sharing, evidence-based mutual learning
and inclusive multilateral dialogue. It brings together all relevant
policy perspectives from a diverse range of countries from around
the world, participating on an equal footing basis, to take stock
of and consider the effectiveness of different carbon mitigation
approaches.
3.1.2. Other
commodities
70. For many critical raw materials,
current production and investment plans meet only a part of the projected
requirements. Investments in new mining capacity, recycling and
new renewable technologies must therefore be scaled up rapidly.
Recent
advancements in modernising the OECD Arrangement on Officially Supported
Export Credits, which includes an expansion of the scope of green or
climate friendly projects to clean energy minerals and ores, is
a step forward in this direction. The modernisation will make financing
of climate friendly and green transactions under the Arrangement
more flexible, and it will create further incentives for supporting
a wider range of climate friendly and green transactions.
71. New mining projects typically take several years to come on-line.
This is why efficient exploitation of current mining and processing
capacities, and unimpeded international trade of critical raw materials are equally
essential to easing short-term and medium-term scarcity problems.
A recent report on international trade in critical raw materials
indicates an increasingly competitive
landscape: the production and international trade of several raw
materials has become more concentrated amongst a handful of extracting and
processing locations which account for the bulk of global supply.
Concentration of both imports and exports is particularly significant
for unprocessed forms of lithium, borates, cobalt, colloidal precious
metals, manganese and magnesium.
72. Critical raw materials are more prone to both production and
trade concentration, and political rivalries and policy intervention
in comparison with other sectors. State intervention, including
in the form of special regulation, such as state ownership, investment
restrictions, strategic support policies and export measures, is pervasive
in the raw materials sector. The
OECD’s
Inventory of Export Restrictions on Industrial Raw Materials –initiated with support of the European Union in the
early 2000s—has been documenting the use of restrictions on exports
of raw materials with a view to improving the transparency of governments’
practises in this area and facilitate assessment of their economic
impact.
73. The
OECD's latest report
on international trade in critical raw materials shows
that export restrictions on critical raw materials have seen a five-fold
increase since the OECD began collecting data in 2009, with 10% of
global trade in critical raw materials now facing at least one export
restriction measure. Export restrictions on ores and minerals —
in essence the raw materials located upstream in critical raw material
supply chains — grew faster than restrictions in the other segments
of these supply chains. This correlates with increasing concentration
of upstream production, imports and exports. China, India, Argentina,
Russia, Viet Nam and Kazakhstan issued the most of the new export
restrictions for critical raw materials from 2009 to 2020, and also account
for the highest shares of import dependencies of OECD countries.
74. The trend toward increasing export restrictions is likely
playing a role in key international markets, with potentially sizable
effects on both the availability and prices of these materials.
This situation warrants further scrutiny. In order to explore co-operative
options for alleviating harmful export restrictions, future OECD
work in this area will focus on improving the understanding of motivations
of the countries using export restrictions and the effects they
have on trading partners.
3.1.3. Supply
and value chains
75. One of the highest priorities
of the OECD is supporting countries’ efforts to enhance supply chain resilience.
Since the pandemic, supply chain disruptions and their impacts on
inflation and recovery have received prime attention in the OECD’s
Economic Outlooks. The OECD has been assisting its members in developing
supply chain resilience strategies that are compatible with multilateral
trade rules and that also increase environmental and social sustainability
in supply chains.
76. OECD’s work supports the diagnosis of possible wider economic
and social impacts and helps identify the best policy alternatives
to minimise exposure to risks. Several studies used the OECD Inter-Country
Input-Output tables and Trade in Value Added statistics and modelling
tools to identify potential supply chain bottlenecks. Some of the
conclusions of these studies were that vulnerabilities to shocks
associated with high global value chain dependence are amplified
by high geographic concentration of suppliers or buyers, and that China
is the most critical choke point in global value chains across a
broad range of industries, both as a dominant supplier and as a
dominant buyer.
Ukraine has recently been included
in these databases to provide analysts and policy makers with insights
into Ukraine’s pre-war integration in global value chains. This approach
aims not only to provide a better understanding of the immediate
global impacts of the war, but also to help identify longer-term
opportunities for Ukraine’s recovery, for example its comparative
advantages for optimal future integration into global and regional
value chains.
77. Also, the OECD has recently developed indicators of Foreign
Input Reliance, and Foreign Market Reliance, which can help countries
to map their own vulnerabilities in times of global economic uncertainty. OECD
global value chain-related indicators can reveal the origins of
risks to downstream production, for example intra-regional or extra-regional
supply chains. Recent research by OECD has shown that a higher concentration
of upstream supply can amplify the reaction to shocks.
3.2. Fiscal
policies
78. Regarding fiscal policies,
the OECD has carried out cross-country analyses of the policy responses
to the pandemic and the energy price shock, drawing lessons on how
best to design policy interventions which have strong impacts on
public spending, such as job retention schemes or support to energy
consumers (for example
OECD,
2021; ECO/CPE(2023)6)
.
79. In the medium to longer term, governments would need budget
frameworks to ensure fiscally responsible spending levels
and to reallocate resources from
low-valued areas to those where they are most needed, as encapsulated
in the OECD Spending Better Framework.
80. Spending reviews are a core instrument for expenditure prioritisation
and reallocation. They support the sustainability of public finances
through systematic analysis of existing expenditure. The OECD Best
Practices for Spending Review
describe common features of successful
spending reviews. Th
e
OECD Public Finance Dataset enables the analysis of the effects of changes in the
composition of public spending on growth and income inequality.
The OECD has also considered the
application of cross-governmental issues, such as climate change
and gender equality in budgeting, when countries conduct spending
reviews. On gender budgeting for instance, integrating a gender
perspective is to ensure that budget reprioritisation does not increase
gender gaps, but instead supports the achievement of gender goals.
81. The OECD has also done extensive work on how to alleviate
future pressures on public spending and, more generally, on public
finances (for example
OECD,
2021). This includes labour market and retirement policies
which raise employment rates, eliminate early retirement pathways,
and keep effective retirement ages rising by some fraction of future
gains in life expectancy. The OECD has also analysed the long-run implications
for GDP growth of an accelerated energy transition and how carbon
taxation could help address public finance challenges (for example
ECO/CPE/WP1(2023)3;
D’Arcangelo et al.,
2022
). Country specific reform priorities
are discussed in the OECD
Going
for Growth report, released every two years. The OECD Economic Surveys
provide detailed, country-specific recommendations on fiscal policy,
public finance, and structural reforms, both regarding the shorter
and medium term.
3.3. Inflation
82. Regarding inflation, calibrating
monetary policy is a difficult task and needs to take on board a
wide range of indicators and developments, including but not limited
to labour markets, financial markets, and product markets. According
to OECD, calibrating the right dose of restrictive monetary policy
in a given country constitutes a key policy challenge, particularly
given significant policy tightening in other countries. Excessive tightening
could push economies into a recession, while a failure to tighten
sufficiently could lead inflation expectations of households and
firms to be de-anchored, potentially requiring even more drastic
interest rates hikes later. A further complication results from
the uncertainty over the strength of the impact of monetary policy tightening
on the real economy after an extended period of very accommodative
policy. A tightening of financial conditions is a key channel through
which higher interest rates take effect, but this could trigger
renewed stress in the financial system and a sharper downturn in
property markets. Tightening in advanced economies has also global
effects. For example, several low-income countries have already
faced increasingly tight financing conditions including rising debt
service burdens. Sudden further shifts in global financial markets
could further expose pre-existing vulnerabilities in emerging-market
and developing economies.
83. The OECD will continue to provide its expertise on macroeconomic
analysis and policies through its Economic Outlook, Interim Economic
Outlook and working paper series. The Economic Outlook (EO) routinely features
in-depth analysis on drivers and consequences of inflation (for
example: drivers of the rise of energy prices, EO December 2021;
differences between the current period
of inflation and the aftermath of the 1970s oil price shocks, EO
June 2022;
the pass-through from producer to
consumer prices, EO June 2022;
supply-
and demand-driven inflation in OECD economies, EO November 2022,
or the contribution of unit profits
to domestic inflationary pressures, EO June 2023)
. The Interim Economic Outlook provides
updated projections on growth and inflation for G20 countries.
84. The working paper series complements the macroeconomic analysis,
see for example work on inflation and its distributional effects.
In addition, the OECD
Employment
Outlook provides an annual report on jobs and
employment in OECD countries, taking into account recent economic
trends and policy developments. OECD Economic Surveys provide country-specific
recommendations on macroeconomic policies and have covered the issues
of inflation and macroeconomic policy responses extensively. Supply-boosting
structural reforms have the potential to counteract the long-term
decline in underlying growth rates without increasing pressures
on inflation or even reducing inflation. OECD Economic Surveys devote
considerable attention to country-specific analysis and recommendations
of structural reforms while taking into account inclusiveness and
environmental sustainability.
Going
for Growth provides further analysis and recommendations, including rankings
of country-specific priorities for structural reforms and evaluations
of past reforms.
3.4. Labour and social policies
85. There is a risk that less-skilled
workers will be left behind by the digital revolution, unless they
are given appropriate access to lifelong education. In addition,
populations are aging in OECD countries: the old age dependency
ratio is expected to rise from 31% in 2023 to almost 59% in 2075.
This transformation is already having
an impact on pension and health systems. Retaining older workers
in the labour force requires policies that improve working conditions,
strengthen lifelong learning, and help workers reconcile employment
with health issues and caring responsibilities. Without such measures
countries will see skills shortages and job vacancies rise as populations
age. Finally, the green transition will likely create new job opportunities
but, without appropriate support to up- or re-skill, some groups
risk being left behind as high-carbon jobs are phased out. Shoring
up public support for action to combat climate change will also
require policies to help low income households adjust to higher
energy costs.
86. Each year the OECD Employment Outlook
gives a snapshot of OECD labour
markets, and a deep dive into the most topical issues. After the
2022
edition focused on the cost-of-living crisis, the 2023 edition has a special focus on the impact of
artificial intelligence to respond to the potentially transformative
impact that new artificial intelligence models, such as generative
artificial intelligence, may have on the labour market. It will also
examine ways to tackle issues of bias, discrimination, accountability,
control and skills needs through policy and regulation. The OECD’s
work on skills – for example, Getting Skills Right: Future-Ready
Adult Learning Systems
– also focuses on preparing the workforce
for changing labour market needs through modern and inclusive adult
learning systems, as the green, demographic and digital transitions
will require more modern and accessible lifelong training approaches.
OECD work also takes a deep dive into policy responses to respond
to our changing world, for example looking for ways to keep older
workers in the workforce in
Retaining
Talent at All Ages, assessing the impact of the digital transition on labour
market trends in
Skills
for the Digital Transition, harnessing digitalisation in Public
Employment Services, and taking a topical focus on the impact of the
cost-of-living
crisis on
pensions,
minimum wages, and
income
support for working-age individuals and their families.
3.5. Reinforcement of democratic governance
87. To support OECD Members in
meeting today’s challenges for democratic governance, the OECD Reinforcing
Democracy Initiative has the dual goal of reinforcing democratic
governance in established democracies and protecting it from existing
and emerging threats.
The initiative identifies policy
response to five governance challenges for advanced and mature democracies:
i) combating mis- and disinformation, ii) enhancing representation,
participation and openness in public life, iii) strengthening open
democracies in a globalised world: embracing the global responsibilities
of governments and building resilience to foreign influence, iv)
governing green, or the capacity to respond to climate and other
environmental challenges, and v) transforming public governance
for digital democracy.
88. The
OECD
Declaration on Building Trust and Reinforcing Democracy, adopted by Ministers in November 2022 during the OECD
Public Governance Ministerial meeting, includes commitments and
actions to strengthen trust and democracy, including:
- welcoming a set of action plans
on combating mis- and disinformation; on representation, participation and
openness (including gender equality); and governing green;
- calling for the development of two action plans on embracing
the global responsibilities of government and building resilience
to foreign influence; and on transforming public governance for
digital democracy, for 2024;
- launching the OECD Global Forum on Building Trust and
Reinforcing Democracy as a platform to share knowledge, assess and
improve public governance to meet the challenges facing democracies;
- inviting the OECD to carry out the Survey on the Drivers
of Trust in Public Institutions every two years;
- launching the
OECD DIS/MIS Information Resource Hub, to support governments in establishing a strengthened
whole-of-society approach among governments, media and civil society
organisations to strengthen information integrity.
89. Through the biennial OECD Trust Survey
,
Members continuously monitor public perceptions of competence and
values of public institutions and their relationship with levels
of trust in the country. The survey results feed into the Gateway
to Reinforcing Trust, which provides a framework to develop and
deliver future waves of the Trust Survey, conduct in-depth analyses
on different public governance drivers of trust, and support countries
in taking concrete action to build trust and track progress over
time. The OECD has done extensive work looking at the drivers of
trust in public institutions in Finland,
Korea,
New Zealand,
Norway
and Portugal,
and further reports are in preparation.
90. The OECD has delivered analysis on the role of disinformation
and the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine (
OECD,
2022). Through the
OECD
DIS/MIS Resource Hub, the Organisation promotes engagement between countries,
facilitates information collection, and develops analysis and actionable
recommendations to support the design of governance measures that
strengthen information integrity. The OECD’s work in this area also
provides a space for co-operation and policy co-ordination, where decision
makers, along with representatives of civil society, academia, and
the private sector, can meet to discuss challenges and find effective
solutions. The Hub includes a catalogue with a range of government initiatives,
tools and policies to prevent and mitigate risks of mis- and disinformation
both domestically and internationally.
3.6. Poverty challenges
91. The OECD has a long-standing
tradition in the collection and publication of income poverty, inequality and
wealth statistics, as well as data on material and non-material
deprivations,
providing the underpinning for evidence-based
policy. In addition, analytical work has highlighted the far-reaching
consequences of deprivations on people’s lives, most recently regarding
the multi-dimensional impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic
and of childhood socio-economic disadvantage.
For
example, people who are disadvantaged at the start of life tend
to have worse physical and mental health outcomes, lower earnings
and fewer job prospects than the better-off and are more likely
to live in less affluent neighbourhoods.
92. The OECD also provides tailored support to countries that
seek to improve the prospects of those currently being left behind,
most recently through the launch of the OECD Observatory on Social
Mobility and Equal Opportunity.
The Observatory
will strive to fill data gaps, devise effective policy solutions,
and explore how the broader context (for example businesses and
civil society) shapes opportunities. Most recently, tailored support
to promote social mobility has been provided to Austria
and Germany.
93. To address the critical and urgent challenges of poverty,
the OECD Development Co-operation Directorate:
- tracks official development
assistance and other development finance – including total official
support for sustainable development – to enhance transparency and
accountability against international commitments;
- provides a platform – the Community of Practice on Poverty
and Inequalities (CoP-PI) of the Development
Assistance Committee (DAC) – to support DAC members in maximising their development co-operation’s
focus, allocations and impact on poverty and inequality reduction
through exchange and learning among peers and with partners from
multilateral organisations, partner country governments, academia,
and civil society organisations. Through exchanges, learning and
analysis, the CoP-PI strengthens collective understanding of challenges
faced by DAC members in translating their poverty and inequality
commitments into practice, and identifies good practice, approaches
and tools to drive progress;
- sets standards, policy recommendations and guidelines
to support DAC members in upholding and strengthening the quality
and poverty focus of their development co-operation. The OECD’s “Development
Co-operation Report 2023: Debating the Aid System” takes stock of opportunities and challenges
confronting the aid system and presents concrete ideas for action
for keeping development co-operation relevant and impactful amid
daunting challenges, including by targeting poverty and inequalities
better. The OECD DAC Peer Reviews, which provide in-depth examinations
of development systems and policies in all DAC members, monitor
the extent to which policies set out a clear approach to reducing
poverty and inequalities, notably gender inequalities, and to leaving
no-one behind. Together with the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), the OECD provides the secretariat to the Global Partnership
for Effective Development Co-operation, the primary multi-stakeholder
vehicle for driving development effectiveness, to “maximise the
effectiveness of all forms of co-operation for development for the
shared benefits of people, planet, prosperity and peace”, with a
focus on leaving no-one behind.
3.7. Migration challenges
95. On 21 June 2023, the OECD gathered in Paris climate experts
and migration policy makers from OECD and non OECD member countries
to take stock of available evidence on linkages between climate
change, migration, and displacement. At the meeting, participants
noted that international migration policy could play a role in addressing
the complex issue of climate-induced migration and displacement.
In addition to alleviating skills shortages in the context of the
green transition, migration could serve as a climate adaptation
strategy. The OECD stands ready to support stakeholders in their
critical work on the nexus of climate change, migration, and displacement.
3.8. Environmental challenges
96. The OECD’s flagship initiative
on Climate and Economic Resilience, the “Net Zero+” project, is supporting
countries deliver transformational climate policy, drawing on the
full multidisciplinary reach of the Organisation. “Net Zero+” represents
work from 17 OECD policy committees and is a central contribution
to the OECD’s organisation-wide efforts to support a systems approach
to climate action in practice. It provides policy makers with recommendations
on how to future-proof climate and economic policies for a net-zero world
having regard to the critical climate,
socio-economic, and environmental systems.
97. The “Net Zero+” project
sits alongside two other flagship OECD initiatives on climate action.
First, the OECD’s Inclusive Forum on Carbon Mitigation Approaches,
which looks to improve data and information sharing about the comparative
effectiveness of different carbon mitigation policy approaches.
Second, the International Programme for Action on Climate – developed
as part of the “Net Zero+” project – has established a detailed
set of headline indicators to track and monitor both the impacts
of climate change and our climate action responses – adaptation
and mitigation – across OECD and non-OECD countries annually.
4. Follow-up to Assembly Resolution 2370
(2021) “Fighting fiscal injustice: the work of the OECD on taxation
of digital economy”
98. The 2021 Report has found the
role of the OECD to be instrumental in facilitating discussions
and providing solutions in complex multinational negotiations on
fiscal justice. The delineation of policies in the two pillars,
the programme of work, the January 2020 Statement as well as the
latest economic impact assessment of the tax challenges arising
from digitalisation, published in October 2020, and the Cover Statement
by the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework on BEPS on Pillar One and Pillar
Two Blueprints provided a concrete basis for discussion.
99. Maintaining momentum and finding solutions to the remaining
issues through the Inclusive Framework is paramount for all countries
and institutions involved in the process. The divergence of positions
maintained in negotiations, specific country-interests and ideological
differences in taxation norms posed great risks in reaching agreement
within the envisaged timeframe. Notwithstanding these challenges,
the Inclusive Framework delivered a consensus-based solution with
the 8 October 2021 Statement on the two-pillar solution to address
the tax challenges, which has been agreed by 138 countries and jurisdictions.
100. At the 2023 OECD Ministerial Council Meeting, OECD member
States reaffirmed their commitment “to continue to work together
to reform the international tax system through a timely and effective
implementation of the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework’s two-pillar
solution to address the tax challenges arising from the digitalisation
and globalisation of the economy.”
101. During the 15th meeting of the
OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS),
on 11 July 2023, 138 countries and jurisdictions agreed an
Outcome
Statement, which is discussed in more detail below. This Outcome
Statement summarises the package of deliverables developed by the Inclusive
Framework to address the remaining elements of the two-pillar Solution.
102. Today, the main priority of the Inclusive Framework remains
the swift implementation of the two-pillar Solution to stabilise
the international tax system, while making it fairer and delivering
tax certainty.
4.1. Pillar One: bringing dated international
tax rules into the 21st century
103. Amount A of Pillar One aims
to ensure a fairer distribution of profits and taxing rights among
countries with respect to the largest multinational enterprises
(MNEs), those with a global turnover above €20 billion, by allocating
new taxing rights on 25% of their residual profits (namely profits
in excess of 10% of revenues) to market jurisdictions, regardless
of whether they have a physical presence in such jurisdictions.
Tax certainty is a key aspect of the new rules, which include a
mandatory and binding dispute resolution process for Pillar One but
with the caveat that developing countries will be able to benefit
from an elective mechanism in certain cases, ensuring that the rules
are not too onerous for low-capacity countries. The agreement to
re-allocate taxing rights on MNE’s profits under Pillar One further
includes a commitment to the removal and standstill of Digital Services
Taxes and other relevant, similar measures, which will help ease
trade tensions.
104. Pillar One also has a second component called Amount B, which
provides a simplified and streamlined approach to the application
of the arm’s length principle to in-country baseline marketing and
distribution activities, with a particular focus on the needs of
low-capacity countries.
4.2. Pillar Two: setting multilaterally
agreed limits to tax competition on corporate income tax
105. Under Pillar Two, the global
minimum tax puts a floor on tax competition with respect to corporate income
tax through the introduction of a minimum corporate tax rate, set
at an effective tax rate of 15%, which countries can use to protect
their tax bases. It is known as the “GloBE rules” and will apply
to MNEs with a turnover above €750 million (with exclusions for
certain entities like government entities, some non-profit organisations,
and pension or investment funds). The global minimum tax will ensure
that large MNEs pay a fair share of tax wherever they operate or
generate their profits. Source jurisdictions, including developing countries,
will benefit from the ability to apply a Qualified Domestic Minimum
Top-up Tax, ensuring that the minimum tax is paid in their jurisdictions.
This minimum tax will take pressure off developing countries to
offer inefficient tax incentives to MNEs, and will allow them to
mobilise additional domestic resources, while maintaining their
ability to attract investment.
106. Pillar Two also protects the right of developing countries
to tax certain base-eroding payments when they are not taxed up
to a minimum nominal rate of 9%, through the “Subject to tax rule”.
This rule will help developing countries protect their treaty networks
from abuse through profit shifting to low tax jurisdictions.
4.3. Ongoing work
107. Since October 2021, the Inclusive
Framework delegates, through the Task Force on the Digital Economy,
have worked intensively on the technical elements and a text of
the Multilateral Convention for Amount A. The work has progressed
through several rolling public consultations on the different building
blocks of Amount A.
Two progress reports,
released for public consultation by the Inclusive Framework in July
and October 2022, provide a good overview of the proposed overall
design of the Amount A rules and how they will operate in practice.
Since then, the Inclusive Framework also released a document on
the withdrawal of digital service taxes and other relevant similar
measures for public consultation from December 2022 to January 2023.
108. For the global minimum tax, the Inclusive Framework has completed
the “legislative” work on the GloBE rules. The Model Rules were
finalised in December 2021 and the Commentary to the GloBE Rules
was agreed in March 2022. Countries have started to implement these
rules and the global minimum tax is now a reality. Over 40 countries
have already agreed to legislate or have taken steps to implement
the reform. It includes all 27 EU member States, the United Kingdom,
Switzerland, Japan, Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, and many others.
Based on the countries already implementing the global minimum tax,
it is estimated that almost 90% of global MNEs with revenues above
€750 million will be subject to the minimum tax by 2025. With this momentum,
there is a domino effect, with even more countries now expected
to move quickly to implement. To ease this process, the Inclusive
Framework is continuing to release implementation guidance. Since December
2022, several guidance documents have been released, including on
Safe Harbours and Penalty Relief, and Administrative guidance on
the interpretation or administration of the global minimum tax.
It includes the recognition of the US minimum tax (also known as
Global Intangible Low-Taxed Income, GILTI) under GloBE, and more
general guidance on the scope, operation, and transitional elements
of the new rules. It also features the design of the Qualified Domestic
Minimum Top-up Tax, which will particularly benefit to developing countries.
Public consultations have also been organised on key elements, such
as the GloBE information Return and Tax Certainty.
4.4. The 2023 Outcome Statement and next
steps
109. During the 15th meeting of
the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS),
on 11 July 2023, 138 countries and jurisdictions agreed an
Outcome
Statement recognising the significant progress made on the two-pillar
solution. This followed 20 months of intense technical negotiations by
delegates to continue the work to implement the two-pillar solution
and reflects collaboration and compromise among all jurisdictions
during negotiations by Inclusive Framework members since October
2021.
110. The Outcome Statement summarises the package of deliverables
developed by the Inclusive Framework to address the remaining elements
of the two-pillar solution and was published on 17 July 2022. The
package includes:
- A Multilateral
Convention (MLC) developed by the Inclusive Framework, which will
allow Parties to exercise a domestic taxing right over a portion
of MNE residual profits (Amount A of Pillar One). The Inclusive
Framework has published the text of the MLC. This should allow a
signing ceremony to be organised by the end of 2023 with the intention
of allowing the MLC to enter into force during 2025, allowing for
the domestic consultation, legislative, and administrative processes
applicable in each jurisdiction.
- A proposed framework for the simplified and streamlined
application of the arm’s length principle to in-country baseline
marketing and distribution activities (Amount B of Pillar One);
where input from stakeholders is requested though public consultation
on certain aspects, prior to the publication of the final report
and incorporation into the Transfer Pricing Guidelines by January
2024.
- The Subject-to-Tax Rule together with its implementation
framework, which will enable developing countries to update bilateral
tax treaties to tax certain intra-group payments where these are
subject to a nominal corporate income tax that is below the minimum
rate. The Multilateral Instrument implementing the STTR will be
released and open for signature by the end of the year.
111. A comprehensive action plan will also be prepared by the OECD
to support the swift and co-ordinated implementation of the two-pillar
solution, co-ordinating with regional and international organisations.
112. In addition, to preserve the stability of the international
tax system, 138 countries and jurisdictions also agreed in the
Outcome
Statement to refrain from imposing newly enacted digital services
taxes or relevant similar measures on any company before 31 December
2024, or the entry into force of the MLC if earlier, provided the
signature of the MLC has made sufficient progress by the end of
2023.
113. As already stated in the last report, the absence of implementation
of the two-pillar solution would put the world at a greater risk
of a proliferation of unco-ordinated and unilateral tax measures
(such as digital services taxes) and could result in increase in
damaging tax and trade disputes. The OECD has estimated that, under
a worst-case scenario, these disputes could cost more than 1% of
global GDP in the absence of the reform.
114. In addition to making the tax system fairer and more stable,
the revenue stakes associated with the two-pillar solution are high.
According to the latest OECD analysis of the economic impact assessment
of the pillars, Pillar One will allocate new taxing rights on about
US$200 billion to market jurisdictions annually. The analysis also
finds that, under Pillar One, low and middle-income countries are
expected to gain the most as a share of existing corporate income
tax revenues. Pillar Two could also bring in up to US$200 billion
in additional revenues to governments each year.
115. Looking forward, and beyond agreeing the final technical elements
of the Pillars as mentioned above, building tax capacity will be
key. One of the main priorities of the OECD will be to focus on
ensuring that all countries can benefit from the new rules, as developing
countries account for around half of the membership of both the
Inclusive Framework and its Steering Group. Work is already ongoing
on building tax capacity to implement the Two Pillars across all
members of the Inclusive Framework. The OECD is also endorsing capacity
building efforts through bespoke training and pilot programmes,
including the OECD/UNDP Tax Inspectors Without Borders Initiative,
to support developing countries in the implementation of the global minimum
tax.
5. Conclusion
116. Over the last few years, the
global economy has sustained a series of major shocks, including
the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russian Federation’s war of aggression
against Ukraine. As a result, global supply chains have been disrupted,
and prospects for economic recovery, as well as energy and food
security, have been undermined. While global growth has been more
resilient than expected, the outlook remains relatively weak, and
downside risks have increased.
117. Under these circumstances, the role of the OECD in conceiving
policies to prevent or mitigate the negative trends whilst promoting
positive trends is more important than ever. It is essential that
the community of OECD member countries and accession candidate countries
remains committed, as reiterated in the 2023 Ministerial Council
Statement, to fundamental values of individual liberty, democracy,
the rule of law, human rights, gender equality, environmental sustainability
and tackling inequalities, as well as diversity and inclusion.
118. Furthermore, it is essential that OECD member and candidate
countries have reaffirmed, in the 2023 Ministerial Council Statement,
the importance of multilateralism and the unity in addressing global
challenges, as well as the willingness to reach out beyond the current
membership to enhance and develop global partnerships.
119. Consequently, the role of collaborating institutions, such
as the Council of Europe, should be to support building consensus
amongst its members, while offering a helping hand in bridging diplomatic
ridges. Holistic policies taking account not only of fiscal and
economic challenges but of all aspects of countries’ economic realities,
including environmental challenges, labour and social policies hold
the key for an efficient response, with a focus on leaving no-one
behind. A strength of the OECD is precisely the holistic and multi-dimensional nature
of its work.