1. Introduction
1. In 2019, I was rapporteur for
the Parliamentary Assembly’s very first report on the implementation
of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating
violence against women and domestic violence (CETS No. 210, “Istanbul
Convention”), “The Istanbul Convention on violence against women:
achievements and challenges”.
The report took stock of the first
achievements of the Istanbul Convention, and made a number of recommendations,
for instance on co-operation with the Group of Experts on Action
against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (GREVIO) in
implementing and monitoring activities, as well as on prevention
and protection services to be provided to those at risk and to victims,
and on awareness-raising and training for professionals in the area.
2. The call to prepare a second report was made on 23 June 2021
when, at the initiative of former Assembly President, Rik Daems,
and as a response to the withdrawal from the convention by Türkiye,
the Assembly held a high-level event and interactive debate marking
a decade since its adoption, entitled “The Istanbul Convention:
10 years on”. All speakers underlined the vital importance of the
Istanbul Convention, praised the progress achieved, reaffirmed their
support and called for more ratifications and effective implementation, undertaking
to counter misconceptions and backlash. Concluding the event as
General Rapporteur on violence against women and Coordinator of
the Network Women Free from Violence, I pointed to the importance
of political will to change society and to the need for champions
of the cause of putting an end to violence, both men and women.
3. The motion for a resolution drafted after the event stated
that the leading role should be played by the Assembly’s General
Rapporteur on violence against women “and supported by the Parliamentary
Network Women Free from Violence”, which led to my appointment as
rapporteur. As Coordinator of the Network, I was supported by the
advice and experience of the members of the Network during all stages
of preparation of this report. The President of the Assembly, Tiny
Kox, has also been an important ally in promoting this work at the highest
level.
4. Following the 11 May celebration of the opening for signature
of the convention, the 23 June 2021 event and the Assembly’s participation
in the United Nations Generation Equality Forum (Paris, 30 June-2
July 2021)
were
two milestones marking a decade of action framed by the Council
of Europe’s Istanbul Convention. Through its President, the Assembly
made a pledge to the forum, to step up its efforts to promote the
Convention by all means.
2. Scope and objectives of the report
5. The Istanbul Convention remains
the most innovative and groundbreaking international legal instrument which
sets out the right of women to live free from violence as a human
right. One of most relevant of many unique aspects of the convention
to this report is its explicit provision for the active participation
of parliamentarians in the operating and monitoring of the treaty.
In its Article 70, national parliaments and the Council of Europe’s
Assembly are called upon to participate in monitoring at national
level and carry out regular stock-taking in the Assembly.
6. Therefore, the Assembly has a duty to encourage involvement
on the part of each of its member State parliaments, and to push
for the fulfilment of the important expectations stemming from the
convention placed on parliamentarians. These are to engage in positive
action towards ratification and implementation, including on the
basis of the findings and recommendations by the experts in the
framework of the monitoring mechanism of the Istanbul Convention.
The present report looks at the efforts made so far by parliamentarians nationally
and internationally to further the aims of the convention, and highlights
those which have achieved the best and most visible results – either
in State’s legislative and policy frameworks to stop violence, or
which evidence on the ground shows the positive effects in preventing
and combating violence against women and domestic violence.
7. Secondly, the title of the report indicates from the outset
that the focus should be on examining progress and pointing to the
major challenges encountered over the eight years since the convention’s
entry into force. An exhaustive list of achievements would certainly
have impressed, but I believe that detailed focus on some areas
of excellence, and on other areas where new strategies or stronger
action is needed, will surely be more useful at this juncture.
8. My work on this report included a fact-finding visit to Türkiye,
during which I exchanged with women’s rights organisations and national
judicial and executive authorities in an effort to see how measures
to protect women from violence had developed since withdrawal from
the Istanbul Convention as well as to promote Türkiye’s return to
the convention, and organised a hearing in the committee with the
participation of Assembly President Tiny Kox, the President of the
Committee of the Parties Ambassador Marie Fontanel, Permanent Representative
of France to the Council of Europe, and the President of the GREVIO,
Iris Luarasi.
9. In continuity with the Istanbul Convention’s provision for
input by the Assembly, the Assembly also wishes to contribute its
experience and the influence of its members to the Council of Europe’s
future action in a broad manner. I hope that the report will provide
food for thought for the next Council of Europe Gender Equality
Strategy, which will be introduced after the present strategy (2018-2023)
comes to an end (see chapter 3.3. below).
3. Progress
since 2019
3.1. Growing
the convention
10. Much has happened since the
2019 report and debate. First of all, and on an extremely positive
note, four more countries (Liechtenstein, the Republic of Moldova,
Ukraine and the United Kingdom) ratified the Convention between
June 2021 and August 2022 and Kosovo*
took
the decision to apply it within its territory. Three non-member
States (Israel, Kazakhstan and Tunisia) have now been invited by
the Committee of Ministers to accede. There is still a real hope
for European Union ratification in the foreseeable future and the dream
of accession by all member States no longer seems a pure fantasy.
The unfortunate withdrawal of Türkiye from the convention in 2021
was naturally disappointing, but the present total of 37 ratifications
or accessions should be celebrated as a significant achievement,
and some of the 8 signatures not yet followed by ratification may
soon lead to progress.
11. The Istanbul Convention’s monitoring mechanism has increased
its momentum: at the time of adoption of this report, GREVIO has
published “baseline” evaluation reports on 29 member States and
carried out evaluation visits to a further 3 States. It has also
published two milestone documents: the Mid-Term Horizontal Review
of GREVIO baseline evaluation reports,
and
its first General Recommendation, on the digital dimension of violence
against women.
12. Many criminal codes have been aligned with the convention,
with new offences on stalking, female genital mutilation, sexual
harassment and forced marriage being introduced. Several States
Parties now have legal definitions of rape modelled on the consent-based
definition of rape as any non-consensual sexual act, as required
under Article 36 of the convention, or are in the process of introducing
consent-based definitions: the latest countries to make changes
in this respect were Denmark, Finland, Slovenia and Spain.
13. The GREVIO was also a founding member of the Independent Expert
Mechanisms on Discrimination and Violence against Women – the EDVAW
Platform, created by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence
against women and girls and made up of seven global expert mechanisms
working to combat violence against women and girls. The GREVIO,
represented by its President, Iris Luarasi, is currently chairing
the platform.
14. Regarding the European Union, the European Parliament first
asked the Commission to launch the procedure for EU accession to
the Istanbul Convention in its Resolution on combating Violence
against Women of 25 February 2014. Since then, it has consistently
underlined that ratification would be a powerful demonstration of
the European Union’s commitment to eradicating violence against
women and establishing a coherent European legal framework for doing
so. The von der Leyen Commission included the file as a priority
in its EU Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025, but as progress remained
blocked despite an opinion by the European Court of Justice that
accession was possible, proposals for a new EU directive were published in
March 2022.
15. The proposed directive uses the Istanbul Convention as a benchmark
and its explanatory memorandum states that “The Istanbul Convention
is the most extensive international framework to comprehensively
address violence against women and domestic violence”, and further,
that “For the Member States that are parties to the Istanbul Convention,
the EU measures would support the Convention’s implementation”.
3.2. Building
a corpus of data and experience
16. All of the documentation produced
and gathered, as well as the on-site evaluation visits which enable member
States to engage with the practical application of the treaty’s
provisions, are accumulating to constitute a solid resource of practices,
policies and case-law which allows areas needing increased attention
to be identified.
17. In March 2020, the European Court of Human Rights and GREVIO
launched a new HUDOC-GREVIO database to enable public users to search
using filters by articles and keywords (for example forms of violence, target
groups, etc.) and retrieve information from GREVIO baseline evaluation
reports and the respective final government comments; from recommendations
issued by the Committee of the Parties as well as its conclusions;
GREVIO activity reports; and now from GREVIO general recommendations
since the first (on the Digital Dimension of Violence Against Women)
was adopted in 2022. The Court also produces factsheets on the convention’s
remit.
18. In April 2020, GREVIO used for the first time its capacity
to submit third-party interventions to the European Court of Human
Rights. In the case of Kurt v. Austria (application
No. 62903/15), concerning the murder of an eight-year-old boy by
his father despite reports of domestic violence by the mother, GREVIO’s submission
focused in particular on the importance of applying a gendered understanding
of domestic violence in order to ensure effective investigation,
prosecution of perpetrators and protection of victims.
3.3. The
Gender Equality Strategy 2018-2023
19. The Council of Europe designed
a first strategy to bring together and reinforce its action in favour
of gender equality, of which the Istanbul Convention is a central
and integral part. The strategy, implemented in the framework of
the Gender Equality Commission, enables concrete institutional follow-up
to be given to the GREVIO evaluation reports, in support of the
measures recommended to and implemented by member States. Activities
in support of accession by States which are not yet Parties to the
Istanbul Convention are also organised under the strategy, for instance
legislative gap assessment with Azerbaijan, Latvia as well as Kosovo,
with the possibility of organising technical assistance and awareness-raising
action on demand, financed in part by the European Commission.
20. These programmes have also allowed links to be preserved with
government and civil society in Türkiye. Multi-agency co-operation
has been put in place with UN Women and the WAVE network (Women
Against Violence Europe) of NGOs, providing support to align policy
and peer exchanges in Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Programmes planned for 2023 in the Balkans will use GREVIO reports
as a roadmap, as all countries concerned have ratified the convention.
21. The Council of Europe’s Human rights Education for Legal Professionals
(HELP) courses include online courses on Access to Justice for Women
and on Violence against Women for Legal Professionals, as well as on
Domestic Violence for Law Enforcement (which exists in 23 languages),
adapted on request to different groups and national contexts. Measures
of success of these courses is shown by the considerable takeup:
in Spain, for instance, the course on violence against women has
been integrated into all training for magistrates, and FRONTEX has
shown interest in using the course.
22. During its meeting in November the Gender Equality Commission,
adopted Guidelines on the role of the men and boys in gender equality
policies and in policies to combat violence against women. At the
same meeting, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights
proposed including women’s reproductive and sexual health and rights
in the next Gender Equality Strategy 2024-2029, and to pay special
attention to women and girls facing marginalisation and intersectional
discrimination. I very much support her proposals and recommend
them to the Assembly.
4. Stubborn
and emerging risks facing the Istanbul Convention
4.1. Contextual
factors
23. Unfortunately, in parallel
to the considerable progress and achievements there have been serious setbacks
for both the convention itself and thus for protection against gender-based
violence. The most regrettable of these for the Council of Europe’s
direct outreach and effectiveness has been the withdrawal from the
treaty of the very country which saw its opening for signature and
gave the Istanbul Convention its name – Türkiye. This has potentially
negative implications for the combat against violence on the ground.
My fact-finding visit to Türkiye, described in detail below, gave
me very substantial food for thought concerning the requirements
for the protection of women from violence on a national level and
the usefulness of belonging to the convention, using its normative
framework, sharing good practices and benefiting from its monitoring system.
24. I would like to make a personal observation here. The adversities
faced by women all over Europe, but more acutely in certain countries,
have actually served to show just how important this treaty is for
civil society everywhere, and how well known it is in non-specialist
circles. I do not know of any other Council of Europe convention
that has been a slogan, even the focus and theme, of public demonstrations
in the streets in defense of women’s rights (in Poland and in Türkiye,
for instance). This is paradoxically a measure of its success, and
at the same time a demonstration of popular take-up and real need
for progress on the ground.
25. Another threat to the protection of women from violence which
emerged during the recent period has been the Covid-19 pandemic.
The successive confinements around Europe, while proving the resistance
and resilience of many, exacerbated the violent tendencies of others
by obliging women and other persons with vulnerabilities (those
with disabilities, LGBTI persons, especially young people dependent
on their families) to stay behind closed doors with potential perpetrators
in the domestic context. The public health crisis revealed the fragility
of measures of protection against violence, and the need to ensure
that these measures are better suited and coordinated both in the
public space and in private spheres. As the pandemic recedes and
Europe’s attention focuses on new crises as they develop, the lessons
from Covid-19 about the need to prevent isolation and facilitate
access to urgent assistance in domestic situations of violence should
not be forgotten.
26. Lastly and most recently, open war has returned to Europe
with the hideous aggression on Ukraine by Russia, resulting in the
latter’s exclusion from membership of the Council of Europe on 14
March 2022. The Istanbul Convention refers to Recommendation CM/Rec(2010)10
on the role of women and men in conflict prevention and resolution
and in peace building. It also recalls in its Preamble the “human
rights violations during armed conflicts that affect the civilian
population, especially women in the form of widespread or systematic
rape and sexual violence and the potential for increased gender-based
violence both during and after conflicts” and specifies that “[t]his
Convention shall apply in times of peace and in situations of armed conflict.”
27. The war continues and as its atrocities unfold, we see new
proof of the fragility of human rights thought to be acquired, especially
those of individuals and groups with vulnerabilities. Women often
physically embody the intersection of many different types of vulnerability,
and thus are particularly at risk. The report being prepared by
Petra Bayr (Austria, SOC) will make specific recommendations on
conflict-related sexual violence, including in relation to the Istanbul
Convention, and Yevheniia Kravchuk’s report and resolution “Justice
and security for women in peace reconciliation”
gives indications as
to how women must be empowered and protected in situations of conflict,
in order to occupy their rightful and full place in peacetime societies.
4.2. Deliberate
misrepresentations and backlash
28. Misrepresentations and misinformation
about the Istanbul Convention are common, especially in those countries
where traditional values and cultures make evolving and adapting
to modern challenges particularly complicated and where conservative
and populist political forces seek to preserve patriarchal societies
(which restrict the rights of women but also of men). Research has
shown that “there is a highly organised, well-funded, transnational
movement working to undermine women’s rights”:
this is important to know, in order
to understand the context and origin of the intense criticism, misinterpretation,
and distortion of the aims of the convention. GREVIO’s first activity
report drew attention to this phenomenon, identifying it as a distraction
from the combat against violence against women. It has certainly
given rise to backsliding and backlash which can only put victims
at even greater danger.
29. The convention is the first international treaty to contain
a definition of gender, recognising that women and men are not only
biologically female or male, but that there is also a socially constructed
category of gender that assigns particular roles and behaviours
to women and men, and which can contribute to making violence against
women acceptable. Establishing a differentiation between the terms
“sex” and “gender”, as well as posing certain problems of interpretation
is
labelled by detractors as promoting a “destructive gender ideology”,
whereas the aim is to work on those social constructs with negative
consequences without replacing any biological definition.
30. Another misleading narrative is around the convention and
gender identity. Its intention is to protect all women and girls
from violence, including LBTI women. It does not regulate legal
gender recognition but ensures that all women and girls, including
those exposed to intersectional discrimination on the basis of their sexual
orientation or gender identity, benefit from the convention’s checklist
of measures to ensure their safety and support. Other opposition
towards recognising non-binary identities is not limited to the
Istanbul Convention but is a phenomenon of today’s polarised societies.
Non-binary identities are a part of our modern world and access
to equal rights will have to evolve and adapt to include those identities.
The Istanbul Convention concentrates on women – in all their diversity
– as disproportionately targeted by gender-based violence for the
simple fact that they are women.
31. The Istanbul Convention is also said to “threaten the nuclear
family and traditional family values”, whereas it does not express
any such views and ratification does not mean forcing men or women
into a certain lifestyle. It merely states that women who are subjected
to gender-based and domestic violence have the right to receive
protection and the support they need to leave a violent relationship.
False claims also assert that the convention encourages illegal
migration, which arises from the provisions of its Chapter 7 (Articles
59 to 61, on residence status, gender-based asylum claims and non-refoulement) aimed to separate
the residence status of women victims of violence from that of their
aggressors.
32. Finally, some countries claim that they already have sufficient
domestic legislation. The convention covers the elimination of all
types of violence against women and domestic violence, from which
no country is free; the convention provides a blueprint for national
legislation and has specific added value in this respect compared
to previous international treaties. The evaluation reports by GREVIO
have shown that it sets standards, in legislation and policies,
that national approaches have yet to attain. Its comprehensive provisions enable
States Parties to reach the necessary level of prevention, protection
and support, and to ensure effective responses from law enforcement
agencies and the judiciary to send the message that violence against
women is unacceptable. The efficient and constructive monitoring
and the sharing of best practices as well as transnational cooperation
are among the many advantages of ratification.
33. It is the duty of parliamentarians to counter these attempts
to undermine the importance of the Istanbul Convention through awareness-raising
activities and the use of elements of communication which can be understood
by all, in order to contradict the negative narratives and promote
better understanding. During peer-to-peer seminars, parliamentarians
looking to persuade their country to join the convention have regularly asked
for help in framing arguments which will allow them to contradict
the contradictors and debunk the myths.
34. Other policies and practices help to achieve the shift in
priorities which is a pre-condition for reducing gender-based violence:
some countries, for instance, like France, have initiated feminist
foreign policies which are a significant step in achieving equality
and establishing an integrated gender perspective. I refer in this context
to the excellent report of our colleague Petra Stienen, on the gender
dimension of foreign policy.
35. In cases where member States cannot reconcile their policies
and legislation with certain provisions but wish to ratify the convention,
a system of reservations allows denunciation of one or more articles,
provided these are duly justified. They are subject to review for
the purpose of possible renewal every five years. These are differently
perceived by stakeholders to the convention.
5. The
Parliamentary Assembly and the Istanbul Convention
5.1. Parliaments
promoting the convention
5.1.1. The
Parliamentary Network Women Free from Violence
36. Created in 2006, several years
before the Istanbul Convention was adopted, the Parliamentary Network Women
Free from Violence provides a vital parliamentary forum for the
Council of Europe’s work to end gender-based violence, actively
campaigning for ratification at national, European and global level
and its effective implementation in practice. It is widely known
among partners such as the UN (UN Women) and the European Union,
and through this is present around the table at the highest levels
of international dialogue around women’s rights.
37. The network maintains a strong presence in all forums, including
on social networks, and the voluntary financial contributions by
parliaments and governments provide the means to develop tools and
action, such as the handbook for parliamentarians on the convention.
The network also uses the opportunity of the International Day for
the Elimination of Violence against Women on 25 November to launch
“mini-campaigns” in support of the convention.
5.1.2. High-level
panel and debate, Wednesday 23 June 2021 – “The Istanbul Convention,
10 years on”
38. On Wednesday 23 June 2021 the
Assembly held the high-level panel and interactive debate on “The Council
of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against
women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention): 10 years on”,
chaired and moderated by the then President of the Assembly Rik
Daems, and which gave the impetus to the present report. Participants
included Nadia Murad, Yezidi activist, winner of the 2016 Václav
Havel Human Rights Prize, the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize and the Sakharov
Prize for Freedom of Thought; Council of Europe Secretary General
Marija Pejčinović Burić; Prime Minister of Belgium Alexander de
Croo; Anca Dana Dragu, President of the Romanian Senate; Elisabeth
Moreno, French Minister for Gender Equality, Diversity and Equal
Opportunities; and Dubravka Šimonovic, UN Special Rapporteur on
violence against women and girls, its causes and consequences.
39. Nadia Murad underlined the potential of the Istanbul Convention
“to make meaningful change for survivors like the Yazidis and women
around the world by shifting the international norms around gender-based violence”.
She pointed out that in order to prevent sexual violence in times
of war a strong foundation of gender equality must be created in
times of peace.
40. For Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo, author of a
book entitled The Age of Women: Why Feminism
Also Liberates Men, the Istanbul Convention was a means
for women and girls to know their rights and how to enforce them.
The first woman President of the Senate of Romania, Anca Dana Dragu,
described the revision of Romanian legislation and public policies
after ratification of the convention, including new partnerships
with civil society. Elisabeth Moreno, Minister Delegate to the Prime
Minister of France for Gender Equality, Diversity and Equal Opportunities,
told the audience that France had prioritised the universalisation of
the Istanbul Convention as one of the main goals of its feminist
diplomacy.
41. Dubravka Šimonovic, United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence
against women and girls, was working with the Istanbul Convention,
amongst others on framework model legislation on the criminalisation and
prosecution of rape. Council of Europe Secretary General Marija
Pejčinović-Burić stressed that no single government could recreate
the protection provided by this multilateral treaty, with its unique,
independent international monitoring mechanism enabling difficult,
but positive, change to come about.
5.1.3. Generation
Equality Forum, France and Mexico, 28 June-1 July 2021
42. In 2021 Mexico and France co-hosted
the United Nations Generation Equality Forum, marking 25 years since
the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing and its Action Plan,
the Beijing Platform. Organisations, NGOs and the private sector
were invited to make pledges for action to empower women and advance
and protect their rights. The events provided an opportunity for
the Assembly to renew its commitment to ending VAW, and President
Rik Daems participated in the official ceremony opened by French
President Emmanuel Macron.
43. The Assembly made a 5-year undertaking related to VAW which
was one of the six “action coalitions” of the forum, wholly oriented
around the Istanbul Convention. Goals are to push for signature
and ratification of the convention by all Council of Europe member
States and to ensure full and effective implementation of the convention
in the States Parties to the convention. Action, to be implemented
through the Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination and the
Parliamentary Network Women Free from Violence, includes awareness-raising
activities with parliamentarians highlighting the progress made
by the convention in combating violence against women, the organisation
of information and peer-to-peer training seminars in national parliaments
using the handbook for parliamentarians on the convention which
was revised in 2019,
and
encouragement to parliamentarians to fully apply Article 70 of the
convention providing for parliamentary monitoring. A monitoring
mechanism has been set up to follow implementation of the commitments
to the Forum.
5.1.4. Tools
and concerted action
44. The revised handbook for parliamentarians
has been a successful tool for awareness-raising and promotion,
and the basis for the peer-to-peer seminars and workshops in national
parliaments. These were no longer possible during 2020 and 2021
due to Covid restrictions, but are currently being resumed, with
a workshop in Rabat, Morocco, on 5 December 2022, working on the
legislative and policy changes needed for accession. During the
period several online webinars were organised on different aspects
of violence against women, co-organised by the Committee on Equality
and Non-Discrimination and the Parliamentary Network Women Free
from Violence.
45. This dynamic should be maintained, in particular through the
work of the committee and the Parliamentary Network, and is also
in conformity with Article 13 of the convention which requires Parties
to promote or organise awareness-raising campaigns, in co-operation
with women’s organisations in particular. It is essential to maintain
high visibility and to capitalise on the already widespread existing
global recognition of the Istanbul Convention among partner organisations
and importantly the public at large. This is the way forward to
adding to the Istanbul Convention’s four pillars of prevention,
protection, prosecution and policies, the 5th “P”, which is parliaments,
as legislators and “guardians of compliance” to quote the text itself.
5.2. MPs
as legislators
46. In its 2022 Mid-term Horizontal
Review of GREVIO baseline evaluation reports,
the independent group of
experts on the convention noted that ratification has inspired a
number of countries to changes their policies and legislation “expanding
beyond the scope of domestic violence to address the various forms
of violence covered by the convention.” One example is Spain, where
measures have been taken to increase responses to forms of violence
against women beyond domestic violence. In Andorra, Austria, Malta,
Monaco and Portugal, higher legislative and policy standards have
been introduced, demonstrating for GREVIO “the transformative momentum
created by the Istanbul Convention as much as the high degree of
engagement among parties.”
47. Many other changes and promising practices in new legislation
are showcased in the horizontal review, from cross-cutting provisions
to focused areas of regulation. In Belgium, for instance, a law
of 12 January 2007 known as the Gender Mainstreaming Law provides
for the integration of the principles of gender equality and non‑discrimination
into public policies from the point at which they are devised to
the point at which they are assessed and when they are implemented
by the authorities and their staff. This type of legislation has
been adopted in several other countries. In specific areas such
migration, a number of countries have translated into law the right
of a woman asylum seeker to request a female interviewer and interpreter
– Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Sweden,
and Serbia – where the law was amended following the ratification
of the Istanbul Convention. In France, an asylum reform undertaken
following the ratification of the Istanbul Convention provided for
the possibility for the applicant, in addition to being able to
request a female interpreter and interviewer, to be accompanied
in the asylum interview by a third party, such as a lawyer or a support
worker from a specialist NGO. Other legislation relating to articles
of the convention has been introduced, including subjects such as
victim and witness protection and support, prioritising investigations
of domestic violence and sexual violence‑related offences, issues
of consent and many more.
48. These are just a few examples of the positive changes inspired
by the convention and implemented through proposals for new laws.
However, from the sections of the mid-term review devoted to challenges
for implementation, it is clear that much more remains to be done.
The conclusion of the review states this: “From the foregoing emerges
clearly that, while concrete steps have been taken by all Parties
towards the implementation of the convention, the road ahead is
still riddled with challenges. These can be surmounted, provided
that there is sustained political commitment to breathe life into
the convention and give it meaning at the national level. This review,
therefore, aims to serve as a stock‑taking exercise as much as a
call to action, for governments who have been evaluated, and for
those that await evaluation by GREVIO.” I call on all my fellow
parliamentarians to take notice of this clear call for action.
5.3. Parliamentary
oversight of implementation – essential for progress on the ground
49. In its baseline evaluation
report on Belgium, GREVIO identified as a good practice in line
with Article 70, paragraph 1 of the convention, the emerging practice
of submitting progress reports on the implementation of the National
Action Plan regarding violence against women to the national parliament
as well as the parliaments of the federated entities for review.
This should be generally promoted by parliamentarians and is part
of the accompanying recommendations to this report. The submission
of reports to parliaments, priority given to discussion on the conclusions
and legislative follow-up where relevant are essential phases in
efficient implementation.
50. The Assembly should foresee an annual examination of action
to implement the Istanbul Convention, inviting members to submit
information on this action both in the framework of the reports
of GREVIO and outside the evaluation cycles, with a view to enhancing
institutional knowledge of its provisions and their application
in States Parties, and improving implementation by broad sharing
of practices and examples of legislative measures. The recommendations
of the Committee of Parties to the Convention should be included in
this examination. Without new visibility and priority given to implementation,
the undeniable progress in protective and preventive measures shown
by the supervisory mechanism will continue to be contradicted by the
consistently shocking statistics on violence against women and domestic
violence.
6. Challenges
at national level: a case study of Türkiye
51. On 6-7 June 2022 I carried
out a fact-finding mission to Istanbul and Ankara, which was invaluable
in enabling me to gain a good overview of the national responses
to violence against women in Türkiye, which in many areas correspond
to those of other Council of Europe member States. My visit to a
country no longer Party to the convention may seem inappropriate,
but one of my objectives was to promote the return of Türkiye, which
I was able to do without experiencing any hostile reactions from
the authorities with whom I met. I certainly returned from the visit
even more convinced of the advantages of membership of the Istanbul Convention
while taking stock of policies in place to combat violence. I will
continue to do all in my power to encourage Türkiye’s renewed ratification.
52. I would especially like to thank the chairperson of the Turkish
delegation to the Assembly, Mr Ahmet Yildiz, for facilitating my
meetings in Ankara and for our substantial and open bilateral meeting.
My sincere thanks also to the delegation secretariat, in particular
Ms Handan Karakaş for the efficient organisation of the mission.
I was also able to participate in a working lunch with members of
the Turkish Parliament and of the delegation to the Assembly – Sena
Nur Çelik, Emine Nur Günay, Feleknas Uca as well as Fatma Aksal.
53. In Istanbul and Ankara, I met with a large number of very
dedicated and determined professional women working for NGOs defending
the rights of women throughout the country. On the precise day of
my visit to Ankara the Council of State, Türkiye’s highest administrative
court, was holding hearings in the framework of over 200 lawsuits
filed for the annulment of President Erdoğan’s decision to withdraw
Türkiye from the Istanbul Convention.
As a result I was able to profit from the
presence of many activist women lawyers from all over Türkiye and
to exchange with a group of 30 of them in the evening, after spending
the day in meetings with the relevant authorities. In Istanbul I
was lucky to benefit from the premises of the Mor Çatı (Purple Roof)
Women's Shelter Foundation
in order to meet and exchange with
the Foundation and other NGOs about their work and challenges.
54. At the Mor Çatı Women's Shelter Foundation I met with representatives
of the Istanbul Bar Association, the European Women’s Lobby, the
Women's Coalition Coordination for Türkiye, the Women for Women's Human
Rights-New Ways, the Women’s Library and Information Centre Foundation
and the Red Pepper Association. At my further meeting in Ankara
I heard and exchanged with other European Women’s Lobby and Women’s
Coalition representatives, including for women with disabilities,
the Women’s Platform for Equality Eşik Platform, the Gay and Lesbian
Cultural Research and Solidarity Association KAOS-GL, the Turkish Women’s
Union (Türk Kadınlar Birliği), the Federation of Turkish Women’s
Associations and the Hatice Demir Diyarbakir Bar Association.
55. I also met Emma Sinclair-Webb, Associate director and Türkiye
director for Human Rights Watch, who presented a report just released
entitled “Turkey fails domestic violence victims”
and
participated in the discussion. I was able to learn from her about
some of the threats to women’s rights in the country, and very much
recommend the publication, which I was also able to promote during
my meeting at the Ministry of the Family, where I received assurances
that Human Rights Watch would shortly be invited to make a presentation.
56. My meetings with the Turkish authorities aimed to examine
the current provisions for the protection of women against violence,
in order to ascertain whether new national legislation brought into
force recently is efficient in curbing violence against women, and
whether it remains inspired by the provisions of the convention.
I met with Prosecutor Ms Emine Avcıoğlu, Mr Murat Çetinkaya Mr Ahmet
Hamdi Taşyapan and Ms Elif Çelik at the Ministry for Justice, Dr
Sibel Ozdemir, head of the Department of Combating Violence Against
Women and Family of the Turkish National Police Force, Mr Şeref
Malkoç, Chief Ombusdsperson of Türkiye, with Ms Fatma Benli Yalcin
and Ms Celile Özlem Tunçak, Ombudspersons, Ms Fatma Aksal, Chairperson
of the Committee on Equality of Opportunity for Women and Men, and
Ms Öznur Çalık, Chairperson of the Research Committee of the Parliament
on Violence Against Women, and finally with Ms Gülser Ustaoğlu,
Head of Directorate on the Status of Women at the Ministry of Family
and Social Policies.
57. Obviously, when using the Istanbul Convention as the cursor,
the positions of civil society and the national authorities are
radically opposed about the need for belonging to the Convention.
In actual fact, I believe that on many of the issues discussed,
especially those concerning measures, action and resources deployed
on the ground, approaches could be less irreconcilable, and tragic
shortfalls in the protection of women against violence could be
better addressed through co-operation between civil society and
national and regional authorities.
58. Cultural and political differences are, however, obstacles
to dialogue and progress, as they are in Turkish society as a whole,
especially when it comes to the protection against gender-based
violence of specific groups such as women with disabilities, LBT
women and minorities, and to all women’s access to fundamental sexual and
reproductive health and rights. The Istanbul Convention remains
the best framework for protection, and in some regions of Türkiye
local authorities and women’s organisations continue to use its
provisions on which to model policies. I would be extremely satisfied
if the Turkish authorities came to realise that the convention has only
advantages for the protection of women from violence and the prevention
of domestic violence and took the decision to once more become a
State Party.
7. Conclusions
59. The Istanbul Convention is
one of the Council of Europe’s youngest and most dynamic treaties.
It has been a pleasure to take stock of how its outreach has developed
over the last eight years since entering into force and continues
to develop. I congratulate all those stakeholders who have worked
to ensure this success.
60. All member States of the Council of Europe should ratify and
implement the convention if we are to have a chance of reducing
gender-based violence in Europe.
61. The Assembly and national parliaments must step up their efforts
to promote the Istanbul Convention and to firmly oppose its detractors.
62. The 4th Summit of Heads of State and of Government of the
Council of Europe, announced for May 2023, will be a good opportunity
for the Organisation to give renewed priority to the protection
of women and girls against violence and to push for further progress
in implementation of the Istanbul Convention as the best means of
achieving this progress. The Assembly trusts that this will be the
case.