1. Introduction
1. On 28 January 2011, the Parliamentary Assembly decided
to set up an ad hoc committee on the reform of the Assembly with
the following terms of reference:
“To
draw up a report for submission to the Assembly containing measures
to make the Assembly more politically relevant, effective and visible,
as well as improving Assembly members’ participation, while reinforcing
interaction between the Assembly and national parliaments. The report
shall be drawn up on the basis of the draft report prepared by the
ad hoc committee of the Bureau on the reform of the Assembly and
the subsequent consultation process involving Assembly members,
committees, national delegations and political groups.
The ad hoc committee shall present a report to the Assembly
during the June 2011 Part-Session or, at the latest, during the
October 2011 Part-Session. Once the report has been considered by
the Assembly, the ad hoc committee shall cease to exist.” The composition
of the ad hoc committee of the Assembly is contained in the Appendix
to this report.
2. The composition of the ad hoc committee of the Assembly
is contained in the Appendix to this report.
3. The ad hoc committee held two meetings, on 5 May 2011 (in
Paris) and on 26 May 2011 (in Kyiv), at the end of which it approved
this report and adopted the draft resolution for debate by the Assembly.
2. The context of the reform of the Assembly
2.1. Background
4. The current reform process is set against the backdrop
of the ambitious reform programme that the Secretary General of
the Council of Europe launched in October 2009. The reform aims
to make the Organisation more relevant, effective and visible, and
its structures and functioning more cost-effective. Against this
background and bearing these general constraints in mind, the Assembly
has decided to initiate its own reform process.
2.2. The internal context
5. The main components of the Parliamentary Assembly
since 1949 are the following:
- delegations
from the parliaments of member states, their composition reflecting
the relative strength of political forces within those parliaments,
and their size depending on the population of the country concerned
(with members assuming a dual role as national MPs and members of
the Assembly);
- a plenary and a Standing Committee as fora where the debates
and voting take place;
- distribution of work on substantive issues via the establishment
of committees, whose names, terms of reference and number have changed
over time;
- adoption of different types of texts of a normative or
non-legislative character through majority votes.
6. The Europe in which the Assembly currently operates has undergone
profound changes, not least of which the transition of many former
communist bloc countries to democracy following the collapse of
the Berlin Wall. This led to the progressive enlargement of the
Council of Europe after 1989. The Assembly also reacted, mainly
by an enlargement of its ordinary (as well as special guest and
observer) membership. Already much earlier, it had formed political
groups at a time when such “political families” began to form across
Europe, including within the European Parliament. Other examples
of evolutions of the Assembly include the creation of monitoring
procedures in 1997 and changes to its committee structure in 2000
and working methods in 2005. In addition, an increased role has
been given to a Presidential Committee (formally recognised in 2007),
which brings together the President of the Assembly and the Chairpersons
of the Assembly’s political groups.
7. As already recognised by the Secretary General of the Council
of Europe with respect to the Organisation as a whole, the time
has now come for the Assembly to make more profound changes, in
part also to revitalise the interest and participation of Assembly
members in its activities.
2.3. The external context: changes in the Parliamentary
Assembly’s environment
2.3.1. From a “bi-polar” to a “multi-polar” continent
8. Twenty years ago, Europe switched from a Cold War,
bi-polar continent to one whose different parts seem to be moving
in the same direction. At first this produced euphoria in the Assembly,
as the aims it represented seemed to be what everybody was working
towards and would soon reach. Today, shortcomings – which were either
never remedied or are now resurfacing – are becoming apparent in
many member states, prompting the Assembly to take action.
2.3.2. “Deep security” and the Parliamentary Assembly
9. Without security, the rule of law, democracy and
human rights cannot exist. This is the reason why the Council of
Europe is concerned to combat cybercrime, transnational crime, terrorism
and the trafficking of human beings and drugs, and to deal with
what are known as “frozen conflicts”. It is therefore legitimate
for the Assembly to be able to consider “deep security” issues,
and to do so within a framework spanning the whole continent of
Europe, and not just the European Union.
It
will be up to the Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and
Institutional Affairs to consider the practical modalities of the
implementation of this proposal, for example in the form of a sub-committee,
a forum or a congress.
2.3.3. “Crisis of democracy”; the financial and economic
crisis; country disintegration
10. During the Cold War and its immediate aftermath,
the hope for the spread across Europe of Council of Europe “core
values” inspired much of the Assembly's work. Today, much of that élan has disappeared amongst a general
public fatigued by the rising demands of globalisation and affected
by a financial crisis across many parts of the world. This has also
led to a number of parliamentary institutions being themselves in
crisis.
11. A xenophobic and security-oriented discourse seems to be gaining
ground, as people appear to be losing faith in the democratic system.
2.3.4. The return of “Realpolitik” and the retreat of
more “idealistic” policies
12. The world political scene has also changed considerably,
particularly with the rise of China (and other large or medium-sized
powers) and the relative decline of the United States in economic,
political and even military terms. The United States discourse has,
partly as a result of this, become more “Realpolitik”-oriented and
less focused on values that the Council of Europe and its Parliamentary
Assembly uphold. Furthermore, the rapid economic growth in countries
with more authoritarian political systems, such as China, contrasts
with the slow or even negative growth observed in Council of Europe
member states, especially those hit hard by the financial and economic
crisis.
2.3.5. Societal and political context
13. The current political landscape in Europe is now
more politically polarised than before. Certain past positions of
the Assembly may therefore today not be as widely supported as at
the time of their adoption. In a number of countries, parties of
a more extremist persuasion – including traits such as xenophobia
and racism – are gaining higher scores in elections and obtaining
seats in national parliaments. This presumably results from a number
of socio-economic developments, such as the ravages of the financial
and economic crisis, the challenges of globalisation and sustained
immigration pressure.
2.3.6. A changing European Union
14. The enlargement of the European Union from six member
states in 1957 to 27 today – and from 12 to 27 since the end of
the Cold War – has only partly “eaten into” the Council of Europe
membership, as the latter has also enlarged since 1989 from 23 to
the present 47. The effects on the Assembly have been manifold and varied.
The 12 countries that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007
now focus their attention primarily on the European Union; countries
in the Western Balkans all have their “European perspective” (although
at a varied pace) and are being closely monitored by the European
Commission, including in Council of Europe “core areas”. Furthermore,
the European Union has carried out in-depth reforms (for example
the Lisbon Treaty, the introduction of the euro among 17 member
states and the creation of the Fundamental Rights Agency) and has
entered into domains which have traditionally been the preserve
of the Council of Europe. Nevertheless, a certain amount of “Euro-fatigue”
can also be perceived, exacerbated by the recent need to bail out
financially stricken European Union member states.
15. The Assembly should continue to play the role of a forum for
dialogue both between the citizens of Europe and between European
Union member states and European non-EU member states, the two of
which are of fundamental importance for the development of the European
process.
16. The entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty has led to a number
of changes within the European Union which, in turn, have a direct
or indirect effect on the Council of Europe in general and on the
Assembly in particular, such as: the increased role and powers of
the European Parliament; the increased role for national parliaments
in the legislative process and EU affairs; the introduction of the
European Citizens’ Initiative giving the right to one million European
citizens to propose legislation; the creation of an EU Public Prosecutor
and an European External Action Service; the Charter of Fundamental
Rights which has become legally binding; and the future EU accession
to the European Convention on Human Rights (“the Convention”) which
is an obligation imposed by the Lisbon Treaty.
17. European Union accession to the Convention, which is currently
being negotiated, will imply a degree of participation by the EU
in the Convention bodies, including the Union’s right to submit
a list of three candidates for the post of judge representing it
to be elected by the Assembly.
18. Beyond EU accession to the Convention, the participation of
the EU in the work of the Council of Europe will have an impact
in all areas of standard-setting and monitoring, and include possible
EU accession to other Council of Europe conventions and/or mechanisms.
The interaction between the EU and its member states when negotiating
new Council of Europe conventions will also change, including texts
launched or promoted by the Assembly. A short-term objective should
be to avoid duplication by the EU of existing Council of Europe instruments
or mechanisms and, in any event, a lowering of standards. A long-term
objective should be EU accession to the Council of Europe Statute,
with all the political consequences that this would imply.
19. Meanwhile, the European Union and the Council of Europe have
concluded a formal memorandum of understanding (as have the European
Parliament and the Assembly) and the EU co-finances many Council
of Europe projects. A stable strategic partnership, including a
financial element, is one of the objectives for the near future.
20. The Assembly and the European Parliament have agreed to establish
an informal body with a view to sharing information on current issues
and issues of common interest, notably those related to EU accession
to the Convention. This report will therefore not include any measures
dealing with co-operation between the two parliamentary bodies.
2.3.7. Improvements in the means of interaction with
the public (empowering of civil society, technological developments)
21. With the advent of new electronic media and means
of communication, the Council of Europe is faced with new challenges,
but also new opportunities. Contacts with the media are enhanced
and visibility is improved via the Organisation’s website (live
Assembly sessions, debates viewable across the world in real time).
A more interactive website allowing better public information, presence
on Facebook and Twitter and “first-pop-up” contracts with Google
offer further directions for enhanced visibility.
2.3.8. Recent changes in neighbourhood countries
22. Recent changes in the situation in many Arab countries
in the southern Mediterranean will have an impact on the neighbourhood
policy of the Assembly. While it is difficult to predict the consequences
of these changes at this stage, several visits by Assembly representatives
to countries of the region have already taken place. The newly created
Partner for Democracy status with the Assembly has been widely referred
to in this context as a means of support for these democratic developments.
2.4. Implications for Assembly reform?
23. 23. Most of these contextual changes offer at least
as many opportunities as they do challenges. Thus, the new European
Union offers new areas and forms of co-operation, including increased
EP/Assembly co-operation in specific areas of common interest (such
as the effects on the two parliamentary bodies of the Lisbon Treaty);
the “crisis of democracy” could offer a new role for the Assembly
and the Council of Europe, perhaps similar to the earlier “pioneer
periods”. The new media possibilities, if used correctly, mean a
new Council of Europe and Assembly real-time presence globally.
These questions will be examined in more detail in the following
chapters.
3. Mission and goals of the Assembly
3.1. Mission
24. The Assembly has the will to act as the democratic
conscience of Europe. European integration and co-operation require
the political involvement of the national parliaments and citizens
of the states of the European continent, from which this Assembly
originates.
25. The Assembly is a unique, politically visible statutory organ
of the Council of Europe which promotes the development and implementation
of the highest standards of democracy, human rights and rule of
law for the benefit of the peoples of Europe, acting as a motor
for the Organisation.
3.2. Goals
3.2.1. Leadership
26. The Assembly promotes debates on emerging and topical
European issues, identifies trends and best practices and sets benchmarks
and standards.
3.2.2. Review of the honouring of statutory obligations
and post-accession commitments
27. The Assembly exercises political oversight over the
action of governments and parliaments in implementing Council of
Europe standards. It furthermore monitors the implementation of
statutory obligations and post-accession commitments by member states,
thereby bringing them to account before the Council of Europe and,
most of all, before their own citizens. It is worth noting that
in its
Recommendation
1763 (2006) on the institutional balance at the Council
of Europe, the Assembly requested that it “should be able to bring before
the European Court of Human Rights serious violations by one of
the Contracting Parties of the rights guaranteed by the European
Convention on Human Rights and its additional protocols.” Such a
change would require a modification of the Convention.
3.2.3. Laboratory of ideas
28. The Assembly is free to initiate new developments,
provide swift political responses to the challenges of the 21st
century, generate “original” ideas and set pioneering legal or policy
standards that enable Council of Europe member states to face challenges
and anticipate the best possible response.
3.2.4. Promotion of the highest standards of parliamentary
democracy
29. The Assembly provides a platform for members of national
parliaments to exchange best practices and develop common standards
of parliamentary work. It offers knowledge and expertise by making recommendations
and drafting codes of good practice, as well as providing targeted
advice in response to specific problems encountered by national
parliaments, with a view to building members’ capacity to fulfil
their roles more effectively.
3.2.5. Promotion of the highest standards of human rights
30. Parliaments have an essential role as human rights
watchdogs. The Assembly has a particular role to play in this respect.
No parliament or parliamentarian can be complacent about human rights.
The Assembly needs to stand firm on human rights protection, and
continue to ensure that human rights issues remain in a prominent
position on the political agenda, both in member states and in the
Assembly.
3.2.6. Strengthened interaction and partnership between
statutory and other bodies of the Council of Europe
31. Acting within the institutional framework of the
Organisation set by the Statute, the Assembly interacts closely
with the Committee of Ministers, the intergovernmental sector, the
Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, the
European Court of Human Rights and the Organisation’s independent
monitoring mechanisms, while using fully its political prerogatives
and promoting debate on emerging and topical European issues. The Assembly
is not afraid to take risks and hold debates on even the most controversial
topics and to require the Committee of Ministers to respond to its
conclusions. Whenever and wherever possible, this dialogue between the
two statutory organs should be enhanced, notably by those measures
indicated in a report drawn up by the Secretary General of the Council
of Europe at the request of the two organs in June 2010 (SG/Inf
(2010) 12).
4. The objectives of the reform of the Assembly
32. Having thus identified the context of the reform
and the mission and goals of the Assembly, there seems to be a large
consensus that the objectives of the reform should be to:
- strengthen the Assembly’s political
relevance and effectiveness;
- make the Assembly more visible;
- improve the Assembly members’ involvement, while reinforcing
interaction between the Assembly and national parliaments;
- strengthen the capacity of inter-parliamentary co-operation
throughout Europe, including co-operation with the European Parliament.
33. Being politically relevant is the degree to which the Assembly
is present on the political agenda of parliaments, governments,
the public and international community by responding swiftly and
meaningfully to perceived needs and anticipating topical issues.
It is also the degree to which its institutional mission and goals are
achieved. One test of this political relevance is the extent to
which the Assembly is able to “carry its weight” on the international
stage.
34. Being more effective can be defined as “doing the right thing
at the right time” and thus reaching the targets set.
35. Being more visible is the degree to which the Assembly is
present in the media and in the public eye and therefore, ultimately,
in the thinking of those who determine policy. It also depends on
the manner in which it takes up the concerns of citizens. It is
related to credibility, which entails both short-term and a long-term
action, or to put it differently “the ability to make history and
headlines”.
36. The Assembly members’ involvement can be measured by the degree
of active participation during part-sessions and committee meetings,
as well as their commitment to the work and values of the Assembly
and the Council of Europe both within the framework of and outside
official meetings, in particular in their national parliaments.
37. Inter-parliamentary co-operation throughout Europe includes
co-operation with the European Parliament and the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE) amongst others. Areas where co-operation could be strengthened
include judicial co-operation and the observation of elections.
38. All these objectives are interlinked. The more politically
relevant the Assembly becomes, the more visible it will be, and
the more members will become involved. The same can be said for
the measures proposed in the next chapter, which are to be considered
as mutually reinforcing. For this reason, the measures have not been
identified as contributing to any particular objective, because
several of them will contribute to the achievement of several objectives.
It should also be noted in this context that the reform process
of the Assembly opens a window of opportunity for further gender-mainstreaming
which should be taken into account when considering all the measures
indicated below.
5. Measures to achieve the objectives
39. The measures that are proposed to achieve the four
objectives outlined above can be divided into two categories: (a)
policy action, defined as a change of practice not necessarily requiring
a change of the Rules of Procedure of the Assembly, and (b) modifications
of working methods and structures, which will require a change either
of the Rules or of the complementary texts to the Rules.
5.1. Policy action
5.1.1. Filtering of motions for a Resolution or a Recommendation
40. There seems to be a large measure of agreement that
there should be a stricter pre-selection by the Bureau of the motions
which give rise to a report in the Assembly so that the resulting
reports and texts adopted are more focused. This requires political
responsibility and discipline among the Assembly members, and in particular
members of the Bureau, with the overall aim of acting in the interests
of the Assembly as a whole, as opposed to sectoral interests.
41. Motions for a resolution or a recommendation are at the origin
of most debates and texts adopted by the Assembly. Under the current
Rules (Rule 24.1.
a and
b), Assembly members can table such
motions on any subject that is either within the Assembly’s competence
or within that of member governments. The freedom to table motions
on any subject that falls within the competence of the Council of
Europe
should
not be changed so that the Assembly can remain the innovative force
it has been in the past.
42. It is for the Bureau to propose to the Assembly what follow-up
action is to be given to such motions. Essentially, there are three
choices: i) reference for report; ii) reference for information;
iii) no further action.
In the first case, the relevant
committee may, but is not obliged to, draft a report for the Assembly
containing a draft text for adoption. It should be kept in mind
that the view of the committee concerned can also be sought before
a decision is taken by the Bureau, and recourse could be had to
this mechanism more often. A committee may also turn down a reference
for report if it considers it inappropriate in terms of its priorities.
43. In the case of a reference for information, the committee
should have three options which should be made explicit in the Rules
of Procedure: i) take note without any further debate; ii) draw
up an information report for debate in the Assembly or Standing
Committee but without a draft text for adoption by the Assembly;
iii) prepare an information report without a draft text for adoption
and without debate in the Assembly, which would be distributed to
its committee members as a committee document and could be published
as such.
44. Selection criteria will need to be made more explicit so that
Assembly members and other stakeholders of the Assembly are confident
that the procedure is fair and transparent. One of the most recent
and widely accepted standards are the four lines of action adopted
by the Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Council of
Europe, which met in Warsaw in May 2005. In their Action Plan, they
considered that the future principal tasks of the Council of Europe
should be:
- Promoting common
fundamental values: human rights, rule of law and democracy;
- Strengthening the security of European citizens;
- Building a more humane and inclusive Europe;
- Fostering co-operation with other international and European
organisations and institutions.
45. The Bureau could be invited to apply these lines of action
as a selection grid, and the authors of motions could be invited
to explain how their motion satisfies those criteria. Together,
these elements would constitute a “relevance test”. Furthermore,
committees should be given a more active role in this context. On
the one hand, they should have the right to table motions under
Rule 24.2 and, on the other hand, they should be more selective
in the topics that they propose and pursue to ensure that their
work has impact and is relevant. Finally, a current practice which
consists in the Bureau also being at the origin of reports for debate
in the Assembly (references) should be formally recognised in the
Rules of Procedure.
46. In addition, the requirements for tabling a motion could be
made stricter by requiring that signatories belong to at least six
national delegations (instead of the current five). Concerning an
application to initiate a monitoring procedure (
Resolution 1115 (1997) as
amended), the requirement should be made similar to those of a normal
motion; it should thus require 20 signatories, from six national
delegations and two political groups.
One
could also consider more modern electronic ways of placing draft
motions at the disposal of members for signature.
5.1.2. Follow-up to adopted texts
47. Having fewer but better texts adopted by the Assembly
should also lead to a more informed follow-up by the national parliaments
and the Committee of Ministers. The Assembly should develop a more
active promotion of its texts in national parliaments, seeking the
collaboration of chairpersons of delegations and its members, notably
by also sending its adopted texts directly to the chairpersons of
national parliamentary committees concerned. For important texts,
the Bureau should attempt to assess more systematically (with the assistance
of the committees as appropriate), the measures that were (or were
not) adopted at national level.
In addition,
rapporteurs should be given a more active role in that they, together
with the relevant committee, should remain seized for one year after
the adoption of the text to ensure its follow-up. At the end of
the year, they should be required to report back to the committee.
48. The practice of having an annual report and debate on Council
of Europe activities within the national parliaments of Finland,
Iceland, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom
should be encouraged in other national parliaments. Meetings between
Assembly committees and their sister committees in national parliaments
should also be encouraged.
49. The secretariat of each committee should draft an annual report
on the follow-up given by the national parliaments and/or the Committee
of Ministers concerning the suggestions which are included in the resolutions
and/or recommendations which emanated from the committee. The replies
by the Committee of Ministers should furthermore constitute the
first item on the agenda of the meetings of the Assembly committees.
When the committee considers that the follow-up given to its proposals
by the Committee of Ministers is not satisfactory, it should, where
necessary, make a public statement on this matter.
50. In recent years, a practice has developed whereby Assembly
committees frequently propose both a draft resolution and a draft
recommendation for adoption by the Assembly. In order to re-focus
the Assembly activities and texts, committees should propose draft
recommendations only if they are convinced that Council of Europe
intergovernmental action is necessary. In either case, the text
should be as succinct as possible.
51. In this context, the Assembly should aim for more synergy
between the different bodies of the Council of Europe, making full
use of the services of the Secretary General of the Council of Europe.
The secretariats of Assembly committees are notably encouraged to
step up their practice of consulting the other parts of the Organisation
when preparing a report.
5.1.3. Making plenary debates more interesting and lively
52. An analysis of attendance, voting turnout and media
coverage during plenary debates over the last few years demonstrates
that those debates which give rise to controversy or where the stakes
are high are the most interesting and lively, and consequently then
have good media coverage. Reports which are more controversial,
topical or original, more urgent debates and more joint debates
would therefore contribute to this objective. An urgent or current
affairs debate on Friday morning could motivate more Assembly members
to be present on that day. However, it should be emphasised that
the key to any visibility and credibility is the quality of the
substance of reports, and not controversy for the sake of controversy,
that is to say they should serve the promotion of values upheld
by the Assembly. Furthermore, allowing for more “question time”
would also encourage more members to participate. It should be recalled
in this context that under Rule 34.3,
members already have a right to
interrupt a speaker in a debate, with the consent of the President,
if they wish to put a question to that speaker on a particular point.
Invited personalities should also be asked to keep their speeches short
so that members can have as many questions answered as possible.
53. It has been suggested, and sometimes been practiced in the
past, to have one or more leading themes for each part-session (for
example as was the case for the religious dimension of intercultural
dialogue in April 2011). It would be for the Bureau, upon the proposal
of the President and the Presidential Committee, to agree on such
leading themes. Both the Bureau and the committees would need to
keep such themes in mind when deciding on references to committees.
Such a forward-planning would also have the advantage that leading personalities
could be invited well in advance to specific part-sessions in relation
to a given theme.
54. The Assembly could also introduce the practice of a “free
debate” which a number of national parliaments have. A specific
slot during the plenary week should be reserved for a “free debate”
(for example on Mondays or Fridays) with members being free to speak
on any subject they would like to raise, subject to the usual practice
of drawing up the list of speakers according to the d’Hondt criterion.
This would be an occasion for members to raise their own visibility,
including in their national constituencies.
5.1.4. Grouping and long-term planning of committee meetings
55. At present, the meetings of three committees (AS/Pol,
AS/Jur and AS/Mon) are grouped together during certain weeks outside
part-sessions. It should be considered to also group other committee
meetings during fixed periods of the year known one year in advance.
5.1.5. Reviewing and further developing the Assembly’s
communication tools
56. The internet has become a powerful tool in all spheres
of life, including for the Assembly and its members. The Assembly’s
website should therefore be reviewed and, as a priority, Assembly
members should be given specific profiles (in particular photos,
videos, speeches), possibly linked to their national websites.
57. Subject to available resources, the Assembly should foresee
publishing certain aspects of its website in languages other than
English and French.
58. The Assembly should make increased use of online/social network
sites (such as Facebook and Twitter) to further its communication
strategy.
59. New and more democratic ways to initiate Assembly reports
should be explored such as:
- inviting
the public, via the website, to suggest topics for debate, for subsequent
filtering via an appropriate mechanism; one should, however, consider
a difficult question concerning this appealing mechanism: how to
avoid well-organised groups from inundating the Assembly with proposals
which serve their interests?
- encouraging public initiatives and consultation of civil
society/non-governmental organisations (NGOs) via the internet.
5.1.6. Fundraising
60. On the basis of its own positions and political priorities
and in order to provide targeted support to ongoing actions (but
not statutory activities) or to launch new initiatives (for example
the Campaign to stop sexual violence against children), the Assembly
should seek to use more actively external sources of funding (fundraising
with members states and the European Commission), in addition to
submitting, where appropriate, requests for additional funding to
the Committee of Ministers, in accordance with the procedure foreseen
in Article 38.d of the Statute.
5.2. Modification of working methods and structures
5.2.1. Organisation of part-sessions
61. Many Assembly members feel frustrated at not being
able to speak during the most interesting and controversial Assembly
debates. The following measures should be introduced to free more
time for speakers:
- reduce the
maximum speaking time for members on the speakers’ list from five
to four minutes, with the possibility for the Bureau to reduce it
to three minutes when made necessary by the large number of speakers;
- foresee in principle a minimum of two hours for debates,
except current affairs debates which would remain limited to an
hour and a half.
62. The practical impact on the organisation of the part-sessions
would be as follows:
- On Monday
afternoon, there would be no scheduled report by a committee except
the Progress Report and possibly one “free debate” (see paragraph
54 above), plus one VIP speaker (for example the Secretary General
of the Council of Europe or the Chairperson of the Committee of
Ministers);
- On Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, there would be a maximum
of one debate in the morning and two debates in the afternoon;
- On Friday morning, there would be a maximum of two debates;
- Committee meetings in the afternoons of Tuesday, Wednesday
and Thursday would be extended to last from 2 p.m. to 3.30 p.m.
so as to give committees more time to discuss amendments and deal
with their agendas;
- Afternoon sittings on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday
would then be from 3.30 p.m. to 7.30 p.m., or 8 p.m. at the latest;
- In principle, no speakers’ list would be cut, and a fair
geographical and political distribution would be ensured.
63. More specialised ministers (that is to say, other than the
Minister for Foreign Affairs), in particular from the country holding
the Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers, should be invited
to participate in plenary debates.
64. One could also consider organising, after the committee debate
and before the debate itself in the Chamber, a round table involving
high-level guests, whether they be physically present or by means
of a videoconference shown on a giant screen. This facility could
be a way of ensuring the participation of several prominent personalities.
5.2.2. Substitutes
65. Participation in Assembly meetings is hindered by
an increasing number of national parliaments’ refusal to pay for
the travel of substitutes in their delegations. More generally,
this raises the issue of the reform of the status of substitutes.
In many national delegations, substitutes represent the opposition
or national minorities in parliament. While this issue was addressed
openly during the consultation process on this report, it is clear that
any change would require a more in-depth discussion about the participation
of Assembly members. If one wanted more flexibility, it could be
specified that representatives could be replaced by substitutes
not only for a full sitting (morning or afternoon) but also for
a single debate. Furthermore, the requirement currently contained
in Rule 47.7 that committee chairpersons or vice-chairpersons must
be titular members of the committee, as opposed to alternates, should
be deleted.
5.2.3. Standing Committee
66. The Standing Committee currently has as its main
functions the adoption of texts in the name of the Assembly and
the holding of a political exchange of views with the incoming Chairperson
of the Committee of Ministers. Some criticism has been made as regards
the interest, format and organisation of such meetings. Members
of the Assembly are therefore encouraged to come forward with ideas
on how to make such meetings more lively and relevant, while preserving
the representativeness of the Standing Committee embracing all national
delegations. Some of the proposals that could be considered in this
context are the holding of a “mini-session” (outside Strasbourg,
including the Bureau, Standing Committee and two committees) lasting
for two days and/or more frequent meetings in Paris (taking account
of the budgetary aspects of such meetings both for the host parliament
and the Assembly budget). Another idea is that, just like the plenary
sessions, Standing Committee meetings should be organised around
a leading theme, with appropriate VIPs invited in that context. In
co-operation with the host State of the Standing Committee, a proposal
on the theme should be made six months before the meeting. The most
daring solution, but probably also the most interesting, would be
to suppress the Standing Committee and replace it by a three-day
mini session in Strasbourg. However, given the additional costs
that this would imply, it may not be compatible with the current
restrictions on the Assembly’s budget.
5.2.4. Sub-Committee on the Election of Judges to the
European Court of Human Rights
67. When the Sub-Committee on the Election of Judges
to the European Court of Human Rights makes a recommendation to
the Assembly members on the most qualified candidate, it would be
useful for the members of the Assembly to have at their disposal
positive reasons why a particular candidate has been recommended, without
being given the negative reasons why the other candidates are not
recommended as this could harm the reputation of those candidates.
5.2.5. Committee structure options
68. The underlying spirit of the current reform process
of the Assembly is to re-focus its activities and therefore it is
logical that its committee structure will also be affected. This
would also enable a reinforcement of the secretariat of the remaining
committees and facilitate the follow-up to the work of these committees
by its members.
70. In total, there would therefore be the following eight permanent
committees:
- Political Affairs
Committee (AS/Pol)
- Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights (AS/Jur)
- Committee on Social Cohesion, Health and Sustainable Development
(AS/CSD)
- Committee on Migration and Refugees (AS/Mig)
- Committee on Culture, Science and Education (AS/Cult)
- Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination (AS/Ega)
- Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments
by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee)
(AS/Mon)
- Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and Institutional
Affairs (AS/Pro).
The terms of reference of these
committees will be revised accordingly in a subsequent report to
be drawn up by the Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities and
Institutional Affairs.
71. Under the current system of 10 committees, every Assembly
member has the possibility to be a full member of a least one committee.
With the proposed reduction in the number of committees, and unless
the number of seats in committees is increased (which does not seem
to have any support), this possibility will now no longer exist.
However, if the seats of alternates on committees are also taken
into account in this context, every member of the Assembly will
continue to have the right to sit on at least one committee. In
addition, it is proposed to limit members of the Assembly to full
membership of two committees.
5.2.6. Composition of committees
72. The members of the Monitoring Committee, the Committee
on Rules of Procedure and the Sub-Committee on the Election of Judges
(of AS/Jur) would continue to be appointed by the political groups according
to the d’Hondt system. However, to take account of the new responsibilities
of the Committee on Rules of Procedure, the chairpersons of the
Assembly’s five political groups and of the five largest national delegations
(France, Germany, Italy, Russian Federation and United Kingdom)
should be nominated as ex officio members.
6. Next steps
73. The reform of the Assembly is an ambitious project.
It also represents a challenge to established thinking, working
methods and structures. It is therefore crucial that the members
of the Assembly feel that they have, to the greatest extent possible,
the “ownership” of the reform proposals. That is the reason why
the ad hoc committee has consulted all members of the Assembly,
political groups, committees and national delegations over a period
of several months in an inclusive process which seems to have been
appreciated by all involved. The ad hoc committee would like to
thank all those who contributed to this process by making valuable
proposals. Once the reform has been agreed by a democratic vote
in the Assembly, it will not be the end of the process. Rather,
all the main actors of the Assembly will be called upon to implement
the changes in the same spirit in which they were drawn up, namely
to further the aims and objectives of the Assembly for the common
good of all European citizens.
74. Once the Assembly has voted the proposed changes, there will
be a subsequent report by the Committee on Rules of Procedure, Immunities
and Institutional Affairs embodying the modifications to the Rules
of Procedure made necessary by the reform, including transitional
arrangements and recurring issues relating to the interpretation
of the Rules such as committees' standing mandates and deadlines
for the preparation of reports. This should allow the whole reform
package to come into force at the opening of the 2012 Session of
the Assembly on 23 January 2012.