1. Introduction
1. In mid-2023, according to the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the number of
people in need of international protection in the world reached
the record number of 47.5 million persons (110 million if counting
internally displaced persons). Although most of those in need of
international protection are not present in Europe (hosting about
12 million refugees and asylum seekers by the end of 2022 – representing
approximately 1.7% of the more than 700 million citizens in Council
of Europe member States), European countries have also witnessed
a significant increase in the number of international protection seekers,
recording in mid-2023 the largest number of new individual asylum
applications since 2016.
In the wake
of several international crises leading to phases of increased arrival
of people claiming international protection in Europe,
and also linked to political
trends across Europe, public and policy debates on asylum and migration
have featured high on the political agenda in Europe since the 1990s.
2. A further element has been a trend towards what can be characterised
as a form of blackmail from certain States towards Europe as regards
migration movements. Concerns have also been expressed with respect
to the “instrumentalisation of migration” at the border by some
State authorities, which the Parliamentary Assembly condemned in
Resolution 2404 (2021) “Instrumentalised migration pressure on the borders
of Latvia, Lithuania and Poland with Belarus.”
3. In the face of these developments, narratives by the shapers
of public opinion claiming that the current asylum systems are failing
in efficiency have gained strength. Hence, the justified need to
review and refine outdated asylum legislation has in the last few
years turned into a frequent questioning of the very pertinence of
such frameworks, coupled with overt justification of an almost structural
trend towards policy changes. This situation is characterised by
member States increasingly speeding up asylum procedures and seeking externalisation
of these procedures in co-operation with countries of transit, countries
of first asylum or even countries in which the applicants have never
set foot.
4. The number of cases brought before the European Court of Human
Rights (hereafter “the Court”) over the past few years prove that
several of these developments have put procedural rights at risk
or are a breach of State parties’ obligations.
In this respect, a concerning
trend is being witnessed whereby courts’ rulings, at national or
European level, are increasingly portrayed by some State representatives
as obstructing their States’ sovereignty to manage asylum and namely
to decide on restricting human rights safeguards as regards access
to, or during, asylum procedures.
5. In addition to being in violation of human rights, these deterrence
policies have proven, in the past years, to lead to only more chaos,
human suffering and lack of control. The constant narrative, over
the past twenty years, that the asylum system is abused, and is
inefficient, has turned the very issue of asylum – the protection of
people fleeing persecution – into an obsession and a problem to
be solved, as if the number of asylum seekers would simply decrease
by restricting access to the territory and to the fundamental right
to seek asylum.
6. The permanent state of emergency, dealing with a policy issue
in a crisis mode for decades, is not only contradictory in terms
(if this is permanent, then it cannot be deemed an emergency), but
it is also misleading policy making. Conditioning domestic and border
security upon more restrictive asylum policies places the obligation
to protect asylum seekers below national security. This misrepresentation
brings terrible consequences to human lives, and it is fuelling
the misbelief across the general public that migrants, including those
who have a need for international protection, are a problem, furthering
xenophobia and racism.
7. National security and protection of human rights should be
combined, neither hierarchised on a set of priorities nor conditioned
upon one another. This is counter-intuitive and dangerous. It is
used as a justification for constant policy reforms, placing strain
on the entire administrative system and public officials who have
to keep adjusting to new procedures, often entailing additional
significant difficulties for applicants during the processing of
their case during transition periods or when the rules suddenly
change.
8. These reforms are often nationally based, thus causing asylum
seekers and asylum officers to bear the brunt of the lack of co-ordination
between member States which fail to apply the standards provided
for in the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees
and its 1967 Protocol (hereunder “the Refugee Convention”) in a
harmonised fashion. Moreover, the lack of harmonised procedures
across Europe, in States where resources devoted to asylum are uneven,
is itself justification for additional reforms at a regional level, furthering
the same counter-productive trend, and leading to avoidance strategies
and even mistrust between States.
9. Asylum policy reforms have often been argued from the angle
of security issues. However, the link between asylum and security
policy is artificially inflated, for example, by an overproportionate
level of reporting on crimes committed by asylum seekers or refugees
and by addressing this topic in a populist manner in the political
discourse. Moreover, by deploying emergency mechanisms to counter
the arrival of asylum seekers rather than enacting well-resourced
and structural asylum policies, State authorities are favouring
the emergence of diversion strategies and situations of despair
on the side of asylum seekers. Further consequences are containment
and management strategies where detention of adult and children
asylum seekers becomes the norm, and where asylum seekers are viewed
with suspicion.
10. Acknowledging this dramatic status quo, the present report
aims to discuss the current practice and demonstrate, through a
fact-based analysis, that human rights-compliant asylum procedures
are an obligation that does not play against the interests of State
authorities regarding order and security matters, but quite the contrary:
a human rights-compliant approach to asylum procedures is a pragmatic
approach that upholds the rule of law and therefore guarantees security
and civil liberties for all.
11. In this context, the motion for resolution entitled “Ensuring
human rights-compliant asylum procedures”
(Doc. 15601) calls on the Assembly to “provide guidance to national
parliaments on how to implement existing binding international standards
so as to allow member States to determine the conditions of entry
to their territory while protecting the human rights of those fleeing
war, persecution, violence and the consequences of climate change”.
The report should also take due account of the following motions:
“Transfer and resettlement of asylum seekers”
(Doc. 15571) and “Externalising asylum increases the risk of undermining
the system of international protection” (
Doc. 15912).
12. It should be clarified that, irrespective of the very broad
spectrum that the title of this report may cover, the report will
focus on access to asylum procedures and their quality. This means
compliance with the right to seek asylum, the principle of non-refoulement as a core principle
deriving from the non-derogable prohibition of torture and, subsequently,
procedural rights as anchored in Article 13 of the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 5). The report will neither delve into
compliance with civil, political, economic, cultural, and social
rights nor enter into the specific aspects of the European Union
Temporary Protection Directive as triggered for individuals fleeing
the war of aggression launched by the Russian Federation against
Ukraine since February 2022.
2. Legal obligations and international
standards
13. Human rights-compliant asylum
procedures are part of every member State’s obligation deriving
from international human rights law, in particular the Refugee Convention
as well as the European Convention on Human Rights.
14. Under Article 33 of the Refugee Convention, refugees cannot
be sent to a place where they may be persecuted. However, this convention
does not indicate what type of procedures are to be adopted for
the determination of refugee status. It is left to each member State
to establish the procedure. This being said, member States must
make sure that every person seeking asylum experiences a human rights-compliant procedure.
That means first and foremost guaranteeing effective access to the
asylum procedure.
15. The European Convention on Human Rights further obliges States
to ensure the safety of the individuals under their jurisdiction
through a number of negative and positive obligations deriving from
its Articles 2 and 3 as well as from Article 4 of its Protocol No.
4 (ETS No. 46). Procedural aspects should be in line with Article
13 of the Convention on the right to an effective remedy. The right
to legal aid is enshrined in Article 6(3)(c) of the Convention including
free legal aid “where the interests of justice so require.”
16. The Court has made it clear that “the effectiveness of a remedy
within the meaning of Article 13 does not depend on the certainty
of a favourable outcome for the applicant” (
A.M
v. The Netherlands). It is also worth noting that the
Court considers that in situations of deprivation of liberty, where
people are refused entry to the territory, in “transit zones” or
in any location where a “fiction of non-entry” is established in
law, “the remedy by which the alleged Article 3 risk in the event
of removal is being reviewed has to be particularly speedy in order to
comply with the requirements of Article 13 taken in conjunction
with Article 3 of the Convention” (
case No. 39126/18, E.H. v. France).
17. Further, the obligation to respect human rights (Article 1
of the Convention) is involved if a jurisdictional link is established,
which can be the case in extra-territorial situations. This was
confirmed in the case of
HirsiJ amaa v. Italy where asylum seekers
were intercepted in the high seas by an Italian ship and sent back
to Libya. The Court affirmed that States must make sure, through
an individual examination, that people returned will not be exposed
to a risk of being subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment, irrespective of the people explicitly expressing
a fear of persecution.
18. Access to the territory of asylum is also safeguarded in the
Convention as clarified by the Court in cases referring to pushbacks
and prevention of unauthorised entry in Greece, Hungary, Italy,
Lithuania and Poland. Pursuant to obligations deriving from Article
3 and/ or Article 13 taken in conjunction with Article 3, member States
cannot remove asylum seekers to a third country without examining
their asylum claim on its merit (see for instance
case No. 47287/15, Ilias Ahmed v. Hungary).
19. Importantly, the Court has already acknowledged the challenges
which may derive from a high number of arrival of migrants and asylum
seekers, while recalling the absolutely non-derogable character
of Article 3 of the Convention: “The Court does not underestimate
the burden and pressure this situation places on the States concerned,
which are all the greater in the present context of economic crisis.
It is particularly aware of the difficulties involved in the reception
of migrants and asylum seekers on their arrival at major international airports
and of the disproportionate number of asylum seekers when compared
to the capacities of some of those States. However, having regard
to the absolute character of Article 3, that cannot absolve a State
of its obligations under that provision” (
case No. 30696/09, M.S.S. v. Belgium and Greece).
3. Asylum
in Europe: an overview based on facts
20. Asylum and migration and the
associated policies have been in the last few years a very heated
topic of debate which has been subject to political manipulation.
As this report takes a solution-oriented approach, it is based on
evidence that is available through several official sources of information,
providing converging data on the reality of the matter, quantitatively
and qualitatively. By consolidating these sources of data, the report delivers
a solid basis of facts for consequential analysis.
21. To complement the data available through official statistics,
a request for information was sent to the parliaments of members
States and to the Assembly’s partners for democracy and observer
States through the European Centre for Parliamentary Research and
Documentation (ECPRD). Responses were received from 35 countries
– 34 members States and Canada – and from the European Parliamentary
Research Service and I would like to convey my gratitude to those
who have contributed. The main features are summarised below.
3.1. Most
asylum seekers in Europe come from war-torn countries
22. Over the past years, the number
of people seeking international protection has grown significantly,
also in relation to the overall growth of the world population.
As
a consequence, the number of decisions made by the asylum administrations
has also been on the rise.
In
this context, it should be noted that the number of decisions and
applications should not be equated with the number of persons who
submit an asylum application, as the same person can submit several
applications due to secondary movements and several decisions can
therefore affect one person.
23. In 2022, there were at least 5 099 936 decisions made on asylum
in first and in second instance across 34 member States, which is
four times higher than in 2017 when at least 1 243 292 decisions
were made in the first and second instance. In 2022, the vast majority
of decisions were made in favour of temporary protection (84.2%),
and less than 9% of the cases were rejected or declared inadmissible.
In 2017, 44% of the claims were granted a form of international
protection.
24. National statistics indicate that the majority of people seeking
asylum on European soil are recognised as being in need of international
protection. The top five countries of origin were: Afghanistan,
Syria, Iraq, Russia, and Türkiye in 2022; Afghanistan, Syria, Türkiye,
Iraq, and Morocco in 2023, although it is clear that Ukraine is
by far the most frequently represented country of origin, with more
than 4 million temporary protection status granted in 2022 and more
than one million in 2023.
This
information confirms that most persons seeking for protection in
Europe originate from war-torn countries: Ukraine, Syria, and Afghanistan.
25. According to Eurostat, the protection rate in the first instance
reached 53% in 2023 among EU members, with one third of the cases
rejected in the first instance being overturned by higher instances.
The highest number of positive decisions were received, according
to the ECPRD results, by millions of individuals fleeing the Russian
war of aggression against Ukraine.
3.2. Asylum
lottery
26. On European soil, an international
protection seeker faces an “asylum lottery”, as illustrated by the recognition
rate discrepancies across Europe. Taking the example of international
protection seekers from Afghanistan in Europe in 2022, recognition
rates varied between 8% in Austria and 100% in Norway, despite the
UNHCR maintaining that conditions in Afghanistan are not met to
allow for a safe and durable return and despite the guidelines shared
by the European Union Agency for Asylum.
27. According to information shared by member States through the
ECPRD platform, some clear discrepancies can be found when desegregating
the number of asylum requests and the number of asylum decisions
in the first instance by nationality. This is confirmed by statistics
available on the official websites of the national asylum authorities
and UNHCR which I am using in the below examples.
28. In 2022, the recognition rate of Russian nationals varied
widely across member States: 8.1% in Finland to 33.8% in Austria.
The same applied to asylum seekers from Sudan whose recognition
rate varied from 1% in Malta to 75% in Poland. As the situation
deteriorated severely in Sudan in 2023, so did the recognition rate across
member States where information was available: 14.4% in Austria,
and 28% in Finland, and this is despite UNHCR advising against the
return of Sudanese as of May 2023.
29. Deficiencies in decision making are also proven by the success
rate of appeals. For instance, in Austria, about 50% of first instance
rejected cases were overturned in second instances. This highly
critical situation correlates with the length of asylum procedures.
Discrepancies suggest that each member State seems to position itself
differently according to some countries of origin of asylum seekers.
The list of countries considered as safe countries of origin is
another illustration of there being consequences for the procedural safeguards
for applicants.
3.3. Heterogeneous
policies on legal aid across Europe
30. Besides the “asylum lottery”,
asylum seekers in Europe are also faced with a heterogenic situation
on legal aid – which leaves them in an even more arbitrary situation.
Some countries have free legal aid provided by the State authorities
throughout the whole procedure or in the second instance only, and
remuneration levels are very different.
In
other countries, legal aid is provided by non-governmental actors,
sometimes as the only resource available to support asylum seekers
legally -
with corresponding limits in resources
and quality.
31. As to the independence of legal aid, problems have arisen,
for example, in Finland because legal aid providers for asylum cases
are selected and contracted through a public procurement by the
Migration Department.
This leads to a situation whereby
the same institution that decides on the legal claims is also “the
one selecting and paying the lawyers expected to challenge its own
decisions”.
32. There is no access to an effective remedy at all stages of
the appeals procedure across member States and several national
legislations are in contradiction with the European Court of Human
Rights’ positioning according to which “[t]he mere possibility of
requesting suspensive effect or a remedy which has such effect “in practice”
only is not sufficient”.
Manifestly unfounded cases or cases
of asylum seekers considered as coming from a safe country of origin
are usually excluded from or restricted in a suspensive appeal.
3.4. Lack
of data coherence
33. I would like to express my
appreciation for all the contributions received to the ECPRD request: compiling
such information is a particularly time-consuming exercise and I
am grateful for the time dedicated by the secretariats in the various
parliaments and for their trust in sharing this information. The
responses provide rich information on a series of challenges, not
least on the need for more systematic and structured data collection
in some areas as mentioned above, but also in respect of the basic
care services provided to asylum seekers (it is telling that no
response was provided). The absence of clear information on this
last subject matter is problematic and brings also further into
question the basis for the growing sentiment, often relayed by political
leaders, that asylum seekers are a burden to public resources and
are abusing the reception system.
34. The lack of transparency in obtaining certain data on asylum,
with the exception of course of the necessary restrictions on personal
data, makes it more difficult for public scrutiny to evaluate policies
in this area and hinders a fact-based public debate on the topic
of asylum and migration. Where data was received, the lack of coherence
between member States when consolidating data was another challenge:
a regional overview of the situation is difficult because, as the
responses collected through the ECPRD platform proved, methodologies
of data collection are different.
Very
much to the detriment of comparability, temporary protection holders
– such as Ukrainians (in the case of Poland or Luxembourg) or Syrians
(in the case of Türkiye) – are not necessarily counted in the number
of international protection seekers. It is worth mentioning here
that as the number of individuals gaining protection on the basis
of the European Union Temporary Protection Directive due to the
war of aggression launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine
in February 2022 is very high, it can be concluded that the much-praised
management by European countries of access to international protection
for Ukrainians demonstrates that it is possible to cope with sudden
high numbers of arrivals of people in need of protection – despite
all the claims and narratives in preceding years that the systems
were overburdened and unable to withstand further pressure.
3.5. Common
challenges: secondary movement and return
35. Among international protection
seekers, secondary movements can be surmised via the number of asylum
cases withdrawn. In 2022, based on the information shared by 35
member States through the ECPRD platform, 130 564 cases have been
withdrawn. Whenever withdrawals are segregated between explicit
and implicit (usually considered in cases where persons have not
attended an asylum interview or have failed to inform about a change
of address), the latter largely supersedes the former for the year
considered (30 out of 32 responding member States): it makes up
almost 90% of the cases.
In any
case, these numbers evidently lead to a statistical bias, in that
a person who applies for asylum in different countries is recounted
several times.
36. In this context, it can be assumed that denial of access to
asylum procedures, as well as slow asylum procedures per se, motivate protection seekers
to move on, searching for security and perspectives elsewhere. In
fact, at the EU level, public spending on border management and
the budgetary resources of the Frontex agency have increased significantly
over recent years, while relatively few resources have been allocated
to enhancing the quality and effectiveness of asylum procedures.
However, for the objective of increasing order and security, it
would be equally important to allocate resources to border controls
and registration of third country nationals on the one hand, and
fair and effective asylum procedures and humane reception conditions on
the other.
37. Another element emerging from the answers to the questionnaire
sent is the lack of information regarding the number of return decisions
issued after the rejection of an asylum claim, as well as the number of
returns having actually been carried out. This is surprising considering
that policy debates and narratives often whirl around the obstacles
faced, or conversely the success, in returning rejected international
protection seekers.
4. Current
human rights violations and concerns
4.1. Restricted
access to the territory of asylum
38. Even though Article 31 of the
Refugee Convention provides for the non-criminalisation of unauthorised entry
by people in need of international protection, border management
has increasingly resulted in preventing people from accessing a
territory of asylum, with the UNHCR noting that, “[a]s a result,
[it] observed numerous violations of the principle of
non-refoulement, including through
arbitrary expulsions and violent pushbacks at sea or redirections
at frontiers”.
39. Blocking access to the territory of asylum has taken various
forms. Pushbacks have been a common practice for over 15 years,
as documented in the Assembly’s latest report on the matter, and
as evidenced by several civil society and equality bodies.
In early 2023, the European Committee
for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment (CPT) noted an increase in informal practices of
refoulement at land and sea borders
in several European countries.
40. In some member States, denying access to the territory of
asylum is systematic and institutionalised. In Hungary for instance,
the authorities have decided that an asylum claim could only be
examined in a Hungarian embassy. The policy excludes any other possibility
to lodge an asylum claim on Hungarian soil. Moreover, an asylum
request filed by a person originating from a country deemed as safe
is automatically declared inadmissible. These rules were considered,
when challenged before the Court, as “effectively deny[ing] asylum seekers
the right to access a fair and efficient asylum procedure.”
Such so-called deterrence policies
are on the rise, and growingly challenged before national courts
and before the Court. By way of example, in 2022, the amendments
passed by the Polish Government to the existing legislation aiming
to allow for the immediate rejection of an asylum application if
a person was crossing the border unauthorised were considered in
violation of the Polish Constitution.
41. On the other hand, it may be noted that legal and safe pathways
to protection remain very limited. For example, procedures for family
reunification can take a very long time in some States and cannot
be appealed against or challenged. As regards resettlement, quotas
remain critically low. The data provided via the ECPRD platform
outlined that only 12 out of the 35 countries have provided international
protection through resettlement over the past years. In 2022 in
Europe, resettlement decisions accounted for only 0.5% of the total decisions
in asylum procedures – despite the paradigm that providing legal
pathways for international protection seekers is the most efficient
way to reduce suffering and deaths along migration routes as well
as irregular migration and organised crime related to the smuggling
of people.
4.2. Obstacles
to accessing the procedures on the territory of asylum
42. Despite some good, albeit rare,
practices at the border or even in centres and camps including the
use of cultural mediators to provide support and interpretation
services, many international protection seekers have been hampered
from effective access to an asylum procedure – including when finally
physically reaching a territory of asylum on European soil – whether
through informal or formal channels. One of the biggest problems
in asylum reception camps and detention centres visited throughout
Europe remains, according to the CPT, the lack of information for
individuals about their situation and about the procedures and timelines that
lie ahead. As explained by the CPT, decisions on their asylum claims
are not usually provided in a language or form applicants can understand.
In
this context, little visibility has been given to some of the good practices
or recommendations provided to help improve access to asylum in
a fair manner.
43. While States have introduced policies with more stringent
conditions to access an asylum procedure and complexified their
asylum systems with different categories of international protection
schemes – and
de facto unequal
procedural rights, it remains to be assessed whether these policies
are helpful for administrations in fulfilling the procedural obligations
which they are legally bound by. By contrast, simplifying procedures
through fast-track procedures for asylum seekers whose claims are
considered manifestly well-founded due to their country of origin,
has proved an efficient way to provide protection, as long as sufficient
resources are in place to shorten the examination delays in compliance
with the procedural safeguards required, for example in France concerning
refugees from Syria in 2015 and 2016.
44. The discrepancies in the legislation across members States
as well as in the recognition rate seem to demonstrate the importance
of, if not the need for, more harmonised standards on effective
access to legal aid and to legal representation at all stages of
the asylum procedure, and ensuring that access to an effective remedy
is guaranteed in appeal procedures.
45. “Transit zones” have furthermore been used to block access
to asylum procedures. The situation in international ports, airports,
and train stations in a number of European member States has increasingly
been regulated so as to treat “transit zones” under special procedures
where procedural safeguards, including in the field of asylum, are
lower than in the rest of the territory.
46. Bilateral and regional co-operation frameworks also provide
formal instruments which are used to restrict access to asylum procedures.
Prohibiting entry may also result from a requirement that asylum
requests are lodged extra-territorially (as foreseen in the controversial
agreement signed between Italy and Albania in 2023), or handled
by third-country administrations (as foreseen in the recently-adopted
UK legislation and accompanying arrangements put in place between
the UK Government and that of Rwanda).
47. In situations where asylum seekers and migrants are instrumentalised
by a State to exert pressure on another State, some member States
have enacted measures which raise human rights concerns, even though such
measures may originate from legitimate objectives related to public
order and border management.
Declaring a state
of emergency may have a detrimental effect on access to asylum as
noted earlier and as highlighted by the European Court of Human
Rights in many cases. For example, Belarus instrumentalised asylum
seekers and migrants to exert pressure on the European Union, leading
to the introduction by Lithuania in 2021 of legislation aiming to
prevent access to international protection procedures for people
residing illegally on the territory, citing the context of mass
arrival of foreign nationals, including people in need of international
protection, over the Belarus-Lithuania border. This decision was
considered in breach of EU law including Article 18 of the Charter
of Fundamental Rights of the European Union by the Court of Justice
of the European Union, in 2022.
4.3. Weakness
of human rights monitoring mechanisms
48. Mechanisms to monitor and ensure
compliance with human rights standards of the actions of law enforcement
authorities in border areas remain weak. Judicial oversight or fundamental
rights monitoring at the border has been made increasingly difficult
over the years. The mandate of the ombudspersons does not for example
always allow for operational and even unannounced border monitoring;
in many member States the mandate of the ombudsperson is limited
to a supervisory role.
49. The Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe,
Dunja Mijatović, stressed in a report on pushbacks that “the very
first aim of border monitoring is to gather and verify information
on human rights violations at the borders.”
The Assembly underscored,
in
Resolution 2462 (2022) “Pushbacks on land and sea: illegal measures of migration
management” the importance of “well-functioning independent border monitoring
mechanisms at national and European levels.” These should be fully
independent and should not be “restrict[ed] [in] their access to
border or migrant retention facilities” or “limit[ed] [in] their
actions through other means”.
50. The Council of Europe itself has developed specific standards
in recent years especially from the perspective of the prevention
of torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, and through the lens
of child protection. In particular, the CPT is mandated to monitor
the treatment of persons deprived of their liberty in the context
of border control activities at land and sea borders of Council
of Europe member States. In the chapter entitled “The prevention
of ill-treatment of foreign nationals deprived of their liberty
in the context of forced removals at borders”
, it
noted the “disregard for basic legal safeguards and access to asylum”
during summary and forced removals across Europe.
51. According to the CPT, the key standards for border monitoring
mechanisms to ensure effective monitoring of respect for human rights
obligations are the following: “a mandate and powers to conduct
regular and unannounced inspections” and to “publicly produce reports
with clear recommendations”, adequate human and financial resources
including “staff with adequate expertise”, “independence from the
relevant authorities responsible for policing the borders”, the
ability to “communicate directly with the competent prosecutorial authorities
if malpractice is observed.” Effective complaint mechanisms should
be accessible to foreign nationals for appeal and to obtain redress
in case of abuse of their human rights at the border.
52. Border monitoring should also ensure that effective safeguards
are in place to prevent human rights abuse. In particular, these
should include ensuring that vulnerability checks and health screenings
are systematically conducted by competent authorities, and that
access to an individualised procedure is guaranteed, ensuring due
respect for procedural safeguards before any decision for removal
is made. Individuals apprehended or intercepted at the border should
be “placed in a position to effectively make use of the legal remedies
available against their forced removal, based on an individual assessment
of the
prima facie risk of
ill-treatment in the case of removal.”
4.4. Failure
to implement judgments of the European Court of Human Rights
53. Interesting information can
also be found in the extensive record available in the monitoring
of the execution of the European Court of Human Rights’ judgments.
I am deeply grateful to the Council of Europe’s Department for the
Execution of Judgments of the European Court of Human Rights for
their input. The Court has indeed seen an increase in the number
of complaints against some member States because of alleged violations
of the rights of asylum seekers. This information demonstrates that
member States are deficient in two respects: they have weak human
rights monitoring mechanisms, and they are also slow in implementing judgments
when condemned for violating the rights of an asylum seeker.
54. As of April 2024, 133 rulings of the Court involving a breach
of the non-refoulement principle
were still not implemented. Among them, 66 cases concerned the failure
to adequately assess the risks of removal to a certain country;
22 cases were related to the failure to adequately assess the risks
before removal; 2 cases related to removal to a “safe” third country;
18 cases to removal on national security grounds; 7 cases to removal
in breach of domestic law or despite Rule 39 indications by the
Court and a further 18 cases involved collective expulsions. On
the same date, there were 14 cases in which States were condemned
for breaching the right to a suspensive effect of the appeal and
had so far failed to fully implement the Court’s judgment. The situation
of migrant children emerges as a particularly worrying area where
the Court’s judgments have failed to be implemented.
55. If member States are usually slow in complying with judgments
of the Court, they are not necessarily opposed to co-operation on
the issue. Some good practices demonstrate the importance of ensuring
follow-up on the judgment through inter-governmental dialogue. Nevertheless,
the long list of judgments not implemented, in addition to the increasing
number of cases brought before the Court in the field of migration and
asylum, indicates that some national legislations are still not
fully compliant with the obligations enshrined in the Convention.
The Court’s case law is also an indicator that this regional remedy
mechanism is particularly important in this field and is effectively
seized by asylum seekers, confirming the usefulness of regional
courts in ensuring access to an effective remedy and effective judicial
oversight.
5. Deterrence
by asylum externalisation policies
5.1. “Safe
third country” concept
56. A common externalisation strategy
is to consider countries as safe countries of origin or safe third countries,
so as to declare a claim inadmissible or to examine claims under
an accelerated procedure. In principle, and pursuant to the Refugee
Convention, cases can be declared inadmissible when the person seeking
protection may pose a threat to public order or may have committed
crimes (article 1F). By using lists of safe countries (of origin
or of transit), public authorities are expanding the possibility
of denying access to the procedure prima
facie on a presumption of safety substantiated by consultative
bodies providing country of origin information based on the available
expertise at the national and regional levels.
57. Some examples are illustrative of this trend. For instance,
the Danish Government aims to withdraw protection from refugees
from Syria originating from areas in Syria which Copenhagen now
deems safe, even though the regime in place which refugees escaped
in the first place remains in place. What has been called a “paradigm
shift”
has
had adverse consequences on families who were denied the right to
protection that they were initially granted AND faced with the impossibility
– in addition to their well-founded fear – of returning due to the
absence of diplomatic relations between Denmark and the Assad-ruled
Syria. In Iceland, legislative reforms to the Foreigners Act in
2023 have expanded the scope of the safe third country concept to
any country deemed natural and reasonable for the applicant to return
to, without any guarantee that protection is effectively accessible.
Asylum applicants coming from such countries are barred from a substantive
review of their application. This poses a real risk to applicants’
lives and security in contravention of the
non-refoulment principle.
58. Some examples of lists of safe countries that have been successfully
challenged highlight that practices on such lists raise human rights
concerns. For instance, in the Netherlands, in 2022, the Dutch Council
of State
underlined that even when a country
is considered as a safe country of origin for unaccompanied children,
the authority should examine if adequate reception facilities are
available in the country where the person should be returned. In
Greece, the Council of State referred preliminary questions to the
Court of Justice of the European Union on the legality of the Greek
national list designating Türkiye as a safe third country for asylum
seekers from Afghanistan, Syria, Somalia, Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The compliance with such decision by Greece within its European
and international obligations is being examined by the Court of Justice
of the European Union.
59. From a purely procedural perspective, and without entering
into the question of shifting responsibility to the authorities
of the “safe third countries” concerned, the ability to assess whether
a country is safe for individuals in need of protection and the
shifting of the burden of proof from the authority to the applicant
are particularly sensitive issues, as I have developed further in
my report “Safe third countries for asylum seekers” (
Doc. 15592).
5.2. Bilateral
agreements
60. Bilateral agreements have been
instrumental for years in keeping asylum seekers away from the territory of
member States as an asylum destination. The various agreements between
Italy and Libya over the years and the most recent agreement between
Malta and Libya, or even the co-operation agreements between Spain and
Morocco, are examples of these practices. More recently, the controversial
deal signed between the Italian and the Albanian Prime Minister
in November 2023 has raised opposition from Albanian human rights institutions
and opposition parties.
61. It is concerning to see parliamentary and judicial oversight
increasingly sidelined or discarded. A much-cited example can be
found in the long-standing process towards the recent adoption of
a law by the British Parliament allowing the UK “to send people
to Rwanda who would otherwise claim asylum in the UK and/or have
made irregular journeys to the UK. Rwanda will either grant them
asylum or permanent residence.”
A previous
agreement was deemed unlawful and non-enforceable by the Supreme
Court on the basis that inadmissibility did not result from an in-merit
or at least a country assessment ensuring that the persons sent to
Rwanda would face no risk of ill-treatment including a risk of
non-refoulement.
The British Government decided to maintain
its position, backed by the House of Commons, to proceed with the
agreement, arguing that the
non-refoulement principle
from Rwanda is guaranteed in Article 10 of the agreement. The Safety
of Rwanda Bill passed in April 2024.
It remains to be seen if and how it can
be implemented.
62. At the EU level, some co-operation agreements are also conducted
without parliamentary oversight – for instance, the reinforcement
of the capacities of the Libyan Cost Guards that was later harshly
criticised for generating practices of pullbacks towards a country
where the treatment of migrants and asylum seekers has notoriously
been known over the years as being in breach of international human
rights law.
6. The
European Union Pact on Migration and Asylum: a chance to gear towards
the rule of law and to regain control
6.1. Upgrading
the standards?
63. In April 2024, the European
Parliament endorsed the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. The general reviewing
of the existing legislation, comprising nine regulations and one
directive, aims to further harmonise asylum procedures throughout
EU member States towards “fast and efficient asylum and return procedures with
stronger individual safeguards”.
64. The measures foreseen by the Pact comprise: the obligation
to provide access to legal support to asylum seekers throughout
the procedure; the obligation to set up national border monitoring
mechanisms entailed in the screening mechanism; screening procedures
upon arrival of asylum seekers to identify well-founded claims at
the earliest stage of the process to help refer individuals to the
appropriate procedures. The UNHCR will be granted access to asylum
seekers during the border procedure.
65. The Pact has to be seen in the context of the above-described
trends and climate which have only increased human suffering and
disorder on this question in Europe, leading to a “race to the bottom”
– instead of a co-ordinated policy response – and a clear lack of
solidarity among member States.
66. The aim of the Pact is to prevent uncontrolled onward movements
from countries of first entry, screen more efficiently protection
seekers and people with no right to remain on the territory to facilitate
redirection to either an asylum or a return procedure and commit
to border security imperatives and international protection obligations
in times of crisis or “instrumentalisation” of migration movements.
67. The reforms foreseen by the Pact are presented as an opportunity
to reverse the trend. It will test EU member States on their willingness
to genuinely abide by human rights-compliant procedures. They will
have to demonstrate whether they are willing to apply the Pact in
good faith with the aim of proving its effectiveness as a response
to the challenges addressed above. Such a good faith application
is particularly needed in the light of significant human rights
concerns expressed by refugee law experts on certain provisions,
and also as regards the need to allocate sufficient resources to
ensure the functioning of the foreseen human rights safeguards.
6.2. Legalising
a race to the bottom? Human rights concerns
68. Severe shortcomings and human
rights violations at the EU borders have been documented at length over
the years. By adopting regulations rather than directives, the Pact
is in theory offering stronger assurances that procedural obligations
and regional solidarity will be effectively complied with by member
States. However, in practice, several concerns remain – regarding
the same human rights violations that have occurred over the past
years, as set out above.
69. It remains to be seen if access to the territory of asylum
will continue to be restricted, as border monitoring remains within
the competence of national authorities which, in turn, should demonstrate
enough political will to ensure the effectiveness of proper monitoring.
Moreover, resettlement quotas will only be granted on a voluntary
basis, with therefore no guarantee that legal and safe pathways
to protection will increase.
70. Once international protection seekers will have reached European
soil, deterrence practices regarding reception conditions and procedural
practices as regards the screening of individuals at the European
Union’s external borders could still occur. Asylum seekers originating
from a country with a low recognition rate will see their case processed
outside the standard procedure because of their nationality or,
because of their itinerary (first country of asylum). This will
place a heavier burden of proof on asylum seekers claiming protection
and risks lowering safeguards throughout the procedure.
71. In this context, the
de facto systematic
detention of asylum seekers, including children and families, when
a border procedure is triggered, is an additional source of concern.
72. With regard to border procedures, the UNHCR has underlined
that there is a serious risk of increased resort to derogation rules,
especially when States resort to extraordinary procedures designed
to address crisis situations, as well as of a wider use of detention
at the border should safeguards not be effectively in place and sustained.
Furthermore, concerns are raised as
to a possible lack of “adequate capacity” in reception centres,
especially in situations with higher numbers of arrivals. This could
lead to situations of humanitarian crises at the European Union’s
external borders.
73. As regards access to legal assistance, the Asylum Procedure
Regulation does not provide for free legal assistance and representation
at all stages of the procedure but limits the obligation of free
legal assistance and representation to the appeal procedure. Thus,
suspensive appeal in the second instance will be denied to asylum
seekers whose cases are considered in the border procedure as well
as to persons whose cases are considered inadmissible or treated
in an accelerated procedure, except in cases where leave to remain
is requested and considered favourably by the authority in charge.
74. The Pact has also introduced a refined definition of the “safe
third country” concept to be used at the EU and national levels
when implementing the border procedures and with a view to identifying
cases considered as inadmissible. However, the existing diversity
across European States on this aspect is already indicative of the
heterogenous and possibly disharmonious way in which such a concept
may be interpreted by member States.
75. Finally, the Pact foresees more bilateral co-operation with
third countries, which might potentially lead to the conclusion
of bilateral agreements with countries which do not respect human
rights – especially in cases where democratic oversight is not sufficiently
guaranteed. While co-operation aiming to reinforce protection capacities
along migration routes – what the UNHCR calls the “route-based approach”
– is welcome and needed and should be further encouraged by member
States,
such
co-operation cannot absolve member States from their international
protection obligations within their own territory.
76. Given these numerous questions on the content and implementation
of the Pact, linked to human rights concerns, ensuring that enough
resources are made available and guaranteeing common criteria and
effective human rights monitoring should lie at the core of its
entry into practice.
6.3. The
necessity of serious budgeting when implementing the Pact
77. I had the privilege of conducting
a fact-finding mission to the EU institutions in Brussels in February
2024 and to meet with senior officials involved in the negotiation
of the Pact at the European Commission (DG Home), at the EU Council
(JHA Unit) and at the European Parliament (three of the rapporteurs
on the above mentioned filed). Throughout the preparation of the
report, I was able to meet with refugee law experts and practitioners
from the Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (CCBE) and
from the European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE). I also
had the opportunity to discuss the practical and procedural aspects
of the Pact where co-operation with the Council of Europe may prove
beneficial to ensuring the international human rights standards
which the EU law should guarantee. I am particularly grateful for
the time that colleagues from the UNHCR Representation in Brussels,
the EU Agency for Asylum, the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights and
the EU Court of Auditors were able to dedicate to me.
78. The formal adoption of the Pact will mark the start of a two-year
implementation phase in which the European Commission and member
States individually will devise implementation plans based on needs assessments
aiming to identify gaps and resources needed for the Pact to be
enacted. This assessment phase, in co-ordination with the EU Asylum
Agency but also international partners able to provide a comprehensive
assessment of the situation and the need to ensure human rights
compliance throughout the entire asylum cycle, will be crucial.
79. All my interlocutors previously mentioned agreed that a human
rights-compliant implementation of the Pact requires that enough
resources be made available to meet the legal standards. In February
2024, the European Parliament has already agreed upon an extra €
2 billion on migration and border management lines of the Multiannual
Framework including € 0.88 billion for the Asylum, Migration and
Integration Fund (AMIF), and € 0.2 billion for the EU Agency for
Asylum. These budgetary resources will hopefully be allocated towards measures
that contribute to ensuring a human rights-compliant implementation
of the Pact.
80. Furthermore, infrastructure, capacities and sufficient staff
are critical for a successful implementation of the Pact. To allow
for ordinary procedures to prevail, capacities should be structurally
planned and budgeted for as a full-fledged component of public policy
regarding the implementation of asylum law. Here, the scope of the
concept of “adequate capacity” should not be limited to the provision
of reception facilities, but rather understood as an adequate framework
in terms of human, financial and infrastructure capacities, encompassing
all aspects from the training of asylum officers to the budgeting
of interpretation and legal aid. Failing to address the needs may
lead EU member States to use derogations or to further engage in
the logic of preventing access to the territory of asylum to avoid
responsibilities which they consider they cannot meet.
81. In addition to effective pre-assessment mechanisms, adequate
resources should be provided to ensure effective fundamental rights
monitoring throughout the entire procedure and at the border. In
this respect, pre-assessment, and ongoing fundamental rights monitoring
of the use of the Internal Security Fund and the AMIF are necessary.
82. The Pact also lays the ground for a mandatory yet flexible
solidarity mechanism between member States, which may take various
forms: the relocation of asylum seekers and refugees, financial
compensation to countries of first entry, or co-operation programme
with non-EU countries of transit. Concerns arise that “frontline”
EU States will be left facing the largest reception and processing
responsibilities, where, again, more solidarity would be key for
ensuring that every member States’ resources can be best allocated
to human rights-compliant asylum procedures and reception conditions.
Moreover, ensuring a fair distribution of asylum seekers among member
States would reduce deterrence strategies and prevent situations
of humanitarian crises at the European Union’s external borders
in cases of higher numbers of asylum applications.
7. Conclusion
83. The reality faced by individuals
approaching Europe in the search for protection and security is
harsh. Various obstacles already hamper their access to an asylum
procedure in Europe, let alone their admission to Europe as a genuine
territory of asylum. The series of procedural and political barriers
which are employed, sometimes in full disregard of the principle
of non-refoulement and of
rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, is extremely concerning,
not just for the safety and the civil rights of those who are directly
affected, but also because it reinforces a belief that acting in
breach of international human rights law in the field of asylum and
migration is necessary and acceptable.
84. My concerns have been deepened by the information collected
as part of the preparation of this report, indicating that while
the vast majority of international protection seekers in Europe
come from war-torn countries, recognition rates on cases involving
claimants from the same country of origin sometimes vary very widely
across member States. The heterogeneity in the existence and quality
of legal aid also concurs with creating situations akin to an “asylum
lottery” for the individual concerned.
85. This report does not intend to underplay the real challenges
faced by member States in fulfilling their legal obligations and
respecting the rule of law as regards the treatment of those seeking
protection in Europe. It does however wish to underline the importance
of respecting these principles. Any slippage towards disregard for
the rules in force, arbitrariness, or inadequate procedural safeguards
are not merely a weakening of the international human rights and
rule of law order in general, they most certainly have real effects
on individual lives: it is literally a matter of life and death
for many. It is with this imperative in mind that procedural obligations
on asylum procedures have been approved by member States.
86. Council of Europe member States should be proud of their record
in drawing up and ratifying legal instruments in the field of human
rights and particularly in the field of asylum. The binding legal
framework has been enriched by many recommendations and other texts
on asylum procedures, adopted by the Committee of Ministers of the
Council of Europe. While acknowledging the significant need for
resources to meet these obligations, member States and the relevant
institutions of the European Union should bear in mind that the focus
of the budget in this area in recent years has been insufficient
and that spending on enhancing procedures and their implementation
is likely to yield better return on investment. The end result should
be a more efficient and cost-effective system in which fair, individualised
and effective access to asylum procedures, including in appeal,
is guaranteed.
87. The body of work developed by the Council of Europe over the
years deserves to be more widely used. It includes practical monitoring
tools and preventive mechanisms attached to specific conventions
such as the CPT, the Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking
in Human Beings (GRETA) and the Group of Experts on Action against
Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (GREVIO) as well as
expertise, programmes such as the HELP tutorials and courses for
legal practitioners (Human Rights Education for Legal Professionals).
89. The Council of Europe’s membership, encompassing 46 member
States including all EU member States, as well as neighbourhood
partnerships, is both geographically and politically a grouping
for which a well-functioning, effective and human rights-compliant
asylum approach makes immense sense. Its solid human rights and
rule of law acquis, emanating from the case law of the European
Court of Human Rights and other instruments, along with its span
of reach towards civil society, the local authority level and international partners
– in particular the European Union, are a unique strength and offer
excellent opportunities to create a new momentum and a healthier
dynamic in the field of asylum procedures.
90. In line with the Reykjavik Declaration and in the perspective
of the implementation of the newly adopted EU Pact on Migration
and Asylum, I am convinced that the Council of Europe should be
a privileged partner for the European Union to accompany EU and
non-EU member States in the process of the implementation of the
Pact. I am hopeful that this report and the unfolding recommendations
will provide a useful input to work in this area aiming to move
towards an asylum policy which fully respects human rights and the
rule of law, which is resilient in the face of populist discourse
and knee-jerk reactions, and which proves its capacity to contribute to
order and security for all.