Rudolf

Kirchschläger

President of the Republic of Austria

Speech made to the Assembly

Wednesday, 25 January 1978

I should like to begin by thanking you for inviting me to attend a sitting of the Parliamentary Assembly. It is six years to the day that I had the honour – as the Foreign Minister of Austria – to address this Assembly, though in a more modest building. I am greatly honoured to be with you again today.

Allow me, Mr President, to express my sincere thanks also to the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers for attending this sitting of the Parliamentary Assembly.

Let me begin with a confession. I have not brought with me from Vienna the magical command which would open the door to the solution of all European and world problems. But what I have brought with me is:

– faith and confidence in Europe’s ability to solve the many problems facing it,

– and the invigorating conviction that the Council of Europe has a great part to play in this process and a great contribution to make.

I must admit that I was one of those who about five years ago, in order to avert the political sickness that seemed to me then to threaten the Council, provoked a discussion of the role and tasks of the Council of Europe. I am happy to note that in recent years this discussion – a discussion which concerned our countries – has died down and that today the need for the existence and the activities of the Council of Europe is no longer called into question by any of its members, and that even the various mental reservations which may have occasionally existed, appear to have disappeared.

This is a fortunate development. The more self-evident the existence and the activities of the Council of Europe, the more we, the individual member states, as well as the individual bodies of the Council of Europe, will be able to free ourselves from the idea of rivalry with other European institutions, in particular the European Communities. This idea of rivalry, which has sometimes amounted to fear, would, if retained in future, merely weaken the Council of Europe and the basis of the European Communities. All of us, whether we belonged or belong to the “Nine” or to the former “other Nine” have erred here in word and deed or by omission. Common sense and feeling both give us the same answer: Brussels is not in competition with Strasbourg, nor Strasbourg with Brussels, just as Strasbourg has never been in competition with Helsinki or Belgrade. We of the Council of Europe have no reason to feel inferior, nor have we any reason to feel in any way superior.

We, the members of the Council of Europe, are an international community, a great European community of like-minded people. As the organisational form of this community, the Council of Europe is equally necessary for all members. Many of us – and I include Austria – have sometimes wrongly given the impression that they need the Council of Europe more than do other members. All of us need it. And I shall go so far as to say that the time will come when our friends on the other side of the Atlantic will recognise that it is a mistake to treat a European institution which includes twenty countries, and thus a very considerable component of Europe in almost all discussions and contacts, as of secondary importance. Any underestimation of spiritual values and ideals must in the end lead to disillusionment, even in politics. Those that want a pluralist world, need as comprehensive and extensive a community of like-minded people as possible in order to ensure cohesion.

It is also possible that the significance of the Council of Europe has not yet fully penetrated to the states of what is known as Eastern Europe because it has not been sufficiently in evidence as a partner in discussions. And yet the present concept of peaceful coexistence requires that the Council of Europe should play its part and make a great contribution. Whether we approve or not, the ideological argument between East and West will go on. It has not been curtailed by either Helsinki or Belgrade. Would it not be – and I said this six years ago in this Assembly – a European task, a true contribution to peace, to work out, within the framework of the Council of Europe and in particular of the Parliamentary Assembly, the common political position of the large groupings represented here, thus actively defining the position of democracy as conceived by us and setting a limit to all totalitarian forms of society, left or right.

Surely our great opportunity lies not merely in establishing the necessary theoretical demarcations or the common understanding of democracy shared by the important political groupings represented here; it lies not in words, but in deeds. The influence of our community of like- minded individuals is not felt in campaigns; people are tired of them. It is our deeds that must speak for us.

If, therefore, we wish to spread our concept of democracy, our concept of the freedom and dignity of man, our ideas of justice, our view of man as the focal point and end of our political efforts – and we do – then we must make this concept a reality in all our member states. We must show that we are able, within our social order, to develop our economy and raise the standard of living of all our fellow citizens, without becoming the slaves of materialism. We must prove, in each one of our states, that freedom of speech, that all democratic freedoms are possible without engendering licentiousness and lack of restraint. We must show that the social needs of individuals, including the handicapped, are truly the concern of the governments and parliaments. We must also prove that the demands of minorities, aimed at preserving their national character, are being given serious consideration by the entire state. And the most valuable part of our support for human rights and basic freedoms must be for us the realisation of these in our own country, with no exceptions. It is also up to us to show by example that differences of opinion, even disputes and a conflict of interests, can be solved by peaceful means.

If we succeed in this and in much more, then we shall be able to provide a “display window” which gives our community of like-minded individuals international significance and lends the Council of Europe and its members an authority that penetrates even beyond Europe.

Only if the Council of Europe stands by and implements the principles for which it was founded shall we be able to create a solid basis for the necessary political tasks of the Council of Europe.

Backed by our eloquent example and our clear political orientation, we in the Council of Europe can constitute a stronger partner than hitherto in the East-West dialogue and so play a part in bringing about détente; we can also take a stronger stand than hitherto in world affairs and be listened to and we can also claim much better than before to represent Europe vis-à-vis our discussion partners.

We are united – as the Statute of the Council of Europe that we have all ratified says – by the resolve to establish peace on a foundation of justice; we are united by the common heritage of our peoples with all their intellectual and moral values and by the concepts we share of individual freedom, political freedom and the rule of law on which any true democracy rests. We are united also by our common desire for social and economic progress and, lastly, by our objective of a great united Europe.

Let us not underestimate the force of these principles that unite us and let us have the patience to translate them into political action freely agreed between us. It is not that the Council of Europe and its organs have no executive power that is our weakness, but the fact is that we often lack the patience, and often too the will, to find a European solution to the problems with which we have to deal.

Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, the thoughts that I have sought to express as a reflection of our common standpoint may seem to many to weigh lightly in the balance in comparison with the great aim of European unity in whose name the Statute of the Council of Europe was signed in London on 5 May 1949. Let me therefore make this clear: Churchill’s vision of a united Europe is an enduring one. What I was trying to describe was a possible way of achieving that goal.

And now another plea. Do not let us underestimate the integrating force of the conventions and agreements concluded in the Council of Europe. It will be the greater the more member states resolve to ratify these European instruments or to put them otherwise into effect, and the more states’ self-imposed restrictions are reflected in a minimum of declared reservations.

Perhaps it would also be a good thing to intensify political contacts between member states of the Council of Europe. The time to do so could be found by limiting the polite formalities, in other words by forgetting protocol, as can well be done between friends.

Our universal recognition and appreciation of the Council of Europe ought, to my mind, to be expressed in its appropriate financing by all the member states. The administration is not a necessary evil but an indispensable feature of an international organisation. In the Council of Europe it has always done exceptionally good work. I am glad to have this opportunity of offering my sincere thanks to the Secretariat and to the Secretary General. Let us beware of hindering their valuable efforts by making too much of financial problems.

Perhaps, Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, you were expecting a word from me about the situation that will arise with the direct election of the European Parliament. It seems to me that a thorough discussion of its consequences for the Council of Europe is needed in the Parliamentary Assembly and in the Committee of Ministers. I should like to stress just one thing today. I am convinced that the direct election of the European Parliament will give impetus to European-mindedness throughout our continent. There is no cause to fear or to be worried about direct elections. We must simply make use of this greater awareness of Europe in a way, though not an imitative one, still to be determined by you and by the member states. I am not among those – as you will realise from what I say – who look on direct elections to the European Parliament with apprehension; on the contrary I am among those who wish to adapt its consequences where possible for the benefit of greater Europe.

Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, in this speech I have had the privilege of making to you, I have made no solemn vows on Austria’s behalf of attachment to the Council of Europe, nor have I spoken to you of the questions that must arise for a permanently neutral state in relation to its membership of the Council. I do not feel that any solemn vows are necessary since Austria’s full commitment to the Council of Europe is constantly evidenced by the Austrian members of the Parliamentary Assembly, appointed by our parliament, as well as by the Austrian delegations to the Committee of Ministers and all the other Council of Europe bodies. The support given to the Council of Europe by Austria’s legislative body and by our Federal Government is fully reflected in public opinion in our country. The question of permanent neutrality needs no more analysis here today since more than twenty years of practice have illustrated it sufficiently. Hitherto our permanent neutrality has never placed any restrictions on Austria’s active participation in the work of all the Council of Europe’s organs and institutions, since in declaring its permanent neutrality Austria has never left any doubt about its firm family attachment to Western democracy, according to whose principles it wishes to go on living.

And so it only remains for me, Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, to ask you to see my visit to the Council of Europe headquarters in Strasbourg as an organic and natural consequence of Austria’s and my own personal appreciation of the Council of Europe and in particular of its Parliamentary Assembly. Thank you.

(Applause)