Georges

Vassiliou

President of the Republic of Cyprus

Speech made to the Assembly

Wednesday, 31 January 1990

Mr President, Madam Secretary General, members of the Assembly, ladies and gentlemen, please allow me first of all to extend my sincere thanks to you, Mr President, for the invitation to speak here today. Addressing the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly – the world’s first international parliamentary body – here in the European parliamentary capital of Strasbourg, is indeed an honour for both my country and myself.

The links between Cyprus and the Council of Europe are strong and of long standing. Cyprus joined the Council in May 1961, just six months after the declaration of independence of 1960, which ended centuries of domination of the island by foreign powers. By virtue of its rich cultural and historical heritage, fundamentally rooted in classical Hellenism, and enriched by a variety of other influences, Cyprus is an integral part of Europe, being its southern outpost in the Mediterranean and its natural stepping-stone to the Middle East. Lacking experience and tradition in self-governance, the fledgling Republic naturally relied to a considerable extent on the Council of Europe for inspiration and guidance, particularly in drafting a legal framework within which the new state’s sectors and institutions could function. After 1974, in particular, the Council played a significant role in the economic survival of the Cyprus Republic, through the assistance provided by the Social Development Fund.

In the all-important realm of ideas, the links between Cyprus and the Council of Europe can be traced back many centuries, via the body of humanistic principles and ideals which the Council was set up to defend and promote. Zeno the Stoic, one of the philosophers of classical antiquity whose doctrines are most closely associated with the origins of the code of human rights which the Council stands for, was a native Of Citium in Cyprus.

I must add that in delivering this speech today, I am somewhat uncomfortably aware that the ancient Greek thinkers, whose pioneering and imaginative exploration of the realms of spiritual values and physical nature laid the foundations of modern European philosophical and scientific thought, looked down upon written speech and its derivatives, such as the set speeches of politicians. As a mode of presentation of ideas, written speech was considered much inferior to purely oral discourse. That view is most bitingly and eloquently expressed by Plato in his Dialogues.

I hope that your judgment today will be kinder than Plato’s. However, the point that the great philosopher was making was that, while the spoken word is free to evolve and adapt to changing circumstances, the written word is a dead letter and as such only an artificial substitute for living thought. This view sprang in turn from the fundamental Greek belief that laws, whether pertaining to justice, morality or religion, need not be written. They were believed to represent, not a constraint to be imposed externally, but a liberating force springing naturally from man’s true, rational self. It was no coincidence that laws and constitutions were unwritten in the early Greek states, and in large part were codified in writing only once civic life began to decay and decline.

In our century, the ravages of two successive world wars all but destroyed any faith in the ideal of a peaceful and justly ordered world as the spontaneous product of human nature. Stranded amid the social and economic destruction wrought by the second world war, humankind felt a strong need to reiterate humanity’s written codes of behaviour, regulating relations between nations and safeguarding the sorely tried rights of the individual. The need was also felt for collective bodies to promote adherence to those codes.

The Council of Europe, the first intergovernmental political organisation to emerge after the second world war, was formed in answer to that need. Its main goal was to promote the unity of warring European nations on the basis of a cornmon body of European ideals which forms the core of a European identity. The liberty, equality and dignity of human beings, and the values of a pluralist democracy, stand out among these ideals.

As President Mitterrand so aptly put it in his speech before this Assembly last May:

“Europe’s identity, what gives our continent its impact in the world, rests on the values on the basis of which the Council of Europe has developed its action (...) the freedoms, all the freedoms; human rights, all human rights.”

We were all proud to join France in paying homage to those values last year during the celebrations for the bicentenary of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.

There could be no better demonstration of Europe’s common humanistic heritage than the breathtaking political changes which we are currently witnessing. Dramatic as they are, these changes are inherent in, and the natural consequence of, the humanistic principles which are the hallmark of European culture and education. Bound by the shared ideals of human rights and democratic rule, the European nations are moving towards unity under the single roof of the common European home, in which all may live in peace, mutual respect and prosperity.

Although these events have continental Europe as their epicentre, they are profoundly important for the whole of humanity. Not only have all major past wars originated in Europe, but the division of the continent following the second world war led to two sharply different approaches to all issues – political, economic, cultural or humanitarian. Most importantly, the dismantling of barriers such as the Berlin Wall, and the setting in motion of the process of democratic reform in a chain of European countries – peacefully in all except Romania – have demonstrated that even in the most seemingly rigid situation of conflict there is always room and hope for rapprochement and change for the better. This message is of particular importance and hope for Cyprus and its people, locked for a decade and half in a situation of imposed confrontation and division.

However, the current developments also have a dark side. This takes the form of the resurgence of nationalism, a force which in other eras and situations has played a constructive role in consolidating and safeguarding the rights of nations and peoples, but which today has taken on the destructive cast of chauvinism. We in Cyprus are particularly sensitive to this trend, for we have paid the price of chauvinism and know how high that price is. It is imperative that we all understand that chauvinistic nationalism is not patriotism, and that nothing good can come of seeking the prosperity and progress of one ethnic group to the detriment of another.

Extreme nationalism of this sort may be exacerbated by other problems besetting the transitional phase of reconstruction, particularly economic problems. As the Malta superpower summit confirmed, the cold war is over. A conscious effort must be made, however, if it is not to be succeeded by a hot war whose consequences would set Europe back, not years, but centuries.

I believe there is hope that we will avert the worst-case scenarios predicted by political Cassandras.

One very hopeful development is the move to establish a European bank to finance the reconstruction of Eastern Europe. However, the solution does not lie in budgetary aid alone; the • private corporate sector must supplement this assistance with direct investment, through joint ventures in particular, for only close economic co-operation at all levels can firmly cement the foundations of the common European home.

In addition to considering ways and means for co-operation and assistance in the economic field, dialogue is necessary to address future political co-operation.

We warmly support the proposal by the Soviet President, Mikhail Sergeievich Gorbachev, whose visionary metaphor of the common European home is now becoming a realistic prospect, for the holding of a “Helsinki II” conference, and hope that such a conference can be held as early as possible.

The Council of Europe, by virtue of its broad membership base, which spans the European Community and the European Free Trade Association, the neutral and non-aligned countries and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, could also provide a highly useful forum for addressing and debating the issues related to the process of European political and economic reconstruction.

The usefulness of the Council can extend even further, however. To pursue the metaphor of the common European home, in building any edifice one requires not only solid materials and skilled workmen but sound plans. There could be no better blueprint for these plans than the legal framework drafted by the Council of Europe over the years, for safeguarding the high European ideals of human dignity and democracy. Undeniably, the most important aspect of the Council’s work lies in the sphere of human rights. The Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the unique mechanisms of the European Court and Commission of Human Rights represent major milestones on the road to a more just world. However, the Council has also charted important ground in a plethora of other fields – social, economic, health, labour, cultural, legal and judicial, to name but a few.

Cyprus is actively involved in European institutions. We are a longstanding member of the Council of Europe; we enjoy a Customs Union Agreement with the European Community which represents the most advanced relationship between any third country and the European Community; and we are active members of the neutral and non-aligned group of countries, which played an important role in the Vienna negotiations on security and co-operation in Europe. Cyprus is thus committed, within the limits of its abilities and resources, to contributing as much as it can to the effort to build the common European home.

For the past fifteen and a half years, the Republic of Cyprus and its people have been suffering under a situation which constitutes a gross violation of international law, as well as of all existing codes and conventions for the respect of human rights, including the European Convention on Human Rights.

This situation is the result of the military invasion of the Republic of Cyprus by Turkey in 1974, using the coup staged by the Greek junta against the Cyprus Government as a pretext, and the seizure by force and occupation of approximately 40% of the Republic’s territory by the Turkish armed forces. Turkey continues to hold this territory today.

The island’s Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities remain forcibly segregated by a virtually impermeable military line which divides Cyprus in two. Greek Cypriots who were forced to flee from their homes and properties in 1974 are prevented from going back to them. In the occupied sector, there has been a concerted effort to change the demographic balance with the large-scale introduction of settlers from mainland Turkey. Cultural and religious monuments have been extensively pillaged and desecrated.

Turkey refuses to remove its troops from Cyprus despite numerous United Nations and Council of Europe resolutions calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Republic and an end to foreign interference in its affairs. Similarly, the rulings of the European Commission of Human Rights, before which Cyprus has sought recourse, that Turkey – a founding member of the Council of Europe – has violated fundamental articles of the European Convention on Human Rights in Cyprus, have fallen on deaf ears.

Here I should like to express our appreciation of the considerable amount of time and effort devoted by the Assembly to the Cyprus question. Apart from the withdrawal of Turkish troops, the Assembly’s resolutions have called for the safeguarding of the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus, and the return of refugees to their homes. There have been fact-finding missions on the refugees and missing persons, and, more recently, on the destruction of our cultural heritage. The Contact Group on Cyprus, which I am looking forward to meeting later today, has approached the problem seriously and responsibly.

I do not enumerate the findings against Turkey in order to indulge in a sterile exercise of condemning Ankara and dwelling on the past. I am a firm believer in looking towards the future, taking the past into account only to the extent necessary to avoid repeating its mistakes. Cyprus cannot move into an era of peace and justice without a conscious effort on the part of all those involved to forgive what must be forgiven, and forget what must be forgotten.

I therefore come here today not to cross swords with Turkey but to call upon it to live up to its responsibilities and obligations as a member of the Council of Europe and an aspiring member of the European Community, by working actively to help, not hinder, the effort to achieve a just and viable settlement for Cyprus.

As the Commission of the European Communities’ response to Turkey’s application for accession to the EEC has made clear, the Cyprus problem is one of the key obstacles to Turkey’s integration. Indeed, the sincerity and legitimacy of Turkey’s membership of any European organisation and institution based on respect for human rights and international law must always remain questionable as long as Cyprus continues to be partitioned and Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots forcibly segregated by the Turkish occupying forces.

It is, naturally, not for me but for the Turkish Government and people to decide what foreign policy best serves Turkey’s own interests. It is my own firm view, however, that both Turkish and European interests would be served if Turkey, having promoted a solution to the Cyprus problem based on European principles, were able to resume its proper place within the European family of nations. The benefits that Ankara would derive from such a development stand to be far greater than any imagined advantage which lies in maintaining its forces on Cypriot soil.

In this connection, I should like to reiterate my proposal for the immediate demilitarisation of Cyprus. The Cyprus Government undertakes to disband the national guard if Turkey will undertake to pull out its troops from the Republic’s territory. This will enhance the security of all parties and constitute a major step towards a settlement establishing a demilitarised federal republic in Cyprus. I also reiterate the offer to use the funds released from our disarmament for the development of Cyprus, and in particular of the Turkish-Cypriot community, which is lagging behind in the economic field.

The United Nations Secretary General has called a new meeting in New York between myself and the leader of the Turkish-Cypriot community, Mr Rauf Denktash, for substantive talks with the aim of completing a draft outline agreement on a federal Cyprus settlement.

The draft outline agreement is already long overdue. The two sides had agreed to move ahead with the completion of a draft last June. To assist them, the Secretary General put forward a set of non-binding ideas. Unfortunately, Mr Denktash proceeded to reject these ideas and interrupt the talks.

Our side has promptly accepted the Secretary General’s latest invitation. Mr Denktash, however, has not yet issued a clear-cut reply. We hope the eventual response will be positive, and that, in that event, Mr Denktash will adopt a more flexible and conciliatory attitude at the talks.

Much will depend on the stand of Turkey, which has so far supported Mr Denktash’s positions. When Turkey’s President, Mr Turgut Ozal, addressed this Assembly last September, at that time in his capacity as Prime Minister, he affirmed in his speech that European nations must co-operate on the basis of a shared body of ideals and values. He went on to stress that we “should be able to communicate with each other so that disputes are resolved by peaceful means”. Mr Ozal added later in his speech that “strict adherence to the internationally accepted norms of conduct concerning respect for human rights and the fundamental freedoms of the individual is the only basis on which we can build and promote stable international relations”.

I strongly second those views and say that if Mr Ozal were ready at this moment to translate his words into deeds, the Cyprus problem would find its immediate solution. I have repeatedly proposed that Mr Ozal and I meet to discuss face to face the problem of Cyprus, which is fundamentally that of the occupation of part of the Republic’s sovereign territory by Turkey. As many times the proposal has been side-stepped by Ankara, I repeat it here today. I call on Mr Ozal to sit down with me in good faith to discuss the resolution of the Cyprus problem in the new spirit of the times, and on the basis suggested by himself here only a few months ago for resolving disputes and achieving stable international relations – peacefully, and with due and full regard for human rights and international law.

A solution to the Cyprus problem is feasible. All it requires is acceptance of the basic European principles of human rights and democratic rule. At a time when Europe is making rapid strides towards integration, it is both tragic and anachronistic that in Cyprus, a member of the European family and of this Assembly, citizens should be dispossessed of their properties and face barriers to movement and settlement under a system of religious and ethnic discrimination imposed and maintained through armed force.

A viable and just Cyprus settlement cannot be based on a situation of apartheid, under which Cypriots are forcibly segregated on the grounds that Muslims and Christians, people of Turkish origin and people of Greek origin, cannot live together. Such segregation not only contradicts fundamentally Turkey’s own policy of integration with the European Community, but also constitutes a recipe for suspicion, resentment and conflict.

Long-term amity, peace and stability can only be based on a federal settlement founded on a philosophy of unity, not division.

We are committed to a united, federal Cyprus republic, consisting of two provinces, one to be administered by the Turkish-Cypriot community and the other by the Greek-Cypriot community.

This federal republic of Cyprus must be free of foreign troops and settlers, and protected against unilateral rights of intervention. Above all, it must be a haven of full respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms, as well as the security, of all Cypriots, irrespective of ethnic origin or creed.

We call on our Turkish-Cypriot compatriots to work with us to bring justice and peace to Cyprus. Our common future cannot be built on conflict and division; to be secure, it must rest on the constructive foundations of co-operation and unity. We are encouraged by recent expressions of support for a federal settlement by those Turkish-Cypriot political forces which we believe represent majority opinion within the Turkish-Cypriot community, as well as by the increased contacts between ordinary Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in recent months in the new spirit of rapprochement. We add our voice to theirs, stressing that, as Cypriots sharing a common homeland, we have more common bonds than differences. By working together to develop the considerable economic potential of Cyprus, we can achieve security and prosperity for ourselves and our children.

We are firm in our commitment never to accept the status quo, which goes against every ideal and principle which this Assembly and the Council of Europe stand for. More than that, the principle at stake in Cyprus is of enormous significance not only in terms of the political future of the island, but in terms of the future shape of Europe and the world.

What stands to be decided in Cyprus is whether states made up of more than one community can survive as unified entities within secure boundaries, or whether they must fragment, with each ethnic community claiming the right to secede and form its own separate state, on the ground that that is the only way to safeguard its interests. We strongly believe that if the latter formula were to be applied, it would spell the end of Europe and the world as we know it today.

I have spoken about the Cyprus situation at some length, trying at the same time to show that it is relevant not only to the Cypriots but to the entire international community. This does not mean, however, that we in Cyprus are introspectively wrapped up in our problem alone. As I said at the beginning of my address, Cyprus is an integral part of Europe. As Europeans and as Cypriots, we feel strongly that it is incumbent on us, along with the other members of the Council of Europe, to do what we can to contain the dangers and reinforce the positive aspects of the political changes currently under way. We do not yet know precisely when and how we will arrive at the European confederation envisaged by President Mitterrand. What we do know, however, is that it is imperative to fight back the destructive forces of chauvinism and nationalistic strife and strive actively for integration and co-operation. It is up to us all to assume our share of responsibility in this endeavour for the common future of humanity – for a new Europe, and a new world.