11.07.2011

SPEECH BY MR MEVLÜT ÇAVUŞOĞLU,

PRESIDENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE

AT THE “ROUND-TABLE” WITH TEACHERS AND STUDENTS OF THE ODESSA NATIONAL ACADEMY OF LAW

"The Council of Europe neighbourhood policy

in the light of the upheavals in the Arab world)"

ODESSA, Monday 18 July 2011

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Academic body and students,

First of all, I would like to thank Mr Serhii Kivalov, President of the Odessa National Academy of Law, Chairman of the Legal Affairs Committee of the Verkhovna Rada and member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, for his invitation.

It is a real pleasure for me to come back again to this prestigious academic institution. You know that I was first here with you in September 2010. That time, we discussed the role of the Council of Europe and its Parliamentary Assembly, which I have the honor to chair, in international politics. Since that time, important changes have been taking place in international arena. First and foremost in the Arap world… We have seen popular upheavals in the Arab world, marked with a name “Arab spring”.

Therefore, today I would like to talk to you about these developments, in particular, where the Council of Europe stands in the light of these changes, what policies and tools it has to adapt itself to this new environment with a view to offering its assistance and expertise to the neighbouring regions, in particular, in need of help.

Before I get started, let me remind you of some basics about the Council with a view to putting our discussion on a solid ground.

The Council of Europe is the oldest and biggest European institution. It unites practically all the countries of the European Continent – 47 – with the sole exception of Belarus. In reality, though, with members such as Russia, Turkey and the South Caucasian countries, our Organisation stretches from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean and it covers an incredible variety of cultures, historic legacies, languages, religious beliefs and political systems. Therefore, diversity, dialogue and an attitude of openness towards the world in general, and towards our closest neighbours in particular, are the essence of the “culture”, or “mentality” of the Council of Europe.

The Council of Europe and its Parliamentary Assembly are based on a political model, which I would not hesitate to qualify as unique, and possibly the most successful ever. The Organisation was founded in 1949, when Europe was divided and still traumatised by the huge human loss and suffering endured during the Second World War. It was not easy to reconcile nations and people who had until recently fought against each other. The Cold War did not facilitate things either. However, a few visionaries believed that there was a way to make sure that the horrors of the war would never again be repeated. They believed that long-lasting peace, stability and prosperity could be achieved through dialogue and shared values.

Over the years, this concept, which served as a basis for the Council of Europe, proved to be right. Despite the ups and downs of European post-war history, and with some dramatic exceptions, such as former Yugoslavia and the recent war between Russia and Georgia, Europe has in general been a peaceful continent since World War Two and the level of prosperity, social protection and enjoyment of basic rights and freedoms has been amongst the highest in the world. And this is greatly due to the fact that Europe chose to base its post-war development on the three pillars that underpin the action of the Council of Europe: democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

We witnessed the universal value of these principles in an extraordinary manner in 1989, with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the unstoppable surge of nations who had lived under authoritarian regimes towards freedom, dignity, social justice and democracy. We are now witnessing another such surge, with the so-called Arab spring and I will come back to this in a minute.

Around the three pillars of democracy, human rights and the rule of law, the Council of Europe has built a solid framework of legal instruments, expertise, good practices and assistance programmes. Consequently, over the years, the standards and values of the Council of Europe have developed and deepened. But at the same time they have also widened and gained new ground.

Here I should mention that for many years Canada, Israel, the Holy Sea, Japan, Mexico and the United States of America have been observer states in the Council of Europe and for an equally long time, the parliaments of Canada, Israel and Mexico have also enjoyed observer status with our Parliamentary Assembly. Moreover, our Assembly has been interested in developing cooperation in the Mediterranean, in particular with the countries of the Maghreb. It has been a forum for dialogue for Israelis and Palestinians; and it has also opened up to countries in Central Asia such as Kazakhstan.

In recent times, however, our Assembly has felt that the dialogue with our neighbours needed to be moved to a whole new level. Therefore, in 2009 our Assembly created the status of “Partnership for Democracy” which is a status granted to Parliaments of non-member states sharing our values, subscribing to our standards and actively engaged in building democratic societies based on the principles of rule of law and fundamental freedoms. Without offering full membership (let us not forget that our Organisation remains the Council of Europe!), this status allows far greater possibilities of cooperation, assistance and dialogue.

The creation of this status was a genuinely visionary approach, as just one year later our southern neighbourhood was shaken by the revolutions in the Arab world. In fact, I was on an official visit to Tunisia in January 2011, precisely when the mass protests had started and there were violent clashes with the police.

The changes in the Arab world were not triggered by outside influences. They are the result of internal causes and, most importantly, of a shared desire of all people across the world to live in societies which are more just, both in political and social terms. From this point of view, there is ground for optimism, because the Arab spring shows similarities with Europe’s experience and is thus a confirmation that the values and principles that we have promoted over the last 60 years are universal. At the same time, however, our optimism is dampened by the turn that events have taken in Libya and Syria, with the brutal repression by the authorities against peacefully demonstrating civilians.

The winds of change that are sweeping through the Arab world affect us profoundly, particularly in today’s globalised world, when destinies of countries are closely intertwined. They offer huge opportunities for the creation of a neighbourhood which is more peaceful, stable, democratic and prosperous. However, we should not let the enthusiasm and high expectations created by the recent changes prevent us from seeing the potential risks and challenges that are also involved.

As the Assembly pointed out in a recent debate on Tunisia – the conclusions of which can be applied to other countries in the region – the emerging democracies need to see a prompt and ostensible economic improvement, otherwise the support for the revolution could quickly wane and give way to feelings of disillusion and disappointment. The political situation, both in Tunisia and Egypt, is still very fragile and the discontent of a considerable part of the population could easily be exploited to destabilise these countries on the eve of the elections.

Moreover, the revolutions are taking place in a region which is fraught with rivalries and divisions. So far, the uprisings have had little to do with terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda and many hope that such groups will be further marginalised by mass movements towards democracy. It can never be excluded, however, that radical groups could monopolise the political discourse if no solid and united vision for the future is presented by mainstream parties. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict also remains an open wound in the heart of the region and the nuclear ambitions of Iran are a major obstacle to regional stability.

The biggest challenge in the region for us, as a Council of Europe, is to make sure that freedom, dignity and democracy do not remain just slogans on the streets of Tunis, Cairo and elsewhere, or just topics of conversation on Facebook and Twitter. These concepts must be translated into specific actions on the ground. What I mean, in the broadest possible terms, is the ability to hold free and fair elections, to adopt legislation which guarantees basic rights and freedoms, to build well-functioning democratic institutions, to guarantee the independence of justice, to successfully fight corruption, to allow free media and civil society to thrive... And this is just the tip of the iceberg, because, above all, a democratic transformation is mostly about changing the minds, the attitudes and the practices.

In other words, an immense task! And one which will take time and will necessarily be marked by ups and downs. I am saying this with the knowledge of all the experience that we have gained in this field in the processes of democratic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe. Moreover, since democracy is an open-ended concept, which evolves constantly, we face new challenges every day: financial and economic crises, erosion of the social protection mechanisms, discrimination, challenges posed by science and bioethics or by the new media, rising extremism and xenophobia…to name but a few.

So how can we make sure that we use the opportunities of the Arab spring in the best possible way in order to increase dialogue and cooperation with our neighbours?

First of all, let me come back to the status of Partnership for democracy. Last June, for the first time in the history of the Council of Europe, we granted this status to the Parliament of a non-member state – the Kingdom of Morocco. We have also received a request for this status from Palestine, and our Assembly is due to examine their application in October 2011. Furthermore, we are actively promoting this new status with the Tunisian authorities. We hope that once the democratic institutions in this country are established, Tunisia will apply for the status too, so that we can reinforce further our co-operation with the Maghreb World.

We also hope that applications for the Partnership status will come from our neighbours in Central Asia. Recently, I paid an official visit to Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan where I promoted this status with the authorities. With Kazakhstan, for instance, we have maintained parliamentary relations for a long time. During my visit, I welcomed the progress made in recent elections, which were observed by the Assembly, but said that further efforts were needed to increase political pluralism, especially in parliament. It is time to step-up co-operation between Kazakhstan and the Council of Europe.

With regard to Kyrgyzstan, this was our first high-level contact with the new authorities. Kyrgyzstan is on the right track in the implementation of reforms related to democratic institutions and basic freedoms. However, progress still needs to be made in developing a democratic political culture. I proposed that the Assembly observe the presidential elections scheduled for October 2011 and I also invited a delegation from the Kyrgyz Parliament to attend our Assembly’s 2011 October session.

Coming back to the opportunities for cooperation between the Council of Europe and its neighbours, we have a wealth of experience to offer in accompanying democratic transitions and establishing new institutions. I must point out that we have no intention of giving lessons or imposing models, and that we shall respect the sovereign choices of our interlocutors. Any support and assistance must be governed by respect for the people and their dignity.

Let me outline just a few possibilities from the broad spectrum of assistance that the Council of Europe can provide:

      - our neighbours can accede to those Council of Europe legal instruments which are open to non-member states, in particular to those in the fields of democracy, human rights and the rule of law: conventions or partial agreements. Amongst the conventions, I would mention in particular those in the fields of the fight against corruption, cybercrime, human trafficking, sexual exploitation of children, financing of terrorism and money laundering. As to the partial agreements, I would first like to point out the North-South Centre, which promotes our values through intercultural dialogue and education, in particular among the youth of Europe and its neighbouring regions, as well as the European and Mediterranean Major Hazards Agreement;

      - some of our neighbours: Algeria, Morocco, Kyrgyzstan and Tunisia - are already members, and Kazakhstan is an observer, of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission). This is the Council of Europe's advisory body on constitutional matters. It is an internationally recognised independent legal think-tank which has played a leading role in the adoption of constitutions that conform to the standards of Europe's constitutional heritage. All the countries that are members or observers should fully avail themselves of its experience and expertise in constitutional reform and the adoption of some of the most important legislation.

- cooperation can be extended to areas as diverse as justice, sustainable development, culture, education and higher education, youth and sport, gender equality and the rights of the child;

- the experience of the Council of Europe human rights institutions and monitoring mechanisms, including the European Court of Human Rights and the Commissioner for Human Rights could be very useful for the newly emerging democracies;

- finally, we have a long-standing experience in observing elections. This includes legal advice of electoral laws, technical assistance and training programmes in the course of preparation of the elections, as well as political assessment by our Assembly of their compliance with democratic norms and standards.

Europe, for its part, should also face up to its own responsibilities. I shall just give you one example: the waves of refugees and irregular migrants fleeing the conflicts in North Africa and seeking refuge in Europe.

In a recent debate, the Assembly acknowledged that although the concentration of refugees in certain regions puts them under very strong pressure – and here I think in particular of Malta and the tiny island of Lampedusa - the number of asylum seekers in Europe, and in particular those arriving from the southern Mediterranean, should not pose an insurmountable problem for Europe as a whole. The Assembly therefore believes that responsibility for refugees and asylum seekers should be shared fairly in Europe and that those seeking international protection should have access to fair and efficient systems for the processing of their claims. Under the 1951 United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, each Council of Europe member state has full responsibility to meet its own international legal and humanitarian obligations.

Dear friends,

I would like to finish my speech by sharing with you a credo: Living together. “Living together in 21st century Europe” is the title of a report prepared by a Group of Eminent Persons, on the basis of an initiative launched by the Foreign Minister of Turkey, Mr Ahmet Davutoglu, and the Council of Europe Secretary General, Torbjørn Jagland. But beyond this, I call it a credo, or a philosophy, since this is what has held European nations together since the last world war. And, following the events in our Mediterranean neighbourhood, this is not only our reality – but also our biggest challenge!

Europe is multicultural and European peoples have proved their capacity to live together in diversity and build together their common future. Although multiculturalism faces increasing difficulties in various European countries, the Assembly firmly believes that assimilation is not an alternative. The response is an intercultural approach, which allows culturally different groups within society to interact in order to develop the best model of living together. We should certainly strengthen and promote our common European values and identity. Yet this should be done in a way which does not eliminate the different cultures of specific groups, but preserves and incorporates their specificities in the common European framework.

People coming lawfully to live in a country should not be expected to leave elements of their identity (faith, language, culture, etc.) behind. However, they are expected to show willingness to integrate into the society of their new country, by not only learning its language, but also gaining knowledge and understanding of the local culture, and they must respect democracy, human rights, including the rights of women, and the rule of law. The communities of origin should not ostracise those who choose to change their faith or culture.

In our recent Assembly debate, we resolved to reflect on ways to overcome the current “crisis of leadership” in Europe; encourage politicians and elected representatives at all levels to speak out on the challenges currently raised by the threats to the European project; reflect on the proposal for an annual Forum against extremism, as well as continue to address the challenges raised by extremism and the rise of xenophobic or racist parties.

Moreover, we have recommended that the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe should consider launching a major “Campaign on living together” in order to promote the principles of tolerance and respect for differences, inter-cultural dialogue and fight against extremism and xenophobia in European societies.

I would therefore conclude by saying that the neighbourhood policy of the Council of Europe has also an “inner” dimension. It is not just about spreading our values outside of Europe, but also about learning to live together and better cooperate with our neighbours, in their countries, but also in our own countries. It is about putting diversity to the benefit of our common values and a shared future. This is what the Council of Europe is about.

Thank you for your attention.