Rexhep
Mejdani
President of Albania
Speech made to the Assembly
Wednesday, 28 April 1999
Mr President, Secretary General, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to begin by thanking the organisers for inviting me to speak in this debate on a very significant anniversary for European, Euro-Atlantic and world integration, namely the Council of Europe’s fiftieth anniversary.
The brief recent history of pluralist parliamentary democracy in Albania, since the first pluralist elections on 31 March 1991, marks a step forward – but the same period has also seen setbacks and clear signs of regression in relation to the aspirations of the Albanian people and the standards acceptable for truly democratic institutions.
During the eight to nine years of political pluralism in Albania, and particularly after the severe institutional, political, social and financial crisis the country experienced, Albania’s new democracy has focused its efforts on building a state governed by the rule of law on the basis of a new constitution that clearly enshrines the separation of powers, the independence of the judiciary, the depoliticisation of the civil service – especially as regards the maintenance of law and order, the armed forces, the media, the judicial system and the diplomatic and consular service – decentralisation of power to the local level, self-government for universities and other academic institutions, encouragement of private media and the transformation of state television.
In addition, one of our very real concerns has been, and still is, to review and expand civil society, fully supporting its development in order not only to widen the processes of democracy in Albania but also to make a modest contribution to creating a new spirit in the Balkans, through the implementation of human and civil rights and of the rights of individuals and minorities, through respect for cultural diversity and linguistic pluralism and through freedom for, and co-operation among, the various religious communities.
I am speaking in my capacity as head of state on behalf of the people and all the political parties – in government and opposition alike – who are co-operating through institutional channels in building a state governed by the rule of law and contributing to respect for legal procedures, the separation of powers and decentralisation, so as to create clearer conditions for future economic development and large-scale privatisation of the banking system.
Albania was, until last November, the only country in democratic Europe not to have adopted a constitution, and this was a test of the degree of responsibility its political forces showed in respect of the country’s democratic development. My main aim was to transform the process of drafting the constitution into an exercise in education and citizenship to which everyone contributed, by encouraging local and international NGOs, specialised institutions, the press and electronic media, experts, Albanian intellectuals and Albanian public opinion to play their parts, given the moral obligation that existed in this regard.
But what levels of difference of opinion can a democracy tolerate if it is not to dissolve? A minimum consensus ought at least to have been sought in preference to a boycott, and there ought to have been constructive rather than destructive participation. A democratic constitution endorsed by constitutional experts of international renown — and specifically by the Venice Commission – would benefit not only the people but also the political forces themselves, as a constitution embodying modem conceptions of the state is vital to all ongoing legislative improvements and to ensuring that democracy is firmly established in the country.
The people themselves intuitively understood – much better than the political parties – what was at stake and voted “yes” in the referendum on the constitution, which was one of the most important events in post-communist Albania, as it gave legal form to the modem Albanian state.
Ladies and gentlemen, in addition to our efforts to introduce democratic, legislative, institutional, administrative, economic and financial reforms, Albania is determined to go ahead and take its rightful place in European and Euro-Atlantic organisations. To achieve this great political goal, we have given serious undertakings to satisfy democratic standards, which, from a legal standpoint, have now been introduced despite the fragility of Albania’s situation.
I wish to take this opportunity to thank the Council of Europe and certain other European and international organisations for their great contribution not only to drawing up our constitution and modem legislation but also to establishing new institutions of great importance to Albanian democracy and its future, for instance the legal staff college, the office of the judicial budget service, the commission for monitoring the execution of criminal sentences, the ombudsman, the telecommunications regulatory authority, the national broadcasting council, the electronic media and so on.
At the same time, significant progress has been made in decentralising power and granting autonomy or independence to local authorities, higher education establishments, the banking system, the public prosecutor’s office and the supreme state audit office. However, the process still has to be taken further, which will demand more courage and confidence, not only because these measures are necessary in principle but also because of the positive results that should gradually be forthcoming in terms of emancipating Albanian society. There has been plenty of bilateral cooperation in this regard, as well as assistance from the Council of Europe’s office in Tirana, the OSCE’s main office in Tirana and its regional offices, and, lastly, the Friends of Albania group.
However, we are aware that Albania’s democratic, economic and social prosperity is closely bound up with the development of the region as a whole, and more specifically with stability and closer relations with neighbouring countries.
Apart from the continued development of co-operation with Italy and Greece, relations with all of the countries in the region, including the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, are developing along the right lines. I am convinced that development, prosperity and integration for our societies and for all of south-eastern Europe will remain empty words unless we all make efforts to apply liberal, European integrative concepts to emancipating our multi-ethnic societies, which are threatened to the core by the Belgrade regime, which is now an explosive island of ethnic hatred, ethnic cleansing and genocide in the heart of Europe.
At the same time, we must not allow the criteria and principles that are adopted to be interpreted to the detriment of small peoples, as has been the case with the Albanians of Kosovo, who nourish powerful democratic aspirations and are imbued with liberty and justice. We should condemn outright the monstrous human scandal of ethnic cleansing which is occurring in the former Yugoslavia and we must co-operate with all those who are in a position to put an end to this abomination and to the shameful indifference it has met with throughout the world.
As President Chirac has stated very clearly, the waves of refugees, the destruction of villages, the assassinations and the massacres bear ample witness to what is taking place. It is intolerable, he says. What is at stake today is peace on our soil, peace in our continent of Europe, as well as human rights.
While the Serbian delegation at Rambouillet, and then in Paris, from 15 to 19 March, pretended to be negotiating, the Serbian forces were continuing their operations against the civilian population. Milosevic never really had any intention of negotiating seriously, and this is set to continue because there is no longer any way back.
The current situation in Kosovo is the result of a strategic plan, which, according to recent information, was already being deliberately prepared at the end of last year by Milosevic’s entourage, under the code name “horseshoe” (potkova in Serbian), with the aim of using violence to bring about demographic change in the province. This shows the real nature of the regime and the conflict.
It is clear that we have here a conflict between dictatorship and medieval barbarity on the one hand and modem democracy and human civilisation on the other, between the past and the future, but I am convinced that the democratic future will win in the end. Many sections of the Rambouillet agreements have now been overtaken by events, according to Ms Albright, who was talking about the peace agreement proposed to the belligerents by the international community and accepted by the Kosovar Albanian side but rejected by the Serbs. This is particularly true in the light of the repression that the Serbian soldiers, police and paramilitary forces are inflicting on the population of Albanian origin in the province.
The crimes, the genocide, the ethnic cleansing and the deportations can no longer be tolerated. The Kosovo Albanians cannot return to their homes and their land without the withdrawal of the forces of the Serbian war machine and without being placed under Nato-led international military protection. There can be no satisfactory solution for international democratic public opinion and the democratic future of the entire world unless the return of the Albanians to the whole of Kosovo is guaranteed.
The efforts of Serbian propaganda to encourage the notion of the partitioning of Kosovo are very dangerous and are an attempt to destabilise the whole region. In contrast, multi-ethnic democracies are the best solution for peace and stability in the Balkan region.
After the emphasis placed on the return of the refugees under the protection of an international military presence in Kosovo, consideration should also be given to a civilian presence with a political, institutional and social component (the OSCE, the Council of Europe, Unesco) to supervise the rebuilding of institutions and the administration and to organise local and general elections, a humanitarian component (UNHCR, the Red Cross, Unicef) to begin to stabilise Albanian family life, and an economic component (the European Union, the United States, the G7 and so on) to deal with the economic reconstruction of the country.
Only when this multiple international presence – this “international authority” or “international protectorate”, depending on the development of political, institutional, social and economic life in Kosovo – has been guaranteed will we be able to talk about a stable political solution, in accordance with the principles of international conventions and the processes of European integration and interdependence.
Ladies and gentlemen, the Albanian nation attaches great importance to respect for the ideas and values of every nationality, peaceful coexistence, mutually beneficial co-operation, the concepts which strengthen the family, respect for the environment, the economy, culture and freedom of thought. However, the efforts to ensure enjoyment of a normal life and human freedom, to protect nature and the environment, to eliminate spiritual pollution and to defend sound family units, which are the very basis of society, must be properly organised at national, regional and international level and demand strong, unprejudiced collaboration and – in the Balkans, more than anywhere else – greater economic, political and cultural co-operation.
The rapid changes likely in the international climate, the development of financial/political instruments and the guarantees established for political and human rights, in particular the right to security, mean that it is essential to adapt and reform the structures that will have to deal both with the world’s present-day challenges and with those of the coming decades in terms of terrorism, organised crime, ethnic and religious genocide, and so on.
It is true that a certain lack of efficiency in procedures and actions is part of the price that must be paid for democracy if authoritarianism, unfettered power and arbitrariness are to be avoided. Nevertheless, it is possible to give concrete expression to democratic principles and laws through practical and dynamic action designed to prevent abuses of fundamental human rights fuelled by unreasonable attitudes, personal or national /nationalistic interests, archaic ideas inherited from the cold war or traditional spheres of influence.
Such action would help to increase public confidence in international and European institutions, while also strengthening these bodies’ authority, which is so important to the peaceful future of humanity.
I think Albert Camus was right to stress that, when there are no principles, rules should be established, but I have the impression that the reverse should have been applied to the main European and international institutions, given the changes that have occurred over the last ten years and those which are likely to take place in the years ahead. Most European and international institutions must therefore proceed in the opposite manner: they are overloaded and suffocated by rules, and they must get back to or renew their principles.
In the final analysis, what matters is what works, as no lesson in perfect democracy can be given and we have to weigh up the extreme difficulties that European institutions have in adapting to the demands of efficiency, accountability and démocratisation. To this end, it is essential to develop a new policy to give fresh momentum to structures that have often become unwieldy and bogged down in protracted procedures, superfluous in certain of their stances and impotent in terms of defence and security.
I also believe that the institutions, the policies and the budgetary resources have not been properly adapted for the planned eastward enlargement. There is, therefore, an urgent need for reforms to make sure that inertia does not gain the upper hand over dynamism. Of course, the “clean sweep” approach has been dropped, but the slow and complex approach with its ambiguous and tortuous results based on the lowest common denominator offers very little hope of real success or of better reconciling two complementary but contradictory objectives, namely démocratisation and effectiveness.
In my opinion, it is necessary to improve the decision-making process and to do more to guarantee democratic methods of action and efficiency, which should primarily be sought in the simplification of procedures and in clear and concrete positions. The example of Kosovo clearly illustrates this. Honourable members, all of our efforts to achieve democracy and progress have consistently received – and will continue to receive – assistance from our foreign partners, including the Council of Europe.
In connection with this co-operation and its aspects, I would stress that, on our path forward, the criteria of democracy must not and, indeed, cannot be built on individual, spontaneous or accidental interpretations nor on local parameters, but should be based on analytical and universal parameters that are not only national but also international in nature. Indeed, it would be no exaggeration to say that bringing about an unbalanced “equilibrium”, which might undermine the great foundations of democracy – namely respect for the law and institutions, the independence of the latter, and the principles embodied in international charters – would be fraught with consequences both for the present and for the future.
In their essence, these foundations are imbued with the principle of liberty for all. Neither the Albanians of Albania, Kosovo or other countries nor any other people in the world should be excluded from these great general principles of human society. Mechanical borrowing of other countries’ models cannot be assured of success if it does not allow for local conditions or is not founded on specific political, social or economic principles. We must therefore try not to undermine other major principles, but to leave the latitude needed for progress, thereby contributing to local and regional stability and normality.
Moreover, while it may prove to be a solution of the moment, the policy or, more exactly, the diplomatic approach of equal responsibility – the striking of an unjustified balance – even in its “democratic” form, only serves to keep conflicts alive, either in the open or in latent form, and revives – or delays settlement of – the problems, making the human and material costs all the greater. I think that the example of Kosovo speaks volumes in this regard.
A preventive, pragmatic and transparent policy concentrating on detail, which ensures clarity with regard to responsibility, better serves the future of cohesion, integrity and development with no backsliding, while also countering and unmasking any speculation or demagogy in politics, consolidating the values of civilisation and boosting fruitful co-operation with regional, European and international institutions, including, in particular, the Council of Europe. The effects produced to date have been encouraging, and for this reason, I should like once again to express the thanks and gratitude of the people and State of Albania to the Council of Europe.