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Doc. 11050
2 October 2006
General policy debate on the situation in the Balkans
Report
Political Affairs Committee
Rapporteur: Mr Mátyás Eörsi, Hungary,
Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
Summary
The year 2006 is a crucial year for the entire region which is witnessing significant developments, not least of which the recent independence of Montenegro and the beginning of the status talks on Kosovo.
The Assembly is deeply committed to address the situation in the Western Balkans as a whole being at the same time well-aware that each country bares its specificities. Nevertheless, it believes it is of paramount importance to initiate a platform of dialogue on the situation in the region.
The Assembly believes that, while the Western Balkan countries still have to address a significant number of shortcomings, it is also the duty of the international community, especially the Council of Europe and the European Union, to actively support these countries by recognising the progress achieved so far and their continued efforts for further improvement.
A. Draft resolution
1. The Parliamentary Assembly refers to Resolution 1453 (2005) on the Current situation in Kosovo, Resolution 1513 (2006) on the Constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Resolution 1514 (2006) on the Consequences of the referendum in Montenegro.
2. The year 2006 is a crucial year for the entire region of the Western Balkans, i.e. Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia (including Kosovo) and "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia". This region is witnessing significant developments not least of which the recent independence of Montenegro and the beginning of the status talks on Kosovo.
3. The Parliamentary Assembly trusts that these developments will contribute to further stabilisation, democratic progress and prosperity in the countries of the Western Balkans.
4. While the conflicts in the region have been pacified for seven years now, thanks to the presence of thousands of foreign troups, much remains to be done in a number of fields in order to pave the way for the further European integration of the countries of the region.
5. The Assembly believes that, while the Western Balkan countries still have to address a significant number of shortcomings, it is also the duty of the international community, especially the Council of Europe and the European Union, to actively support these countries by recognising the progress achieved so far and their continued efforts for further improvement.
6. Western Balkan countries are repeatedly criticised as far as their democratic development is concerned but the international community should assume its share of responsibility for lack of democratic development in the region. European institutions in particular should recognise that the Western Balkans is a key region for the whole continent and resolutely invest themselves in supporting democratic progress in the region and offer the countries clearer perspectives for European and EU integration.
7. The Assembly is concerned that if stronger interest is not shown by Europe in the Western Balkan region, there is a danger that the sentiment of marginalisation will continue to grow, leading to undesirable consequences.
8. The Assembly is fully aware that each country of the region has its own specificities which justify a targeted approach to each of them. However, it also believes that it is of paramount importance to initiate a platform for dialogue on the situation of the countries in the Western Balkans as a whole and wishes to initiate the first steps towards more regular discussions on the future of this region.
9. The Assembly believes that the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) is essential for establishing justice in all countries comprising the Former Yugoslavia and in helping to deal with the past and thus pave the way for future reconciliation among the people of the region and between neighbouring states. The relevant Western Balkan countries should thus ensure full co-operation with the ICTY, notably in the cases of Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. It considers it to be of the utmost importance that the ICTY concludes the examination of the ongoing cases in a reasonable time frame, allowing the families of the victims to come to terms with their past, while at the same time avoiding violations of the basic human rights of the indictees, including right to trial within a reasonable time.
10. In light of the above, the Assembly resolves to continue to follow closely the situation in the countries of the Western Balkans and report on it as and when appropriate.
11. The Assembly resolves to step up its parliamentary assistance programme with Montenegro and Serbia and extend it to other countries of the region.
12. The Assembly invites its relevant committees to promote regional parliamentary co-operation in their respective fields of competence by organising meetings, conferences and seminars jointly with national parliaments.
13. The Assembly calls on the international community, in particular the European Union (EU) to:
13.1. define more clearly their strategy towards the countries of the Western Balkans;
13.2. offer better incentives and perspectives to the region;
13.3. recognise the efforts and achievements made so far by the countries of the region in their effort to establish democracy, the rule of law, the respect of human rights and good governance as well as their fight against corruption, organised crime and trafficking;
13.4. take more account of the domestic political challenges the countries in the region are facing;
13.5. increase their support to institution-building in the region through improved co-operation and support for Council of Europe programmes, namely in the field of the judiciary and law enforcement, in order to establish a strong rule of law, respect for human and minority rights but also for fighting corruption and other forms of organised crime;
14. Furthermore, the Assembly especially calls on the EU to:
14.1. liberalise its visa regime towards Western Balkan countries, by bringing in zero cost visas and allowing in a first instance their citizens to travel to the ten new EU member states, welcoming at the same time the European Council conclusions of 15-16 June 2006, to the effect that negotiation mandates for visa facilitation and readmission agreements will be adopted as soon as possible;
14.2. encourage university exchanges and favour accession to the Bologna Process for all Western Balkan countries;
14.3. increase political co-operation to bring the Western Balkan region together;
14.4. prolong the presence of High EU representatives in the region;
14.5. take the opportunity of the handover of the international presence from UNMIK to the EU in Kosovo to demonstrate the EU’s commitment to the region;
14.6. following the decisions of the European Council of Thessaloniki, offer a clear perspective of EU integration to Western Balkan countries by putting forward realistic strategies for enlargement, thus gaining legitimacy in the region by integrating those countries into the EU process;
14.7. set a clear timing for EU integration.
15. The Assembly calls on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to invite, as a matter of urgency, the remaining Western Balkan countries not yet part of the Partnership for Peace (PfP) to join it so as to ensure security in the region.
16. The Assembly calls on the countries of the Western Balkan region to :
16.1. pursue their efforts in complying with all the obligations and commitments set out by the Council of Europe for its member states in terms of democracy, the rule of law and respect of human rights and pursue the full implementation of the Standards for Kosovo;
16.2. endeavour to create all the preconditions conducive to the signature of Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) with the European Union in the nearest possible future for the countries not having signed a SAA so far;
16.3. prove credibility in their endeavour to condemn war crimes and in providing tangible proof of their co-operation with the ICTY;
16.4. focus on regional and local cooperation in the region, as set out in the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, by enhancing existing regional initiatives and partnerships and extending them to all countries neighbouring the Western Balkan countries;
16.5. increase regional parliamentary co-operation;
16.6. address with the greatest attention the issue of Internally Displaced Persons and refugees;
16.7. ensure full protection to minorities living or returning to their territory;
16.8. combat organised crime and illegal immigration into other countries of Europe;
16.9. join the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), if they have not done so yet, in order to start economical co-operation among themselves.
17. Finally, the Assembly decides to invite its Political Affairs Committee to follow the situation and report on it when appropriate.
B. Draft recommendation
1. Referring to its Resolution …. (2006) on the General policy debate on the situation in the Balkans, the Parliamentary Assembly reiterates the historical role of the Council of Europe in improving good governance, strengthening democracy and the rule of law, raising human rights standards and improving the protection of national minorities in Europe. The Assembly is convinced that a similar role should be played as regards the Western Balkan region.
2. Similarly, the Assembly believes that the Council of Europe should play a more active role in the region.
3. The Assembly therefore asks the Committee of Ministers to:
3.1. pursue the monitoring of accession commitments and obligations, also with a view to providing support to further progress and improvement of the functioning of democratic institutions, the rule of law and respect for human rights;
3.2. step up its programmes of assistance to the countries of the region;
3.3. extend its presence, activities and visibility in the region;
3.4. consider the appointment of a special representative for the Western Balkans.
C. Explanatory Memorandum, by Mr Eörsi, Rapporteur
I. Introduction
1. The following report will have as its focus the region of the Western Balkans. When referring to this region, I include the following countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia (including Kosovo) and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (called hereafter Macedonia).
2. The year 2006 is a crucial year for the entire region which is witnessing significant developments not least of which the recent independence of Montenegro and the beginning of the status talks on Kosovo. The past months have also seen the pursuit of EU Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina; the EU Commission’s intention to ask for a new mandate in order to continue negotiating separately a SAA with Montenegro; Serbia, unfortunately, has seen its SAA negotiations temporarily suspended since May. Albania, on its part, marked a major step in its co-operation with the EU by signing a SAA in June. Croatia and Macedonia continue under the umbrella of candidate status.
3. It is my firm belief that while the Western Balkan countries still have to address a significant number of shortcomings, it is also the duty of the international community, especially the Council of Europe (CoE) and the EU, to actively support these countries by recognising the progress achieved so far and their continued efforts for further improvement.
4. Western Balkan countries are repeatedly criticised as far as their democratic development is concerned but the international community should assure its share of responsibility for lack of democratic development in the region. European institutions in particular should recognise that the Western Balkans is a key region for the whole continent and resolutely invest themselves in supporting democratic progress in the region and offer the countries clearer perspectives for European and EU integration.
5. I believe that the Assembly should not be afraid to show itself critical towards actions undertaken by the international community, including the CoE, in the Western Balkan countries. It is our duty to ask questions, put our European role into perspective and really ask ourselves how can Europe contribute to the lasting stability in the Western Balkans? How can Europe contribute to the region’s political and economic stabilisation? What changes are required in the way the CoE and the EU view the problems in order to identify more appropriate strategies?
6. My task as Rapporteur for this report was not an easy one considering I received my mandate the last week of June to present my report in the first week of October. While ideally, I would have wished to meet with the authorities of all the countries concerned along with international actors working in the region, it has to be said that due to different factors, among which time constraints and summer break in the parliaments, I have only been able to carry out one fact-finding visit on 8 September to Belgrade. I should also underline that on September 1, the Hungarian Parliament and the International Centre for Democratic Transition held a Conference on the civil society’s views on the future of the Western Balkans.
7. I am fully aware that each country of the region has its own specificities and pursues its own pace towards EU integration, which justifies a differentiated and flexible approach to each of them, it is nevertheless of paramount importance to initiate a platform for dialogue on the situation in the Western Balkans as a whole. This debate should be considered as a first step towards more regular discussions in the future on the Western Balkan region in our Assembly.
II. The international community’s involvement in the Western Balkan region
8. It is my impression that the Western Balkan countries are no longer a priority for major international actors. Indeed, the EU is putting forward its argument of “accession fatigue” as a justification to slow down its involvement in the region, thus blurring to some extent its engagement taken in Thessaloniki in 2003, to set an agenda for Western Balkan to move towards the EU. As far as the USA is concerned, it is rather clear that it shows no real interest in the region and is downscaling its involvement. This is clear from the fact that the USA’s five-year spending on the Balkans equals five months’ spending on Iraq1.
9. The region has been pacified for seven years now and tremendous progress has been achieved in less than a decade. Most countries of the region are still in transition and thus need help and attention from the European community and should not be marginalised. It is therefore of utmost importance for the CoE to increase its involvement in the region and for the EU to propose realistic strategies for enlargement and EU integration as an incentive for reform in these countries.
10. It is also important that the international community, when drawing out international agreements targeted at the region, provides a long-term vision. For instance, the Dayton agreements were good to stop the bloodshed but dramatically failed in carrying out a long-term vision.
11. If Europe does not show more interest and better political commitment in the Western Balkans it might be faced with a growing sentiment of marginalisation which could lead to undesirable consequences. Our common aim should be to seek a stable Western Balkan region and avoid falling in a new cycle of instability. Europe should also understand its interest in having a stable Balkan region as a neighbour.
12. The international community should learn lesson from errors committed in the past and would be well advised to listen closer and aim at understanding the domestic political challenges the countries face. In that respect, it can only be deplored to notice that it took the international community so long to really acknowledge efforts Western Balkan countries were putting forward towards democratic reforms. It took the tragic assassination of Zoran Djindic for the international community to finally wake up to its responsibilities.
13. Europe also needs to put more emphasis on its common values and promote them in the region.
a) CoE
14. The CoE is very present and active in the region by focussing its attention on ensuring that the highest European standards are integrated and applied in the region – thus assisting the countries on their path towards EU membership.
15. It encourages regional co-operation in all of its manifestations: through initiatives such as the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, the South East European Co-operation Process (SEECP), through punctual programmes designed to create practical co-operation between countries in key areas such as the fight against corruption and organised crime, money laundering, but also cultural heritage, history teaching, transfrontier co-operation and others.
16. It also strives to offer an appropriate framework to discuss the most sensitive and painful questions related to facing the past and by that mean encourages the first steps of a possible reconciliation work for countries that have known conflict and loss.
17. Yet, the CoE should go further in its involvement in the region by:
• stepping up its programmes of assistance to the countries, among others its parliamentary assistance programme with Montenegro and Serbia which should be equally extended to other countries of the region;
• pursuing the monitoring of accession and obligations in view of providing support to further progress and improvement of the functioning of democratic institutions, rule of law and respect for human rights;
• extending its presence, activities and visibility in the region;
• appointing a special Balkan representative who could address the issues and problems of the region as a whole and not only on a country-by-country approach in order to foster dialogue among the countries and also increase better understanding by other Member States of the situation in the region.
b) EU
18. Maintaining the European perspective for the countries of the Western Balkans is an important incentive for the continuation of difficult reforms in the region. The EU should thus strive to define more clearly its strategy towards the Western Balkans and be very cautious when it argues that it is slowing down its pace of enlargement due to the so-called “absorption capacity”. It is my impression that this argument can lead to a serious distancing of the countries in the region from the EU and thus, would hinder a long-term stability in the region. It is important for the EU to honour the pledges it has already made towards the region.
19. I also wish to express my concern towards the recent statements made by leading European officials, namely Chancellor Merkel, Prime Minister de Villepin and President of the EU commission Mr Barroso, who declared that the EU would not be in a position to address more promises to further EU enlargement before the institutional crisis within EU structures is solved. This would send a very bad signal to our Western Balkan neighbours who might see this as an indefinite postponement of their EU integration and thus deprive them of any strong motivation to carry out much needed internal reforms.
20. It is very much to be hoped that Germany will soften its position towards Western Balkan integration in view of its next EU Presidency. Indeed, Germany should take the lead in offering the Balkans a clear EU perspective and should not repeat the errors of the Austrian Presidency which lacked efforts in driving forward the integration process. Repeated errors could only be viewed as a reflection of the EU’s current incapacity to act and would most certainly be detrimental to the EU’s legitimacy.
21. This being said, I believe that the EU should nevertheless not waver in its attention to the Western Balkan countries. EU integration should clearly be the target and to that extent positive signals should be sent by the EU to the region. The most pressing one is undoubtedly the liberalisation of visa regimes for these countries. The European Council last June concluded that negotiation mandates for visa facilitation and readmission agreements will be adopted as soon as possible. This conclusion must not only be a promise but soon materialise into action. Visa liberalisation will be one of the best ways to integration.
22. Liberalisation of visa regimes could also facilitate, for young professionals and students, access and contact to European educational institutions. A mechanism could also be sought to favour accession to the Bologna process to all Western Balkan countries and thus give the chance to youngsters to develop European values. The number of people who would get better education could only improve the functioning of numerous administrations.
23. The EU’s presence in the region plays a key stabilising role and it is my view that prolonging the presence of High EU representatives is still crucial considering the changes the region is going through at the moment. It is also of vital importance that those senior EU politicians communicate better the EU’s policies in the field, through local media for example. Political visibility among the citizens of the country is needed.
24. The EU should also increase its support to institution building in the region through improved co-operation and support, financially and politically, of CoE programmes, namely in the field of the judiciary and law enforcement, in order to establish a strong rule of law, respect for human and minority rights and also for fighting corruption and other forms of organised crime.
c) North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)
25. While it is commonly acknowledged that the Western Balkan countries need to pursue their efforts in reforming their military, it should also be understood that, in order to strengthen common security and contribute to international peace, NATO should invite the countries not yet part of the Partnership for Peace (PfP) to join it as a matter of urgency.
26. First steps in that direction can be welcomed and encouraged such as the signing of Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with some countries of the region.
d) International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)
27. The ICTY is of considerable importance and essential for establishing justice in all countries comprising the Former Yugoslavia and in helping to deal with the past and thus pave the way for future reconciliation among the people of the region and the neighbouring states. It is also important that the ICTY concludes the examination of the ongoing cases in a reasonable time frame, allowing the families of the victims to come to terms with their past, while at the same time avoiding violations of the basic human rights of the indictees, including right to trial within a reasonable time. Pre-detention periods should be, to the most possible extent, limited to one year as it is the case in many European States. This might also avoid being trapped in the situation where indictees decease before they are eventually sentenced.
III. State of play in the Western Balkan region
28. The international community and especially Europe has indeed much room for improvement in its involvement and strategies towards the Western Balkans. However, the region itself also bears its share of duties on the path to European integration. First and foremost, the Western Balkan countries should carry out the reform process they have embarked on.
29. I am fully aware that it is not possible to make a general statement on the current situation and future developments in the region in general due to each country’s particularity. Nevertheless, common challenges on the road to the consolidation of democracy and European integration can be underlined, namely:
• reforming the political systems and establishing democratic and rule-of-law structures;
• constitutional reforms in order to resolve institutional problems;
• combating corruption, organised crime and trafficking;
• establishing a truly independent judiciary;
• strengthening public administration and State institutions;
• increasing respect for minority rights, through reconciliation and among different sectors of society. Countries should ensure protection to minorities living on their territory as well as ensure their effective participation in the local and national civic political life;
• addressing with the greatest attention the issue of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees;
• facing the past and coming to terms with the recent past of the region which would not only allow meeting the rightful demands of the victims of crimes but also would contribute to the regional stability in a wider context;
• ensuring co-operation with the ICTY;
• countering rising nationalism and the expanding role of religion in State affairs;
• ensuring elections meet European standards;
• increasing democratic culture in the political parties.
30. There is still a great need to ensure that the values of the CoE are firmly anchored and deeply rooted in the region’s civil society, judiciary and democratic institutions. CoE membership of the countries of the region is an important element in achieving this, but greater effort of presence, political and legislative as well as training, capacity building and participation in the areas of the CoE is required.
31. Western Balkan countries, member states of the CoE, should pursue their efforts in complying with all the obligations and commitments set out by the CoE in terms of democracy, rule of law and respect of human rights. A functioning democracy is a pre-condition to further improvement.
32. Montenegro, not yet part of the CoE since its independence but having applied for membership to the CoE, should carry out an intense and fruitful co-operation with the CoE concerning the major challenges ahead, such as strengthening its institutions, ensuring good governance and proving to be a viable and well-functioning democracy capable of existing as an independent and sovereign state and to aspire to full integration into the European families of democracies.
33. The development of civil society and the stabilisation of the political and economic systems can only be successful in combination with regional co-operation, the prospect of EU accession, and a state which is close to citizens.
34. Regional and local co-operation, as set out in the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, should be developed by enhancing existing regional initiatives and partnerships and extending them to all countries neighbouring the Western Balkan countries. The long-term priority areas for regional co-operation should be: economic development, infrastructure, justice and home affairs, security co-operation, building human capital and parliamentary co-operation.
35. The region still has a long way to go before it achieves lasting stability. The EU perspective could offer an important incentive for democracy-building and legal reforms. “Accession fatigue” within the EU should not discourage Western Balkans’ efforts in the right direction. On the contrary, Western Balkan countries could counter this “accession fatigue” and change the EU’s attitude towards the region and its integration capacity by proving that they can show greater responsibility and equally, by questioning the credibility of their leadership and their will to really work towards the EU.
IV. Conclusion and recommendations
36. I have included my recommendation in the preliminary draft texts attached to this report. I would like, however, to make some final remarks concerning the situation in the Western Balkans:
a) The CoE must pursue and increase its help in Western Balkan countries in order to build integrated multi-ethnic and democratic societies and help establishing a profound rule of law system. The democratic perspective which the CoE is offering may not be the easiest but is certainly the surest way to achieve European integration of the Western Balkans we all want to see fully accomplished.
b) The PACE must especially increase its links with national parliaments so as to assist them in improving their work. In that spirit, it shall resolve to pursue and step up its existing Programme of parliamentary assistance to Montenegro and Serbia adapting it to its specific needs and extending it to other Western Balkan countries.
c) The need for close regional ties between the countries of the region is essential. In order to ensure sound and fruitful co-operation with outside actors, there is a need, first, for a sound internal development in the Western Balkan countries. The creation of ownership among the countries and people of the region is equally important for them to be aware that they hold their own destiny.
d) Ensuring sustainability of the regional co-operation processes is the joint responsibility of both the countries of the region and the international community. There is a continuing need for a framework for further promoting and developing regional co-operation that would facilitate Euro-Atlantic integration.
e) Western Balkans countries must demonstrate their clear commitment to be in line with European standards and strive to pursue their reform efforts in that direction. No external factors should impede or discourage these efforts.
f) Trafficking in human beings remains a crucial problem to be addressed by both the international community and the Western Balkan countries. Indeed, more co-operation between the countries of origin of trafficking, the countries of destination and the countries of transit should be sought. It is a general problem and should be widely addressed. To that aim, parliaments of the Western Balkan region should ratify with urgency the CoE Convention against trafficking in human beings.
g) The EU should seek increased co-operation, financially and politically, with the CoE in the field of the latter’s co-operation with Western Balkan countries which are, for the majority, all CoE member states, with the exception of Montenegro which has submitted a request for accession and which the PACE is currently examining.
h) The EU’s increased implication in the Western Balkan region and EU integration perspective is one of the best ways forward to guarantee stability in the region. The EU should be vigilant in not discouraging the Western Balkan countries efforts of democratisation. The EU will gain legitimacy only if it proves it has a sound integration policy for the Balkans.
i) The EU should orchestrate its policies with other actors of the international community in the field.
j) This general policy debate on the situation in the Western Balkans is the first of its kind in our Assembly. It should be seriously addressed and seen as the PACE’s deep commitment to the Western Balkan region. I very much hope that this will only be the first step to wider and more frequent debate on the region in the future.
APPENDIX I
Programme of the conference organised by the
International Centre for Democratic Transition (ICDT) and the Hungarian Parliament
1st September 2006, Budapest
“Credibility of European Integration”
Speakers:
- Nicholas WHYTE, Europe Programme Director, International Crisis Group
- Jovan RATKOVIC, President’s Office, Serbia
- Aleksander MATOVSKI, former national security advisor to Mr. Buckovski
- Sonja LICHT, President and founder, Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence, member of ICDT’s International Board
09.00 – 10.00 Western views by Nicholas WHYTE
10.00 – 10.30 Coffee break
10.30 – 11.30 Balkan views by Sonja LICHT
11.30 – 12.30 Uncertain Statuses and Integration by Jovan RATKOVIC
12.30 – 13.00 Aleksander MATKOVSKI: Why Was the Promise of Integration Not Enough?
13.00 – 14.30: Lunch
14.30 – 17.00: What can be done? Immediate steps, necessary changes in EU strategies. Discussion led by Sonja LICHT
APPENDIX II
Programme of the Rapporteur’s visit to Belgrade (Serbia), 8 September 2006
Thursday, 07 September 2006
23:40 Arrival from Frankfurt
00:30 Accomodation in hotel “Balkan”, Prizrenska 2
Friday, 08 September 2006
10:00 Briefing by the staff members of the Council of Europe Office in Belgrade
Venue: Hotel Balkan, Prizrenska 2
10:45 Departure to the National Assembly of Serbia
11-11:30 Meeting with Mr. Predrag Markovic, Speaker of the Parliament
Venue: National Assembly, Trg Nikole Pasica 13
11:45-12:20 Sightseeing of the Parliament House
Venue: National Assembly, Trg Nikole Pasica 13
12:30-13:20 Meeting with Ambassador Dejan Sahovic, Acting Head of Directorate General of Multilateral Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Venue: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kneza Milosa 26
13:30-15:00 Working lunch hosted by Mr. Milos Aligrudic, President of the National Delegation of the Parliament of Serbia to PACE
Venue: Parliament of Serbia, Kralja Milana 14
Meeting with the representatives of NGOs
Venue: CoE Office in Belgrade, Sindjeliceva 9
15:15-16:15 Meeting with Ms. Sonja Licht, Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence and with Ms. Jadranka Jelincic, Fund for an Open Society
16:15-17:00 Meeting with Ms. Renne Traicova and Mr. Mladen Momcilovic, NDI
17:00-17:45 Meeting with Ms. Sandra Orlovic, Humanitarian Law Center
17:45-18:45 Meeting with Mr. Miljenko Dereta, Civic Initiatives, and Mr. Aleksandar Popov, Centre for Regionalism
Saturday, 09 September 2006
14:00 Departure to Belgrade airport “Nikola Tesla”
15:15 Departure to Vienna
* * *
Reporting Committee: Political Affairs Committee.
Reference to Committee: Decision of the Bureau
Draft resolution and draft recommendation unanimously adopted by the Committee on 02 October 2006
Members of the Committee : Mr Abdülkadir Ateş (Chairman), Mr Konstantion Kosachev (Vice-Chairman), Mr Zsolt Németh (Vice-Chairman), Mr Giorgi Bokeria (Vice-Chairman), Mr Miloš Aligrudić, Ms Birgir Ármannsson, Mr Giuseppe Arzilli, Mr Claudio Azzolini, Mr Miroslav Beneš, Mr Radu-Mircea Berceanu, Mr Gerardo Bianco, Mr Alexandër Biberaj, Mr Luc Van den Brande, Ms Beáta Brestenká, Ms Anna Čurdová, Mr Noel Davern, Mr Dumitru Diacov, Mr Michel Dreyfus-Schmidt, Mr Adri Duivesteijn, Ms Josette Durrieu, Mr Mikko Elo, Mr Joan Albert Farré Santuré, Mr Per-Kristian Foss (alternate: Mr Vidar Bjřrnstad), Mr Jean-Charles Gardetto, Mr Charles Goerens, Mr Daniel Goulet, Mr Andreas Gross, Mr Jean-Pol Henry, Mr Joachim Hörster, Mr Renzo Innocenti, Mr Ivan Ivanovski, Mr Tadeusz Iwiński (alternate: Mr Andrzej Grzyb), Mr Elmir Jahić, Mr Miloš Jeftić, Mr Oleksandr Karpov, Mr Oskars Kastēns, Mr Yuriy Kostenko, Ms Darja Lavtižar-Bebler, Mr Göran Lindblad, Mr Younal Loutfi, Mr Mikhail Margelov, Mr Tomasz Markowski, Mr Dick Marty, Mr Frano Matušić (alternate: Mr Miomir Žužul), Mr Murat Mercan, Mr Jean-Claude Mignon, Mr Marko Mihkelson (alternate: Mr Andres Herkel), Ms Nadezhda Mikhailova (alternate: Mr Ivan Ivanov), Mr Mirzazada, Mr Joāo Bosco Mota Amaral, Ms Natalia Narochnitskaya (alternate: Mr Ilyas Umakhanov), Ms Carina Ohlsson (alternate: Mr Pär Axel Sahlberg), Mr Boris Oliynyk, Mr Theodoros Pangalos, Ms Elsa Papadimitriou, Ms Porteiro Garcia (alternate: Mr Julio Padilla), Mr Christos Pourgourides, Mr Gordon Prentice , Mr Gabino Puche, Mr Lluís Maria de Puig, Mr Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando, Lord Russell-Johnston (alternate: Denis MacShane), Mr Peter Schieder, Mr Ingo Schmitt, Mr Adrian Severin, Ms Hanne Severinsen, Mr Samad Seyidov, Mr Leonid Slutsky, Mr Michael Spindelegger, Mr Rainder Steenblock, Mr Zoltán Szabó, Baroness Taylor of Bolton (alternate: Lord Tomlinson), Mr Mehmet Tekelioğlu, Mr Tigran Torosyan, Mr José Vera Jardim, Ms Biruté Vesaité, Mr Varujan Vosganian, Mr David Wilshire, Mr Bart van Winsen, Mr Wolgang Wodarg, Ms Renate Wohlwend (alternate: Mrs Doris Frommelt), Mr Marco Zacchera (alternate: Mr Italo Bocchino), Mr Krzysztof Zaremba (alternate: Mr Karol Karski).
Ex-officio: MM. Mátyás Eörsi, Mats Einarsson,
N.B. : The names of the members who took part in the meeting are printed in bold
Head of the Secretariat : Mr Perin
Secretaries to the Committee: Mrs Nachilo, Mr Chevtchenko, Ms Pieter, Mrs Dadoun
1 « The Balkans at a Crossroads – Prospects for a Lasting Peace », Potsdam Spring Dialogues 2006 organised by the Development and Peace Foundation (SEF), Bonn, 16-18 March 2006.