1. Introduction
1.1. Report’s terms of reference and preparation
1. On 4 October 2010, on the proposal of its President,
Mr Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, the Bureau of the Parliamentary Assembly instructed
the Committee on Culture, Science and Education to prepare a report
on the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue. The committee
appointed me rapporteur in November 2010.
2. The President of the Assembly wished that the debate of the
Assembly on this report take place on Tuesday 12 April 2011 in the
presence of five senior religious personalities, to whom he addressed
personal invitations.
3. To accomplish the task entrusted to me, I sought assistance
from Professor Francis Messner (Director of Research at the CNRS
(Centre national de la recherche scientifique) PRISME-SDRE, University
of Strasbourg), which whom I had preliminary talks on 4 January
2011. I extend my sincere thanks to him for his contribution on
the place of religions in Europe and his contribution to our reflections
on the role of religions in the promotion of the fundamental values
upheld by the Council of Europe. I also asked the Registrar of the European
Court of Human Rights (“the Court”) if his staff could prepare a
synopsis of the Court’s case law on the right to freedom of religion
and belief. I am grateful to him for having replied in the affirmative.
The synopsis that he sent me covers key issues relating to the right
to freedom of religion and belief in a democratic society in the
case law of the European Court of Human Rights.
4. To complete the analysis, I believed it essential that our
committee be able to hear from senior representatives of various
religious faiths (Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant, Jewish and Muslim),
at a hearing, in order to hear their respective points of view on
the role of religion in promoting fundamental values in national religious
communities and more widely. To this end, the chairperson of our
committee convened an extraordinary meeting in Paris on 18 February
2011. The French National Assembly was kind enough to make its Lamartine
Room available.
5. The committee heard statements from: Mgr Nestor (Sirotenko),
Bishop, Diocese of Chersonèse, responsible for the administration
of the Moscow Patriarchate in France, Switzerland, Spain and Portugal
(also representing the Assembly of Orthodox Bishops in France);
Mgr Aldo Giordano, Permanent Observer for the Holy See to the Council
of Europe; Rabbi Alain Goldmann, Chief Rabbi of the Israelite Consistoire
of Paris (Chief Rabbi of Paris from 1980 to 1994); Pastor Claude
Baty, President of the French Protestant Federation; Mr Haydar Demiryurek,
Vice-President of the French Council of the Muslim Faith.
6. The committee invited them to provide elements of reply to
the following questions:
- How
does each community contribute to the safeguarding of fundamental
human rights and what are the major challenges and obstacles to
overcome for the action of different communities to produce further results?
- Which are the most fruitful areas of co-operation between
the different religious communities and harmony between them and
individuals and groups of non-believers?
- How can religious communities get the message over effectively
that a believer should never condone violence and hatred in the
name of religion?
- What do the religious communities expect from international
organs dealing with fundamental rights, and in particular from the
Council of Europe?
7. Other participants in the hearing were: Ms Işıl Karakaş, Judge
on the European Court of Human Rights (elected in respect of Turkey);
Ambassador Arif Mammadov, Permanent Representative of Azerbaijan, Chairperson
of the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers’ Rapporteur Group
on Education, Culture, Sport, Youth and Environment; Mrs Gabriella
Battaini-Dragoni, Director General of Education, Culture and Heritage, Youth
and Sport and Coordinator for Intercultural Dialogue (with whom
I also had the opportunity to talk with at a meeting on 7 February
2011); Mr David Pollock, President of the European Humanist Federation; Professor
Francis Messner. I should like to thank all the speakers for their
valuable contribution to our work.
8. Two more things need to be pointed out. Firstly, despite the
efforts made and the determination to consider in depth the many
questions raised, the very tight deadlines did not allow the rapporteur
and the committee to be absolutely thorough. We neither feel (nor
claim) that we have exhausted the topic, but consider that the report
forms a fresh stage in the work which our Assembly is conducting
in this area. Second, for the reason which I have just given, in
defining the scope of the report I avoided further reference to
several aspects relating to the question of the place of religions
in the public sphere and the concept of “secularity” which were the
subject of the report on state, religion, secularity and human rights
and of
Recommendation
1804 (2007). It is not an oversight, but a choice, and
a sequel to the report will probably have to be envisaged in this
direction too, given the continuing importance of these questions
in our states.
9. On the other hand, even though the emphasis – as the title
of the report requires – is on the religious dimension of intercultural
dialogue, I wanted to recall in the report that our societies must
gather together believers and unbelievers alike and that consequently
the input of the latter into the dialogue must not be discounted.
1.2. Issues and aim of the report
10. The Parliamentary Assembly has attached great importance
to religions and the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue
for a number of years; a wide range of specific issues related to
this subject has been covered by detailed studies, resulting in
numerous resolutions and recommendations.
Indeed, it is not really possible
to understand our pluralist societies, or face the challenges that
they present, without considering the meaning and consequences of
the encounters between cultures and beliefs with which these societies
are seething.
11. Intermingling of populations, cultures and beliefs is certainly
nothing new in Europe. On the contrary, it must be said that Europe
as we know it today is the result of multiple interactions between
populations whose cultures (in the general sense, including religious,
philosophical and secular beliefs) have met, clashed, mixed and
bonded throughout our continent’s history. However, the scale and
impact of this mixing is today unprecedented.
12. Unfortunately, cultural and religious diversity has become
a source of anxiety, fear and tension in Europe, and even more outside
the continent. Divisions have sprung up, which seem to have been exacerbated,
amongst other things, by the different visions of society offered
by each religion. We are confronted almost daily with problems of
understanding and more and more instances of intolerance, rejection and
violence, which destroy social cohesion and even stability and peace.
13. The Assembly has expressed its deep concern at the recent
attacks on Christian communities in the Middle East; in its
Recommendation 1957 (2011) it
firmly condemns the tragic attacks of October 2010 in Baghdad and
those of January 2011 in Alexandria. There are more and more such
tragedies. On 2 March in Islamabad, the Pakistani Minister for Minorities
Shahbaz Bhatti, a Christian, was killed; he was regularly under threat
for supporting an amendment to the clause of the Pakistani Blasphemy
Law which stipulates that blasphemy is punishable by death, and
condemning the violence and intimidation directed at the Christian minority.
On 4 March in the village of Soul near Cairo, during Muslim-Christian
violence instigated by an amorous relationship between a Christian
boy and a Muslim girl, the fathers of the two young people were
killed and the next day, after the funeral of the girl’s father,
a group of Muslims set fire to the village church. On 8 March, in
Cairo, new confessional clashes between Christian Copts and Muslims
left 13 people dead and some 140 injured.
14. We are profoundly shocked whenever – across the globe and
also in our Europe which upholds human rights – scorn and hatred
is heaped on particular persons or communities for their beliefs
and convictions and because they have manifested them. But today
it is not enough to analyse the tragic events which regularly make
the media headlines; it is not enough to dissect their causes and
make repeated calls for tolerance and dialogue. We must embark resolutely
on a new path, establish a new paradigm for living together and
root it in the minds of our peoples.
15. Each of us has to understand that we must all not only accept
the existence of different attitudes but also respect them when
they come into contact with our own. Pretending not to care is inappropriate;
feeling threatened is a mistake; isolationism is dangerous and irresponsible;
rejecting others in the name of some claimed identity or marginalising
them or, worse still, attacking them and wanting them removed, is
simply unacceptable.
16. A number of factors go into making up individual and collective
identities. Religion is only one of these factors, but when it is
present it assumes major importance. The UNESCO World Report Investing in Cultural Diversity and Intercultural
Dialogue (2009) exposes a resurgence of the question
of identities. The report notes that “[c]ulture and religion can
be seen to be intimately linked in this often conflictual affirmation
of separate identities”. It also points out that “[a]llied to political
activism, religious affiliations can be a powerful marker of identity
and a potential source of conflict” and that “religions run the
risk of being instrumentalised for other purposes, for example,
as vehicles for the promotion of ideological, political and/or economic
agendas”.
17. To counter the threat of conflict and confrontation rooted
in identity, and even the risk of a “clash of civilisations”, we
must encourage productive encounters between cultures and civilisations
as our weapon. As the President of the Assembly stated at the Council
of Europe’s last meeting on the religious dimension of intercultural
dialogue (Ohrid, 13-14 September 2010), it is not just the cohabitation
of different religions and cultures in our states and in Europe
that is at stake but also the coexistence of our European societies
with those of the world at large.
18. All those claiming a belief – including non-religious ones
– have to realise that it is their responsibility to encourage and
facilitate such encounters. The historical and sociological importance
that religions have enjoyed in Europe means that they have a particular
role and responsibility in developing and promoting a culture of
tolerance and understanding. All religious authorities should openly
and unreservedly condemn intolerance, discrimination, hate and violence:
religion and faith – like secular beliefs – should neither accept nor
justify attitudes dictated by contempt for others, and we must all
work to eradicate them.
19. Instead of emphasising what separates us, and running the
risk of creating more and more parallel societies, we should build
on what unites us. Our common aim must be an open and tolerant society
based on an ethic of respect for others and thus able to accommodate
anyone sharing this ethic – a society in which every individual
will not only be entitled but also be actually able to practise
his or her faith and live according to his or her beliefs whilst
respecting the rule of law and respecting people who take another
approach, whether religious or secular.
20. In this respect, I firmly believe that the fundamental values
of the Council of Europe can and must be the glue that binds us
together. The right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion
is one of these values, and we must safeguard it effectively. At
the same time, the freedom of religion of some believers cannot
be held up against the freedom of religion of others or against
the freedom of thought and conscience of adherents of a non-religious
view of the world. Nor can it be used as a pretext to justify interference
with other fundamental values. These are messages that have been
conveyed by the Assembly on many occasions.
21. Thus, already in its
Recommendation
1396 (1999) on religion and democracy, the Assembly stressed the
importance not only of guaranteeing freedom of belief and speech
for all citizens as laid down in the European Convention on Human
Rights but also of “safeguard[ing] religious pluralism” and “denounc[ing]
any attempt to foment conflict within and between religions”.
22. In its
Resolution
1510 (2006) on freedom of expression and respect for
religious beliefs, the Assembly emphasised that “hate speech against
any religious group is not compatible with the fundamental rights
and freedoms guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights”,
and it affirmed “its commitment to ensuring that cultural diversity
becomes a source of mutual enrichment, not of tension, through a
true and open dialogue among cultures on the basis of mutual understanding
and respect”.
23. In the same resolution, the Assembly stated the overall aim
in this respect of “preserv[ing] diversity in open and inclusive
societies based on human rights, democracy and the rule of law”
and called for “intercultural and interreligious dialogue based
on universal human rights, … with a view to promoting tolerance,
trust and mutual understanding, which are vital for building coherent
societies and strengthening international peace and security”.
24. Drawing on the Assembly’s earlier work, this report should
therefore aim to take further our joint reflection on how we can
all work in unison to achieve the goal of effectively safeguarding
the values which constitute the common foundation of European democracies.
25. Indeed, as the Assembly recently pointed out in its
Resolution 1743 (2010) on
Islam, Islamism and Islamophobia in Europe, the three monotheistic
religions “share the same historic and cultural roots and recognise
the same fundamental values, in particular the paramount value of
human life and dignity, the ability and freedom to express thoughts,
the respect for others and their property, and the importance of
social welfare. Those values have been reflected by European philosophies
and have been included in the European Convention on Human Rights.”
We must consider how these religions contribute now and can contribute
in the future to effective promotion and protection of these values,
as well as how we can work together more effectively and productively
to this end.
26. The complexity of the issues requires an in-depth analysis
of various aspects. Firstly, I believe we have to study the situation
of religions in Europe. The report thus offers a brief description
of the religious diversity that exists in our continent – and possibly
of the multiculturalism and religious pluralism in European societies today
– and underlines (once again) the contribution made by monotheistic
religious traditions (Christian, Jewish and Muslim) to European
culture. It also explains the various approaches to the relationship
between state and religion, as well as the types of regulation governing
this relationship.
27. One crucial aspect is the recognition of freedom of religion
as a fundamental right for both individuals and communities. The
report therefore contains an excursus on the case law of the European
Court of Human Rights on the right to freedom of religion (and thought
and conscience), which the Court holds to be one of the pillars
of a “democratic society” and a vital element in defining a believer’s
personal identity, but to which its case law also sets limits.
28. Lastly, the report explores the question of religions’ contribution
to the promotion and effective enforcement of the fundamental values
which are the common heritage of the peoples of Europe, based on
the recognition of human dignity by all religious beliefs (equal
dignity for all, without discrimination); and in this context the
report considers dialogue between religions as a possible tool for
developing a culture of openness and receptiveness to others and
for building a cohesive society together. The conclusions drawn
from this study point the way to some avenues to explore and propose
some concrete courses of action for achieving this goal.
2. The place of religion in European states
29. The Assembly has already noted the importance of
the religious element in European society. This importance stems
from the centuries-old historical presence of certain religions
in our continent and from their influence in European history.
The Assembly has also emphasised the
contribution made not only by Christianity but also by Judaism and
Islam to European culture and civilisation.
30. Looking at the trends of this religious phenomenon on our
continent, it can be observed that the religious institutions have
steadily lost their hold on state institutions and on society at
large, but it can also be noted that today Europe is endowed with
a multiple reality of beliefs and churches and that despite their
decline since the end of the Second World War and the secularisation
of our societies, religions continue to have a significant place
there and play a meaningful part for millions of European citizens
in all our states, which are thus prompted to establish a statutory
framework for their relations with the various religious communities.
2.1. Religions and European societies
2.1.1. Religions in Europe today
31. Many experts believe that Europe has been profoundly
influenced by what may be considered a decline in religious belief,
affiliation and practice.
The relationship between religious
groups and their members has changed dramatically and the influence
of religious institutions on their members is also on the wane.
32. Data from European surveys show “alienation of Europeans from
institutional religiosity”;
although the majority still
identify with one or other of the Christian churches.
33. Religious precepts are no longer taken for granted by society,
especially in the field of morals. There is a certain disaffection
concerning regular observance – weekly mass or worship – which have
in some cases been replaced by occasional intense assemblies.
Moreover,
belief has been unable to escape the prevailing climate of individualism;
subjectivity and pluralism have left their mark. A wide variety
of religions is now on offer and forms of belief also vary considerably
within each religion.
However
a greater degree of religiosity must be noted within minority religions,
such as Judaism and Islam, as well as an internal resurgence within Christianity.
35. The countries of western Europe can be classified in three
groups: those of Catholic tradition (notably Austria, Belgium, France,
Ireland, Italy, Portugal, Spain); those of Protestant tradition
(notably Denmark, Finland, Sweden); those with a blend (notably
Germany, Netherlands, United Kingdom).
36. Ireland’s pronounced religiousness is the legacy of the association
between Catholicism and the defence of the Irish identity against
the dominance of a Protestant England. The Netherlands, whose permissiveness
has been the most advanced, is where religious affiliation is weakest,
but also where non-institutional religious observance is the most
developed. It is no coincidence that France and Belgium, which have
built up a strong secularity, are among the least religious of the
Catholic countries today, the result of a highly conflictive past.
In Germany, where Catholics and Protestants once rivalled one another,
a degree of religious vitality has persisted in the western regions
where the Lutheran churches occupied an important place in society
and enjoyed social recognition, while the east has become the least
religious part of all Europe. In the Lutheran countries of northern
Europe, religious affiliation has remained very high but the status
of official religion may have led to religious devitalisation internally,
above all in Sweden where observance and belief are the lowest in
western Europe. As to the United Kingdom, it ranks among the least
religious countries, like the other European countries of earliest
industrialisation.
37. Eastern Europe bears a strong religious stamp in the Catholic
countries (Poland, Croatia, the Slovak Republic, Lithuania, Slovenia
to some extent), average (Latvia, Hungary) or slight (Czech Republic)
in the “blend” countries, slighter still in the countries of Lutheran
tradition (former East Germany, Estonia). In the Orthodox countries,
a strong contrast is found between deeply religious Romania, less
devout Bulgaria and irreligious Russia. Surprisingly, after decades
of communism, the proportion of “confirmed atheists” there is very
small (8% in Russia and the Czech Republic, 6% in Estonia and Bulgaria,
and elsewhere less), except in East Germany (20%) where de-Christianisation
is an old-established phenomenon.
38. Religion is also very strongly entrenched in Turkey, where
51.3% of people questioned describe themselves as “religious”, 47.9
% “very religious” and only 0.8 % consider themselves “not religious”.
39. Marked differences are also noted between the various nationalities
in the replies to the question on active religious observance (apart
from family events such as weddings, baptisms and funerals). In
western Europe, Germany included, 25% of people declare some religious
affiliation, stating that they attend at least one religious service
per week. Some 50% attend a religious service four times a year
at the most. Italians form an exception among western Europeans
with almost 40% of people questioned attending a religious service at
least once a week. In Sweden and Denmark, some 50% of people questioned
say that they hardly ever attend a religious service. Participation
in religion is stronger in central Europe where almost 40% of respondents
(even 60% in Poland) say they attend a service at least once a week.
40. In Turkey, private prayer is considered more important that
public observance, yet 65% of men nevertheless profess weekly participation
in Friday prayer as against 11% of women.
2.1.2. The influence of history
41. In Europe, the status accorded to religious faiths
in society, the role that they play there, and the legal arrangements
concerning them are inseparable from the history of European state
institutions.
42. In the Europe of the Middle Ages, the Catholic Church was
the cornerstone of western civilisation and society. The Great Schism,
the Reformation and the spread of Enlightenment ideas diminished
the power of the religious authorities and facilitated the emergence
of the principle that religion should be subordinate to the prince.
43. The Catholic Church did not accept this predominance of the
state and claimed separation and independence as a perfect and self-contained
ecclesiastic society equal to the state rather than an association or
group of persons within that state. The Protestant Churches, for
their part, were incorporated in the machinery of state and governed
by the prince. The Orthodox Churches advocated harmonious relations between
faith and power, known as “symphonia”; in reality, the Orthodox
Churches would usually identify with the national cause.
44. The cuius regio, eius religioprinciple (usually accompanied
by exploitation of religious institutions for the benefit of political
authority) was still in force in many states in the late 18th and
early 19th century but was gradually being undermined by claims
for religious freedom. This freedom was definitively confirmed at international
level in the 20th century with the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights.
45. Religions whose institutions have been shaped by non-European
cultures generally find it difficult to fit into the framework laid
down by European states. Muslim communities are at the centre of
the debate: Islam is gradually claiming its place in European states’
legislation on religion, but this religion has come up against particular
problems.
46. One major difficulty is linked to the relative inability of
Muslim communities independently to find a type of representation
that meets the requirements laid down by public authorities (guarantee
of permanence, believers’ recognition of representatives’ legitimacy,
adherence to commonly accepted values). Thus, public authorities
are faced with a multiplicity of Muslims associations, federations
and groupings, whereas, historically, representation of Christian
and Jewish religious communities has grown out of a very centralised model.
The determination of the public authorities to have a single interlocutor
for each religion or major religious tradition, together with the
organisational deficiencies peculiar to Muslim communities, has
resulted in artificial types of representation. Their authority
is usually limited inasmuch as it is exercised over federations and
associations with differing conceptions of Islam.
47. A second problem lies in the difficulty of distinguishing
religious affiliation from ethnic affiliation.
This problem
is foreign to European tradition, which draws a clear distinction
between religious affiliation and citizenship, and between religious
institutions and public institutions. In other respects it may entail
haziness in the whole remit of the body representing the Muslim
faith, with political and administrative considerations sometimes
taking precedence over spiritual and theological ones.
2.2. Rules governing religious denomination in Europe
48. The European system of regulating religion has two
distinct tiers. The first covers protection of the beliefs of individuals,
held individually or in community with others, and is intended to
safeguard fundamental religious rights: freedom of conscience, positive
and negative freedom of religion, equality and non-discrimination
in religious matters, right of association for believers, and religious
neutrality.
49. The second tier covers the rules or arrangements governing
faiths, that is, the way in which organised religious groups operate
and are structured. The types of relationships between state and
Church, religions and, sometimes, philosophical groupings (the humanists)
vary widely in Europe.
However,
they are organised on common principles and have developed a common
content.
2.2.1. Common principles
50. The law relating to religion in Europe has definitively
broken with the idea of citizenship coinciding with religious affiliation
or the nation coinciding with religion. Freedom of religion covers
the right to belong to, practise and teach a religion (entailing,
if the need arises, the right to protection for places of worship),
but also the right to refuse any religious affiliation and to be
free to leave a religious or philosophical grouping.
51. The guarantee of freedom of conscience and religion is reflected
in the state’s non-denominationalism and neutrality in matters of
religion. The state, built solely on the will of its citizens, is
not subject to any religious control.
52. The principle of independence (freedom of organisation and
self-determination) for faiths is a logical consequence of the principle
of state neutrality and freedom of religion. The non-denominational,
and therefore non-theological, state is not qualified to deal with
internal matters of religious denominations. This principle is enshrined
in the constitutions of many European Union member states and is
established by law or specified in case law in others.
53. Co-operation between state and religions occurs within a framework
of guaranteed freedom of religion, state neutrality and equality
of faiths. Public authorities negotiate with religious groupings
not because of their doctrinal or theological positions but because
religion, as a factor of civilisation, is an important element in
the life of a society. Co-operation comes within the broader sphere
of relations between the authorities and social groups. It is relative
and on a sliding scale, and it reflects the religion’s numerical
importance, how long it has existed in the country and, in particular,
the nature of its activities.
2.2.2. Shared elements in the rules governing faiths
54. The rules and laws governing faiths in European states
consist of a set of arrangements intended to support and structure
religious denominations as well as promote co-operation and, where
appropriate, joint action between public authorities and religions.
Each state retains considerable freedom as to how they are implemented.
55. Support from public authorities in Europe is conditional on
a basis of shared values: the intermediary groups must consent to
form part of and participate in social life (rejection of communitarianism);
each individual must be free to choose whether or not to join a
particular group; all members of society must be equal (principle
of non-discrimination); religious groupings must promote religious
peace and make their own contribution to social cohesion.
56. The principle of independence for faiths and religious communities
is a cornerstone of contemporary law on religion. It implies, on
the one hand, the independence in matters of doctrine which is respected
in all European states: religious communities are entitled to define
their own belief systems without any state interference. It implies,
on the other hand, the entitlement to self-administration, namely
the capacity to organise themselves in accordance with their own
understanding of their doctrines and according to their internal
laws and rules of conduct. This is the rule everywhere in Europe,
although with sometimes important national differences.
57. The principle of independence also underlies the special status
of religious institutions, whether they fall under public law or
private law, and it provides a legal basis for intervention by religious
authorities in the preparation of religious syllabuses and the appointment
of teachers of religion in state schools, as well as in faculties
of theology in state universities. Lastly, it ensures freedom of
training for ministers of religion.
58. The funding of faiths is connected, on the one hand, to freedom
of religion and, on the other, to the public interest that religious
activities may have. The methods of state funding for religious
institutions and activities (payment of ministers’ salaries, taxpayer
allocation of part of income tax to specific religious denominations, exemption
from tax, church taxes collected by the tax authority, annual grants)
have developed or, conversely, collapsed according to whether state
and religion grew closer or farther apart and whether Church property
was secularised.
2.2.3. National characteristics
59. National legislation on religion can be divided into
five main categories: law on national churches, law on recognised
faiths, treaty law, law on registered religions, and systems without
any specific statutory arrangements.
60. Laws concerning state churches (Denmark, Finland, Iceland
and Norway), the established church (England) and the predominant
church (Greece) were introduced by the temporal authorities when
the Eastern Orthodox Church split from the Western Church (Greece),
during the Reformation (Denmark) or in the course of a dispute between
prince and Pope (British Isles).
These
laws are characterised by very limited independence for religious
faiths, a privileged institutional position for the only established
church and, apart from the United Kingdom, substantial economic
support from the public authorities. This model, bound up with a
nation’s historical identity, is ill-adapted to religious pluralism:
the basic legislation has been amended over the years but without
essentially taking into account the position of religious minorities.
Sweden has abandoned this model since 1 January 2000. None of the
former communist countries, including those which were sociologically
Orthodox, adopted it after the collapse of the communist bloc.
61. The arrangements for recognised faiths that emerged from the
18th century onwards broke with the state church system and, as
an indirect result, the denominational state. They represented a
first step towards the institutional acknowledgement of religious
pluralism and effective recognition of freedom of worship for religious
minorities. Today the arrangements for recognised faiths are largely
determined by unilaterally negotiated provisions, with religious
needs being taken care of by central government (payment of ministers
of religion) and local authorities (maintenance of places of worship
and ministers’ accommodation) and public-law status being granted
to some of the institutions of recognised faiths.
62. Historically, the system of agreement-based law – which is
intended to regulate relations between state and religion through
agreements – emerged in Catholic states. Initially restricted to
the Catholic Church in the form of “concordats” (international public-law
treaties), this system was extended in the early 20th century, through
domestic public-law agreements, to cover non-Catholic religious
minorities in Germany and in the late 20th century to cover the
same in Italy, Spain, Luxembourg, Portugal, Hungary and Poland.
Agreement-based law systems (and, to a lesser extent, systems of
recognised faiths
)
have, unlike state church systems, established a complex architecture
of statutory regulation for religious faiths, with various levels
of support forming a pyramid structure.
63. Virtually all pyramid systems include rules governing registered
religious entities.
This is not state “recognition” but an
opportunity for religious groupings to acquire legal personality
in line with their objectives. The “registers of religious entities”,
which were introduced in the last third of the 20th century, reflect
the need to implement the principle of equality in matters of religion
– by treating similar cases the same and different cases differently –
or to move towards a uniform regulatory system for faiths (same
state support for all religions).
64. Many former communist countries have kept or simply amended
the pyramid system of relations between state and religion. Others,
putting the past behind them, have made do with just a basic regulations system
for religions, egalitarian by definition, with due regard for freedom
of religion. This minimalist framework for religions, which does
not rely on specific statutory arrangements, also exists in a handful
of other western European states (in particular France and the Netherlands).
3. The right to freedom of religion and belief in
a democratic society in the case law of the European Court of Human
Rights
65. Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights
guarantees “freedom of thought, conscience and religion”;
it applies to all
the beliefs (political, philosophical, moral or religious) held
by individuals and their conception of personal and social life.
The Court has frequently underlined the importance of this freedom, which
is one of the foundations of a “democratic society” within the meaning
of the Convention. The following paragraphs concern the religious
dimension of this right.
3.1. Meaning and scope of the right to freedom of religion
66. The Convention’s institutions do not have the authority
to define “religion”. It must, however, be considered in a non-restrictive
sense: religious beliefs cannot be restricted to the “main” religions.
The freedom enshrined in Article 9 is guaranteed equally to all
religious groups and their members.
67. It is, in its religious dimension, one of the most vital elements
that go into making up the identity of believers and their conception
of life, but it is also a precious asset for atheists, agnostics,
sceptics and the unconcerned. Freedom of religion entails,
inter alia, freedom to hold or not
to hold religious beliefs and to practise or not to practise a religion.
It
has both an internal and an external aspect.
68. On an “internal” level, this freedom is absolute. Individuals
have the right to choose a religion freely, to change their religion
(that is to say, to convert) or not to have any religion. An individual’s
deep-seated beliefs cannot in themselves prejudice public order
and cannot therefore be subject to restrictions on the part of the state
authorities.
69. On an “external” level, religious freedom also means freedom
to “manifest one’s religion” alone and in private, or in community
with others, in public and in the circle of those whose faith one
shares.
Article
9 lists the various ways in which a religion or belief can be manifested,
namely worship, teaching, practice and observance. On this level,
the freedom in question is only relative: Article 9 does not protect
every form of behaviour simply because it is motivated by religious
(or philosophical) considerations.
70. The Court has recognised that a church or its ecclesiastical
body can exercise freedom of religion and freedom to manifest one’s
religion on its members’ behalf. In the judgment delivered on 23
September 2010 in the case of
Obst v.
Germany (Application No. 425/03), the Court notes that:
“44. … religious communities exist
traditionally and universally in the form of organised structures
and where the organisation of such a community is at issue, Article
9 must be interpreted in the light of Article 11 of the Convention,
which protects associative life from unjustified state interference.
Indeed, their autonomous existence, which is indispensable for pluralism
in a democratic society, is an issue at the very heart of the protection
which Article 9 affords. The Court also recalls that, but for very
exceptional cases, the right to freedom of religion as guaranteed
under the Convention excludes any discretion on the part of the
state to determine whether religious beliefs or the means used to
express such beliefs are legitimate (Hasan and Chaush v. Bulgaria
(GC), No. 30985/96, §§ 62 and 78, ECHR 2000-XI) …”.
3.2. Extent of the protection afforded to freedom of
religion
72. Respect for different beliefs is a basic obligation
for the state. Any interference by a state in the exercise of the
right to freedom of religion must be “necessary in a democratic
society”. This means that it must meet a “pressing social need”.
73. In exercising its regulatory power in this sphere and in its
relations with the various religions, denominations and beliefs,
the state has a duty to remain neutral and impartial; what is at
stake here is the preservation of pluralism and the proper functioning
of democracy.
However, in the delicate matter
of the establishment of relations between religious communities
and the state, the latter enjoys in principle a wide margin of appreciation.
The Court determines the scope
of that margin having regard to the need to secure true religious
pluralism, which is an inherent feature of the notion of a democratic
society.
74. According to the Court, Article 9 of the Convention can hardly
be conceived as being likely to diminish the role of a faith or
a church with which the population of a specific country has historically
and culturally been associated.
However, the duty of neutrality requires
that if a state sets up a framework for conferring legal personality
on religious groups to which a specific status is linked, all religious
groups which so wish must have a fair opportunity to apply for this
status and the criteria established must be applied in a non-discriminatory manner.
75. Indeed, Article 14 of the Convention and Article 1 of Protocol
No. 12 (ETS No. 177) prohibit the state from treating differently,
without an objective and reasonable justification, persons in relevantly
similar situations. The state enjoys a certain margin of appreciation
in assessing whether and to what extent the existing differences
justify different treatment, but the difference of treatment must
pursue a legitimate aim and satisfy the requirement of reasonable
proportionality.
76. Conversely, it follows from the case law on Article 14 that,
in some circumstances, the failure to treat differently persons
whose situations are significantly different may constitute a violation
of this provision.
The Court
accordingly takes into account the distinctive features of various
religions (in terms of dogma, rituals, organisation, etc.) when
those features may be of key significance in settling the dispute
before it.
77. In a democratic society in which several religions (or several
branches of the same religion) and belief systems co-exist within
the same population, it may be necessary to place restrictions on
freedom of religion in order to reconcile the interests of the various
groups and ensure that everyone’s beliefs are respected.
78. For example, the Court acknowledges that religious freedom
includes, in principle, the right to try to convince one’s neighbour;
however, “convincing” does not include unreasonable behaviour such
as improper pressure and actual harassment. Such behaviour cannot
be protected by the Convention.
79. Some difficult issues arise when freedom of religion has to
be reconciled with the freedom of expression protected by Article
10 of the Convention. Believers must tolerate and accept that others
may deny their religious beliefs and even the propagation by others
of doctrines hostile to their faith.
80. In some extreme cases, however, the effect of particular methods
of opposing or disparaging religious beliefs may be such as to inhibit
those who hold such beliefs from exercising their freedom to hold
and express them. The state has a responsibility to prevent such
unreasonable behaviour and to ensure to believers the peaceful enjoyment
of the right guaranteed by Article 9. It may therefore consider
it necessary to take measures aimed at repressing certain forms
of conduct, including the imparting of information and ideas judged incompatible
with respect for the freedom of thought, conscience and religion
of others.
81. In this connection, the Court has said that the state has
an obligation to avoid as far as possible expressions that are gratuitously
offensive to others and do not contribute to any form of public
debate capable of furthering progress in human affairs. It has accepted
that respect for the religious feelings of believers (Christians)
has been violated by provocative portrayals of objects of religious
veneration because such portrayals could be regarded as malicious
violation of the spirit of tolerance, which must also be a feature
of a democratic society.
82. Similarly, the Court has drawn a distinction between “comments
that offend or shock, or a ‘provocative’ opinion” and “an abusive
attack on the Prophet of Islam”, faced with which believers (Muslims)
“may legitimately feel themselves to be the object of unwarranted
and offensive attacks”.
83. Lastly, the Court dismissed an application by the leader of
an Islamic sect who had been convicted of incitement to crime and
religious hatred through the publication of his comments in the
press. The Court held that, in view of the content and violent tone
of the applicant’s comments, they constituted hate speech glorifying violence
and were therefore incompatible with the fundamental values of justice
and peace set forth in the Preamble to the Convention.
4. The religious dimension of intercultural dialogue
and promotion of the fundamental values of the Council of Europe
4.1. Work of the Council of Europe
4.1.1. Gradual development of a mainstreaming approach
to the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue
84. Besides the statutory activities relating to the
European Convention on Human Rights and the case law of the Court,
the reports of
the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) and
the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission),
the Committee of Ministers and the intergovernmental sectors, together
with the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, have carried on,
mainly since the beginning of the years 2000, several specific,
high-visibility initiatives and a series of practical actions and
long-term programmes fostering intercultural dialogue, its religious
dimension included.
85. As part of the “Dialogue of the Commissioner for Human Rights
of the Council of Europe with religious communities”, five seminars
were organised between 2000 and 2006 at the instigation of the first Commissioner,
Alvaro Gil-Robles. In the foreword to the 2006 publication taking
stock of this “dialogue”, Alvaro Gil-Robles stresses the responsibility
of religious leaders for teaching and promoting the stature and
dignity of the individual in order to overcome divisions and foster
mutual friendship and respect between peoples.
86. After the Faro Ministerial Conference in October 2005 (and
the adoption of the strategy to develop intercultural dialogue),
the 3rd Intercultural Forum in Bucharest (March 2006) and the international
conference “Dialogue of Cultures and Inter-Faith Co-operation” in
Nizhniy Novgorod (September 2006), the European Conference on “The
religious dimension of intercultural dialogue” in San Marino in
April 2007 opened a new phase with the launching of the Council
of Europe annual exchanges on the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue
organised by the Committee of Ministers, the latest in Ohrid in
October 2010.
87. The White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue – “Living together
as equals in dignity” represents in a way the upshot of the approach
that tends towards mainstreaming of the religious dimension. Launched
by the Council of Europe Ministers for Foreign Affairs at their
118th ministerial session (Strasbourg, 7 May 2008), the white paper
argues that the intercultural approach provides a future-oriented
model for managing cultural diversity; it asserts that the building
of a European identity is underpinned by shared fundamental values, respect
for the common heritage and cultural diversity, and respect for
the dignity of each individual. A chapter dedicated to the religious
dimension stresses the need for dialogue between religious communities
and public authorities, and at the same time the need to further
dialogue between the religious communities themselves.
4.1.2. Other actions in the intergovernmental sector
88. Council of Europe action programmes, particularly
geared to education for democratic citizenship, teacher training
for intercultural learning and the teaching of history and relations
between communities, henceforth have a component on education on
religions. Under the Council of Europe project on “The New Challenge
of Intercultural Education: Religious Diversity and Dialogue in
Europe”, a conference on the religious dimension of intercultural
education held in Oslo in June 2004 explored the issues raised by
putting the religious dimension of intercultural education into
practice at school, and the role and responsibilities of decision-makers
and hands-on professionals. The results of the conference are published
with the same title in a book that came out in January 2005.
89. ECRI, in General Policy Recommendation No. 10 on “Combating
racism and racial discrimination in and through school education”
(2007) asks states to ensure that pupils are given an education
on religion which complies with the scientific neutrality essential
in any educational approach by ensuring that, where public schools
provide denominational religious education, easy procedures of discharge
are in place for children for whom an exemption is requested. Committee
of Ministers Recommendation Rec(2008)12 also deals with the dimension
of religions and non-religious convictions within intercultural
education. The Council of Europe Charter on Education for Democratic
Citizenship and Human Rights Education, which the Committee of Ministers
adopted on 11 May 2010, does not specifically mention the role of
religions, but follows the mainstreaming approach to the question
of intercultural dialogue outlined by the white paper.
90. Among the actions of the European Centre for Global Interdependence
and Solidarity (the North–South Centre) the 2010 Lisbon Forum
addressed
the topic of “Freedom of expression, conscience and religion”; its conclusions
emphasised that inter-religious dialogue, as an essential component
of intercultural dialogue, is part and parcel of the quest for respect
towards and knowledge of the other which should guide democratic societies.
91. In the Council of Europe youth sector, gatherings are regularly
organised with discussants from the different religions or with
ecumenical federations like the Ecumenical Youth Council in Europe
(EYCE), with which a seminar is scheduled in December 2011 on “Secularism
and religions: working together for a shared Europe”.
92. In conclusion, progress towards fuller acknowledgement of
the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue can be measured
by comparing the Committee of Ministers Declaration on Cultural
Diversity of 7 December 2000, which does not mention the role of
religions, with the Declaration on religious freedom of 21 January
2011, in which the Committee of Ministers affirms, “There can be
no democratic society based on mutual understanding and tolerance
without respect for freedom of thought, conscience and religion.
Its enjoyment is an essential precondition for living together.”
4.2. Religions, interreligious dialogue and advocacy
of fundamental values by religious institutions and communities
4.2.1. Recognition of equal dignity for all: a common
starting point
93. In April 2001, the Conference of European Churches
and the Council of the Bishops’ Conferences of Europe jointly adopted
a
Charta Oecumenica. In the prologue to it, the
Christian Churches state the following position: “With the Gospel,
we want to stand up for the dignity of the human person created
in God’s image …”. At the hearing held by the Committee on Culture,
Science and Education on 18 February 2011, Mgr Aldo Giordano said
that the wellspring of human rights was to be sought in the human
dignity belonging to every human being.
94. Mr Abdulaziz Othman Altwaijri, in his essay on “Human Rights
in Islamic Teachings”,
recalls
the view of Islam that all men are born equal
and
asserts that complete and unconditional respect for human dignity remains
the underlying constant of Islamic teaching. In a very recent interview,
Hassen Chalghoumi, Imam of the mosque at Drancy, said he wanted
to demonstrate with his latest book –
Pour
un islam de France – the possibility of a republican
Islam sharing the same values as those of France, with man at the
core of religion.
95. In his address to the Committee on Culture, Science and Education
at the hearing on 18 February 2011, Chief Rabbi Alain Goldmann made
reference to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and to the escalation
of anti-Semitic and racist violence often linked with that conflict,
to emphasise his community’s constant effort to condemn all the
resultant breaches of respect for human dignity. He went on to quote
a passage from the Rabbinic writings about the seven essential virtues
for honouring God, “faith, righteousness, justice, love, mercy,
constancy and peace” (Avot of Rabbi Nathan, chapter 37).
96. The list of texts emanating from religious communities, and
the older or more recent concurring stances, could go on for several
pages but would still remain substantially incomplete. Synoptically,
as was asserted by the participants in the seminar “Human rights,
culture and religion: convergence or divergence? Beliefs, values and
education” (Louvain-la-Neuve, December 2002), “tolerance, with the
respect and love for one’s neighbour that it may lead to, is enshrined
at the heart of the monotheistic religions, thus opening up an important
arena for the implementation of human rights”.
97. This assertion makes it still more distressing to observe
that none of it has averted centuries dominated by wars of religion,
nor does it now prevent intolerance, discrimination, hatred and
violence even within our European societies, and the human tragedies
resulting from conflict and terrorism with a spurious foundation in
religion, veritable afflictions of our era. Nonetheless, it ought
not to be forgotten that touching demonstrations of interpersonal
solidarity between people of different creeds have occurred in gloomy
periods of our recent history, for example the Bulgarian Orthodox
Church’s courageous help to the Jews which was mentioned at the
hearing on 18 February 2011.
4.2.2. Inter-religious dialogue and dialogue between
religions and other convictions: an instrument for reconciling and
promoting fundamental values
98. To exemplify the outreach towards constructive dialogue
between churches and religious communities, I find a further reference
to the Charta Oecumenica helpful.
The prologue to the charter reads: “Europe – from the Atlantic to
the Urals, from the North Cape to the Mediterranean – is today more
pluralist in culture than ever before. … we want …, as churches
together, to contribute towards reconciling peoples and cultures.
In this spirit, we adopt this charter as a common commitment to
dialogue and co-operation.” Later in the text, in chapter III, section
8 (Reconciling peoples and cultures) one can read: “We consider
the diversity of our regional, national, cultural and religious
traditions to be enriching for Europe. In view of numerous conflicts,
the churches are called upon to serve together the cause of reconciliation
among peoples and cultures. We know that peace among the churches
is also an important prerequisite for this.”
99. This willingness for reconciliation and dialogue is shown
in a series of commitments, including:
- in chapter II, section 4 (Acting together), the commitment
“to help reduce misunderstandings and prejudices between majority
and minority churches”;
- in chapter III, section 7 (Participating in the building
of Europe) the commitment “towards a humane, socially conscious
Europe, in which human rights and the basic values of peace, justice,
freedom, tolerance, participation and solidarity prevail”;
- in the same section 7, the commitment “to defend basic
values against infringements of every kind” and “to resist any attempt
to misuse religion and the Church for ethnic or nationalist purposes”.
100. Finally, I shall note that three sections (10 to 12) deal
with the following themes respectively: “Strengthening community
with Judaism”; “Cultivating relations with Islam” and “Encountering
other religionsand world
views”. With regard to the latter, it is recognised that “The plurality
of religious and non-confessional beliefs and ways of life has become
a feature of European culture” and the commitment has been made
“to recognise the freedom of religion and conscience of these individuals
and communities and to defend their right to practise their faith
or convictions, whether singly or in groups, privately or publicly,
in the context of rights applicable to all”.
101. It is also important to mention the Universal Islamic Declaration
of Human Rights promulgated in Paris on 19 September 1981 at a UNESCO
meeting. Article 12 on the right to freedom of belief, thought and
speech stipulates in paragraph e:
that “No one shall hold in contempt or ridicule the religious beliefs
of others or incite public hostility against them; respect for the
religious feelings of others is obligatory on all Muslims.” Article
13 on the right to freedom of religion reads: “Every person has
the right to freedom of conscience and worship in accordance with
his religious beliefs.”
102. Readiness to dialogue with convictions expressing immanent
perceptions of the world seems highly important to me. If religions
can have a leading role in the furtherance and realisation of human
rights, recognition of man’s central position and of the universality
and inviolability of the fundamental rights derived from that that
equal dignity is also a legacy of humanist thought, as recalled
by the memorandum from the European Humanist Federation to the Committee
on Culture, Science and Education for the hearing on 18 February
2011. It is thus essential that suitable co-operation arrangements
be found so that all may work together in actively promoting and
protecting fundamental rights.
103. I was glad to hear, at the 18 February hearing, Mgr Aldo Giordano’s
statement that various schemes were in hand to work together – at
the ecumenical and inter-religious level as well as with non-believers
– for peace, justice, environmental conservation, protection of
the weakest (migrants, Roma, children, the elderly, victims of people-trafficking,
etc.), Chief Rabbi Alain Goldmann mentioning the quality and frequency
of the top-level Catholic-Jewish encounters, and the initiatives
advocating Jewish-Muslim friendship in France and optimisation of
the points of convergence between the Islamic and Jewish traditions,
then Pastor Claude Baty speaking of the enlistment of the Fédération
protestante de France alongside the Christian organisations in the campaign “Ne laissons pas fragiliser le droit de l’étranger”,
adding that respect for people must be secured whatever their status.
104. This brings me to a final consideration: that dialogue cannot
possibly be effective unless it does not end at the level of institutions
and meetings of high dignitaries and experts. It is important, I
find, for this dialogue to develop at the level of the groups of
believers and the religious associations in the towns and regions
of all our countries in order to generate concrete action. In that
connection, the notion of dialogue cannot amount to mere exchanges
of viewpoints but also requires sincere, constructive collaboration
to be established between the various parties involved.
5. Conclusions: promoting dialogue and developing
an open pluralist culture to build cohesive societies together
105. It would be presumptuous to attempt to draw full
or final conclusions on such a broad and complex subject. Nevertheless,
I find that the analysis in the report, and the discussions held
at the hearing in Paris on 18 February 2011:
- recall that cultural diversity is an essential European
value;
- confirm the essential nature of freedom of thought, conscience
and religion as a mainstay of any democratic society;
- give the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue
a profound meaning and emphasise the expediency of inter-religious
dialogue as well as dialogue between religions and non-religious
belief systems, for the development of open, cohesive pluralist
societies in Europe and worldwide;
- guide our reflection on how to encourage and support the
religious dimension of intercultural dialogue at local, national,
European and world level.
106. On several occasions and just recently, the Assembly has resolutely
condemned religious extremism and religious discrimination, as well
as violence and terrorist attacks perpetrated in the name of religion.
No conviction, religious or otherwise, could warrant such acts of
hate and violence.
107. The “scriptural religions” send out a message of peace in
proclaiming that faith in one God presupposes acceptance of the
Other, solidarity and acknowledgment of the equal dignity of all
human beings. For Alvaro Gil-Robles, “understanding and co-operation
between the major religions present in our continent, and their common
commitment to peace and non-violence, can help build an international
society capable of striving for the tranquillity of good order governed
by justice and freedom”.
However, this
still has to materialise universally and with no exceptions.
108. The consultation prior to the preparation of the white paper
on intercultural dialogue showed that the aspirations of the religious
communities and the priorities of the Council of Europe largely
overlap: human rights, democratic citizenship, rule of law, peace,
dialogue, education, solidarity and social justice. There is also a
consensus on the responsibility of religious communities to contribute,
through inter-religious dialogue, to improvement of understanding
between the different cultures. Religious institutions should thus
take clear stands against communitarian deviations and extremist
tendencies, and roundly condemn any form of discrimination and violence
perpetrated by the members of one community against those of another.
109. All states – in Europe of course but elsewhere too – have
the necessary role and the duty of establishing the proper conditions
for religious pluralism. Freedom of thought, conscience and religion,
as secured by Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights,
is an inalienable right, one of the foundations of a “democratic society”,
one of the most vital elements of every person’s identity, whether
believers, atheists, agnostics, sceptics or unconcerned.
110. States are bound to ensure effective fulfilment of this freedom.
The report reflects the diversity of arrangements governing relations
between state authorities and religions in Europe. Theoretically
none of these is legally incompatible with the principles deriving
from the right to freedom of religion. However, in practice, a minority
or unrecognised denomination may find itself at a clear disadvantage
compared to recognised ones. States should thus take care that all
communities accepting the common fundamental values can benefit
from like legal status and that the preferential support granted
to certain religions does not become disproportionate and discriminatory
in practice.
111. Similarly, states should reconcile the rights of religious
communities with the need to make room also for the humanist convictions
that espouse the same fundamental values. The aim of Article 9 is, inter alia, to avert discrimination
between religious and other convictions.
112. It is necessary to build up a forceful, productive partnership
between the public institutions, the religious communities and the
groupings that invoke a non-religious perception. The common starting
point for this can be acknowledgement by the various religious denominations
and by humanist convictions that human dignity is an essential and
universal asset (thus inherent in every individual with no possible
exception).
113. At the local and national level, fairly regular encounters
are organised in the context of the inter-religious dialogue. Local
and national public authorities should encourage such initiatives
as well as collaborative projects (to include humanist associations)
arising from this dialogue and seeking to consolidate the social bonds
by such means as the promotion of inter-community solidarity, care
for the most vulnerable and the fight against discrimination. Subject
to compliance with the conditions stipulated by law, a proportion
of the funds earmarked for aid to civil society initiatives could
be used for this.
114. A clear point of consensus at the hearing on 18 February 2011
was the need for actions in the educational sphere to be implemented
collaboratively. People belonging to different beliefs and convictions need
to know each other better and to learn respect for each other. This
learning proceeds via education. The various stakeholders should
no doubt review together the questions regarding teaching on religions, denominational
education, and training of teachers and of ministers of religion
or holders of religious responsibilities, according to a more holistic
approach.
115. The principle of the state’s neutrality applies to religious
education at school: it rests with the national authorities to pay
strict attention that parents’ religious and philosophical convictions
are not offended.
But that
is not the whole point; the challenge is to agree together in order
that, with receptiveness on both sides, teaching on religions ceases
to be viewed as a disturbance, even a breach, of freedom of conviction,
but provides scope for encounter. This is an area of work deserving
more combined efforts and resources so that statements give way
to achievements.
116. The internal autonomy of religious institutions as to the
training of those holding religious responsibilities must be preserved,
but that does not preclude the remark that the training could:
- cater more for the need to know
(and understand) other religions and convictions;
- encourage readiness to dialogue and to collaboration;
- uphold recognition of fundamental rights, democratic principles
and rule of law as the common basis for this dialogue and collaboration.
117. Where education is concerned, it would be highly advisable
that every teacher (irrespective of type and branch of education)
take a module during training that familiarises them with the major
currents of thought.
118. Taking up another idea put forward at the hearing on 18 February,
I propose establishing a platform for dialogue/partnership between
the Council of Europe, the religious faiths and the main humanist
organisations. I am aware that this diverges at least in part from
the position stated by the Committee on Culture, Science and Education
in 2007 in adopting the report by our colleague and former Chair,
Lluís Maria de Puig on state, religion, secularity and human rights
.
While pleased with the proposal of the Committee of Ministers to organise
annual exchanges on the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue,
the committee felt it improper to have representation of religions
within the Council of Europe and to establish new structures. The
report also concluded that the Council of Europe had no say in matters
of inter-religious dialogue.
119. I shall express the wish that we might now qualify this stance.
The Council of Europe ought not to “interfere” with inter-religious
dialogue, but there is nothing to prevent it from taking an interest
and working in an organised manner with the religious faiths
if
they so desire, in order that this dialogue becomes a real instrument
for furthering the fundamental values upheld by the Council of Europe;
this should include extension of the dialogue to the humanist perceptions
also espousing those values.
120. However, my suggestion does not presuppose setting up a Council
of Europe structure with representation of religions. It is simply
a matter of introducing a more formal system of meetings, a platform
for dialogue, between the Council of Europe (its bodies) and high-ranking
representatives of religions and of non-denominational organisations
in order to build a true partnership for democracy and human rights,
and foster everyone’s active involvement in actions to promote the
fundamental values upheld by the Council of Europe. Such an initiative
should be pursued in consultation with the interested parties and
should draw in the European Union as far as possible. Participation
by other partners, like the Alliance of Civilisations, should be encouraged.
Of course, were the scheme to be launched the Parliamentary Assembly
should be a stakeholder.
121. Finally, the North–South Centre could perform a key role,
in close co-operation with the various competent entities in the
Council of Europe, to promote and amplify the positive forces at
work in the religious dimension of intercultural dialogue beyond
the boundaries of the European continent, at a global and/or inter-regional
level (seeking to associate in particular the Middle Eastern and
southern Mediterranean regions as well as other African countries).
Member and non-member states of the Partial Agreement should be
invited to support these projects.