Sali

Berisha

President of Albania

Speech made to the Assembly

Wednesday, 6 May 1992

Mr President, Madam Secretary General, ladies and gentlemen, may I take this opportunity to express my immense gratification at the signal honour you have conferred on me by inviting me to visit Strasbourg, the city of freedom which stands for European union, and by asking me to address the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which represents and symbolises the future political union of our community of nations. I am also very pleased and honoured to be addressing you, distinguished members, as the representative of one of Europe’s oldest peoples which a month ago freely voted to set an irreversible course towards democracy.

I would also take the opportunity to thank the Parliamentary Assembly, the Secretary General, Mrs Lalumière, and the Council of Europe as a whole for their attention and highly effective assistance to democracy in Albania from the outset.

In the arduous history of the Albanian nation, the 1990s will be remembered as the years of transformations, upheavals, suffering and great victories. On 22 March the Albanians, by overcoming the communist government in Albania, scored one of the greatest victories in their painful history; because communism has indubitably been the most tragic political, social and economic experiment undergone by mankind.

It is a system wholly founded on oppression, violence and untruth. It promised to free mankind but denied the basic personal freedoms, bringing oppression and poverty in their stead. The system had more tragic consequences for the Albanians than did the communist system for all the other peoples of eastern Europe, and a renowned political figure of our time was quite right in saying that it takes an Albanian to understand the nature of communism. The reason is that the communist system displaced the Albanian people and isolated Albania from Europe.

I would point out at this juncture that Albania’s self-isolation, as other countries called it, was actually enforced isolation because it went against the free will and aspirations of the Albanians. The system gravely impaired the country’s culture and ruined its economy. Once a favoured land, Albania became the country of bunkers and starving children, untended sickness, mass expatriation and confusion, anarchy and organised crime. Communism was a merciless system.

I mention all this in order to remind you that our relative triumph with regard to the recovery of freedom and the establishment of democracy presupposes two phases coinciding in a single process, one destructive and the other constructive.

We have destroyed communism after being tormented beyond endurance; this is the destructive phase. We now have to build up our democracy and give it substance; this is the constructive phase. The success of this undertaking is crucial to our future.

As I hope and believe, the Albanians have understood that their effort, commitment and resolve are vital prerequisites for building a democratic state and system of government. Yet when I reflect that in everything we must go back to the beginning and start from scratch, the image of the phoenix reborn serves only to gratify poetic imagination. In the political sphere, in the formation and administration of the state, matters have a different complexion. This is why today we again appeal to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and to all democracies in Europe and throughout the world to assist and encourage Albania on its chosen path of freedom and democracy.

The establishment of democratic institutions and the operation of a state system founded on the rule of law currently represent the top priority for the democratic government. The new democratic parliamentary chambers and Government of Albania have committed themselves to an unrelenting effort to prepare a body of democratic legislation fully in keeping with the principles of the Helsinki Final Act, the Copenhagen Document and the Paris Charter. Our goal is to build a democratic state principally scaled to the human dimension, that is, fully observing the rights and freedoms of individuals whether Albanians or members of minorities, in respect of whom we shall also observe all the established international rules.

We are resolved to turn Albania into a country of free citizens, a democratic state whose policy of integration with Europe will further peace and stability in the region. The Parliamentary Assembly and the Council of Europe assisted the democratic elements at the transitional stage, but at present their help is vital to us and we trust that it will be increased. The foundation of a democratic state is without doubt in all Europe’s interest.

On 22 March the communist central power was indeed buried for good, but the chief enemy of democracy in Albania is the legacy of the dictatorship which we knew. Today this legacy is manifest in the deprivation, the poverty and the bunker landscape.

The state-controlled economy has been destroyed but not yet replaced by the market economy. Industrial output has been reduced by 50%, oil production by 45% and the mining of copper and chromium by 70% and 65% respectively. We have succeeded in privatising the ownership of land, but 40% of the area lies waste. The farmers are short of agricultural machinery, pesticides and so on.

The total volume of transport has fallen by 50%. Inflation is rising by 15 % per month and unemployment affects half the active workforce. The annual income of wage-earners ranges from 150 to 200 dollars. A ridiculous law which guarantees workers 80% of their wage without working is ruining the economy and we are determined to repeal it.

In view of these enormous problems, we are convinced that only drastic remedies can restore the financial stability and effect the radical liberalisation of our economy. We are working in close co-operation with the International Monetary Fund to finalise our programme. Our strategy is principally based on a rationale whereby unprofitable state enterprises are to be closed down while at the same time the private sector is to be encouraged by lifting price controls.

All these measures will make the people’s very difficult living conditions even worse. This is why we request the assistance of the Group of Twenty-four in maintaining and granting us humanitarian aid with foodstuffs until our production is adequate. Technical and financial assistance under a lease arrangement (the guest-worker programme) will reduce unemployment and at the same time increase the skills of the workforce. Stimulus to European investment in Albania will be greatly appreciated on our side.

We have plentiful natural resources and a workforce which represent a promising market. We intend to simplify foreign investment by means of laws to be passed shortly. The European countries must accept our products if we are to have any prospect of honouring our debts.

The whole bitter legacy of the past is such a serious threat to democracy in Albania that the case would not be overstated by saying that it confronts Albania with the dismal alternative of “to be or not to be” because, as history has repeatedly proved, a democracy which does not succeed in securing prosperity for its citizens is doomed to failure. We therefore consider that action by the Council of Europe and the European Communities will be required to rescue Albania and the new Albanian democracy from this dreadful legacy.

The Albanians currently form a nation which is split in two: some 3 million live in their age-old homeland in Yugoslavia, deprived of human and national rights. They are the only citizens on this continent who have never known free voting. They are being subjected to apartheid by the communist dictator Milosevic, whose policy of violence has made contention degenerate into warfare, causing great bloodshed and claiming countless victims in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and who has concentrated large armed forces in Kosovo, threatening the Albanian population with an absolute massacre.

The new Republic of Yugoslavia, a communist-type structure, cannot incorporate or be recognised by the Albanians. We hold that the recognition of a right to self-determination for the Albanians in Kosovo is a prerequisite for fair settlement of the crisis in the region. The Yugoslav crisis cannot be resolved without recognising the rights of the Albanians. Settlements imposed without regard to the free will of the people are unstable and artificial.

Furthermore, a large number of Albanians live in Macedonia. There are no exact figures, but they are believed to number between 700 000 and 900 000 people. We are in favour of the independence of the Republic of Macedonia, but it must respect all the individual and national rights and freedoms of the Albanians. The history of Europe has proved that a democratic country divided into self-governing districts is several times more stable than a country unified by pressure and dictatorship.

The new Albanian state is resolved to apply the policy of open doors and free movement for people, goods and ideas. The chief aim of this policy is Albania’s integration with Europe. This is also the greatest dream of the Albanians who, although they are among the oldest inhabitants of this continent, feel they are in a “to be or not to be” situation.

With their culture, one of the oldest, they have an undeniable contribution to make to present-day European civilisation.

Unfortunately, the communist occupation and the extreme isolation which it imposed have estranged Albania from Europe. This is why the watchword of the Albanians in carrying out their democratic revolution was “We want Albania to be like Europe”. This is why they are knocking at the gates of Strasbourg today. I hope and I am convinced that Europe will assist and encourage even the poorer peoples to direct their thoughts, faith and endeavours towards a life in a united Europe because, as the great historical figure Sir Winston Churchill stressed, “Thus and thus only will the glory of Europe rise again”. (Applause)