1. Introduction
1. Since 2014, shortly after the
illegal annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, the Parliamentary Assembly
has followed the situation in Ukraine very closely, adopting a series
of resolutions and recommendations on different aspects. These include
Resolution 1990 (2014) on the reconsideration on substantive grounds of the
previously ratified credentials of the Russian delegation,
Resolution 2034 (2015) on the challenge, on substantive grounds, of the still
unratified credentials of the delegation of the Russian Federation,
Resolution 2063 (2015) on consideration of the annulment of the previously
ratified credentials of the delegation of the Russian Federation
(follow-up to paragraph 16 of
Resolution
2063 (2015)),
Resolution 2112
(2016) and
Recommendation
2090 (2016) on the humanitarian concerns with regard to people captured during
the war in Ukraine,
Resolution
2132 (2016) on the political consequences of the Russian aggression
in Ukraine,
Resolution
2133 (2016) on legal remedies for human rights violations on the
Ukrainian territories outside the control of the Ukrainian authorities
and
Resolution 2198 (2018) and
Recommendation
2119 (2018) on humanitarian consequences of the war in Ukraine.
2. The resolutions establish a settled position of the Assembly
on a number of issues of immediate relevance to the present report,
notably the following:
- Crimea
has been illegally annexed following a military occupation by the
Russian Federation, which is as a result obliged to secure the human
rights of everyone in Crimea through its extraterritorial jurisdiction
based on effective control over the region;
- the human rights situation in Crimea has deteriorated,
with deaths and disappearances of political activists who were critical
of the Russian annexation, threats and actions against critical
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and media outlets, and harassment
and repression of the Crimean Tatar community, including members
of the Mejlis (parliament) of the Crimean Tatar People;
- the inhabitants of Crimea have been placed under immense
pressure to obtain Russian passports and renounce their Ukrainian
nationality, following the imposition of Russian citizenship on
them by the de facto authorities;
- numerous Ukrainian citizens have been detained in Crimea
or the Russian Federation on politically motivated or otherwise
fabricated charges.
3. Despite the passage of time and intense diplomatic activity,
there has been little material progress in resolving these or other
issues. As regards the latter, although some detainees have been
released – one could mention in particular Nadiia Savchenko, a member
of the Ukrainian Parliament and of its delegation to the Parliamentary
Assembly at the time – very many others have been newly detained
and/or are still in detention.
2. Ukrainian citizens detained in Crimea
or the Russian Federation
4. According to the campaign #LetMyPeopleGo,
there are currently 70 Ukrainian citizens detained in Crimea or
the Russian Federation on politically motivated or otherwise fabricated
charges; this list appears in the appendix to the present memorandum.
The European Parliament included a slightly different list of over 70 names
in its resolution on “Russia, notably the case of Ukrainian political
prisoner Oleg Sentsov”, adopted on 14 June 2018.
I
intend to take three of those who appear on both lists as examples:
Mr Oleh Sentsov, Mr Volodymyr Balukh and Mr Pavlo Hryb.
5. Mr Sentsov is a 41-year-old native of Crimea, a film-maker
and AutoMaidan political activist. On 11 May 2014, he was arrested
along with three other Ukrainian citizens in Crimea by the
de facto Russian authorities. Three
weeks later, he and the others were charged with “being part of
a terrorist community” and plotting to blow up or set fire to a
series of targets in Simferopol. Commentators have observed that
similar facts are usually qualified as mere “hooliganism”. The four
were also charged with being members of the Ukrainian nationalist
paramilitary group, Right Sector, which both Right Sector and Mr Sentsov
denied. The main witness against him renounced his statement during
Mr Sentsov’s trial, stating that it had been given under torture. Mr Sentsov,
who has always denied the charges, informed the trial court that
he too had been tortured in detention. Mr Sentsov was nevertheless
convicted by the North Caucasian District Military Court and on 25 August
2015 sentenced to 20 years in prison, which he is currently serving
in Russia’s northernmost secure penal colony, at Labytnangi on the
Arctic Circle. On 14 May 2018, Mr Sentsov went on hunger strike,
which he intends to continue until “the release of all Ukrainian
political prisoners held in the Russian Federation”. On 21 June
2018, it was reported that he had developed heart and kidney problems
and had been transferred to hospital;
the Ukrainian
Human Rights Commissioner, Lyudmyla Denisova, is reported to believe
that he has been subjected to force-feeding.
Mr Sentsov’s
lawyers have announced that the European Court of Human Rights has
asked the Russian Federation to provide information on Mr Sentsov’s
situation, including his medical condition.
The
United Nations Human Rights Committee found that Mr Sentsov was
“subject to legal proceedings that fail to meet the requirements
of articles 9 and 14 of the [International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights]” (equivalent to Articles 5 and 6 of the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 5)).
I recall
that on 23 May 2018, Mr Egidijus Vareikis (Lithuania, EPP/CD), former
rapporteur on humanitarian consequences of the war in Ukraine, called
for Mr Sentsov’s “immediate release on humanitarian grounds”.
6. Mr Balukh is a 47-year-old farmer from the northern part of
Crimea. Following the illegal annexation of Crimea, Mr Balukh protested
by displaying the Ukrainian flag and other symbols of defiance of
the Russian authorities and loyalty to Ukraine on his property.
The
de facto authorities took
objection to his actions, entering and searching his property, tearing
down the offending symbols and on one occasion beating him up. These acts
culminated in his being charged with illegal possession of ammunition
and explosives, which he denied, asserting that the local police
had planted the evidence. His first conviction by the local
de facto district court was overturned
by the
de facto Supreme Court
of Crimea, but subsequently reaffirmed by the
de
facto district court. In August 2017, he was sentenced
to three years and seven months in prison and a fine. Later that month,
he was also charged with assaulting the head of the detention centre
where he was being held; he has also denied this charge, stating
that in fact he himself was assaulted and insulted by the official
in question. He has complained of poor detention conditions, inadequate
provision of food, back pain and heart problems, for which he has
not been given proper medication. Mr Balukh went on partial hunger
strike in mid-March 2018. On 15 June 2018, an ambulance was called
to the
de facto court after
he fell ill during trial on the assault charges.
7. Mr Hryb is a 19-year-old Ukrainian, the son of a former Ukrainian
public official, who blogged about Russian aggression in Ukraine.
He was reportedly abducted by Russian security forces in August
2017 whilst visiting a friend in Belarus. He was taken to Russia,
where he has remained in detention ever since, charged with plotting
a terrorist attack on a school in Sochi. According to his father,
Mr Hryb has been denied contact with the outside world, including
visits from his mother.
Mr Hryb
suffers from a serious medical condition, portal hypertension; his
health has reportedly deteriorated since he was detained in Russia,
with vomiting and severe stomach pain. His father asserts that without
proper nutrition and medical treatment, Mr Hryb is at risk of internal
bleeding.
The
Russian prison authorities have reportedly refused to transmit most
of the food parcels sent to Mr Hryb by his mother.
The Russian authorities are said also to
have refused to allow funds to be transferred to Mr Hryb so that
he can buy the medicines and bottled water that he needs himself.
As with
Mr Sentsov, it has been reported that the European Court of Human
Rights requested that the Russian Federation provide information
on Mr Hryb’s medical condition in detention.
8. As a Party to the European Convention on Human Rights, Russia
is obliged to respect the rights of Mr Sentsov, Mr Balukh and Mr Hryb,
and of all other persons detained in Crimea or the Russian Federation. Of
particular relevance to these cases is Article 3, which prohibits
torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. This requires,
amongst other things, that “[t]he State must ensure that a person
is detained in conditions which are compatible with respect for
human dignity, that the manner and method of the execution of the
measure of deprivation of liberty do not subject him to distress
or hardship of an intensity exceeding the unavoidable level of suffering
inherent in detention and that, given the practical demands of imprisonment,
his health and well-being are adequately secured”. This includes
“an obligation on the part of the State to provide detainees with
the requisite medical assistance”.
9. As regards detainees on hunger strike and force-feeding, “a
measure which is of therapeutic necessity from the point of view
of established principles of medicine cannot in principle be regarded
as inhuman and degrading. The same can be said about force-feeding
that is aimed at saving the life of a particular detainee who consciously
refuses to take food”. In the case of an application to the European
Court of Human Rights, the latter would have to “satisfy [itself]
that the medical necessity has been convincingly shown to exist”
and “that the procedural guarantees for the decision to force-feed
are complied with. Moreover, the manner in which the applicant is
subjected to force-feeding during the hunger-strike must not [exceed]
the threshold of the minimum level of severity envisaged by the
Court's case law under Article 3”.
10. From the perspective of allegations of conditions of detention
and ill-treatment of detainees in Crimea, It is highly regrettable
that the Council of Europe’s human rights monitoring mechanisms,
in particular the European Commission for the Prevention of Torture
and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), are unable
to access the region in order to assess the situation. The Assembly
should call on the Russian authorities to facilitate such access.
It is also regrettable that the Russian Federation has authorised the
publication of only four of the 24 visit reports that the CPT has
adopted over the past 20 years, and none in the past six years.
There is thus a shortage of public information on the findings of
independent monitoring of detention conditions in Russia. I also
note that the Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights was
recently denied access to the penal colony in which Mr Sentsov is
being held, following which she asked the International Committee
of the Red Cross to visit him and certain other Ukrainians detained
in the Russian Federation.
11. I would also recall certain legal issues concerning the arrest
and detention of persons in Crimea and their transfer to the Russian
Federation. In
Resolution
2133 (2016, the Assembly noted that “all inhabitants of Crimea
have been placed under immense pressure to obtain Russian passports
and renounce their Ukrainian nationality”; in
Resolution 2198 (2018), it called on the Russian Federation to “stop forcing
Ukrainian citizens living in annexed Crimea to accept Russian passports”.
The fact that the Russian Federation considers all residents of
Crimea to be Russian citizens and on that basis, susceptible to
being transferred to Russian territory and subjected to criminal
proceedings there amounts to a breach of international law.
12. As regards the issue of whether Mr Sentsov, Mr Balukh and
Mr Hryb should be considered political prisoners, I would recall
Assembly
Resolution 1900
(2012) on the definition of political prisoner:
“A person
deprived of his or her personal liberty is to be regarded as a ‘political
prisoner’:
a. if
the detention has been imposed in violation of one of the fundamental
guarantees set out in the European Convention on Human Rights and
its Protocols (ECHR), in particular freedom of thought, conscience
and religion, freedom of expression and information, freedom of
assembly and association;
b. if the detention has been imposed
for purely political reasons without connection to any offence;
c. if, for political motives,
the length of the detention or its conditions are clearly out of
proportion to the offence the person has been found guilty of or
is suspected of;
d. if, for political motives,
he or she is detained in a discriminatory manner as compared to
other persons; or,
e. if the detention is the result
of proceedings which were clearly unfair and this appears to be
connected with political motives of the authorities.”
13. In my opinion, in the cases
of Mr Sentsov, Mr Balukh and Mr Hryb, the circumstances of their
detention satisfy the above criteria. They should therefore properly
be recognised by the Assembly as political prisoners. I would also
recall that the European Parliament considers all of those mentioned
in its resolution of 14 June 2018 to be political prisoners. In
the time available to me, however, I have not been able to examine
whether all of these cases, or those listed by #LetMyPeopleGo, satisfy
the Assembly’s definition.
3. Conclusions
and recommendations
14. The issue of Ukrainian citizens
detained in Crimea and the Russian Federation is well known and
has already been addressed on several occasions by the Assembly.
Despite the release of some detainees, however, the overall situation
continues to deteriorate. Some 70 or more Ukrainian citizens, having
had Russian citizenship forced upon them, are currently detained;
what is worse, many of them are suffering from health conditions
that are worsening in detention, sometimes as a result of lack of
access to necessary medical care.
15. In view of the lack of progress in resolving these cases,
and in particular given its grave concerns about the deteriorating
health of many of those in detention, the Assembly should reaffirm
its position on these issues and reiterate its calls on the Russian
Federation, above all for these detainees’ release. The Assembly
should also take this opportunity to state its view that Mr Sentsov,
Mr Balukh and Mr Hryb should be considered political prisoners,
in accordance with the Assembly’s established definition of the
term.