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A. Draft resolution
(open)
B. Explanatory memorandum
by Ms Zita Gurmai, rapporteur
(open)
Report | Doc. 16370 | 25 March 2026
Paving the way for a culture of consent
Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination
A. Draft resolution 
(open)1. In a post #metoo context, the
fight against gender-based violence, including sexual violence,
has gained visibility at the political and societal levels. The
issue of consent in sexual relations, considered for too long a taboo,
has made the headlines of mainstream media and led to broad public
debates. Consent has become an issue of political concern and can
no longer be sidelined or undermined.
2. The Parliamentary Assembly stresses the importance of including
free and informed consent in national legislation on preventing
and combating sexual violence. It calls for the end of impunity
for perpetrators of gender-based violence, the end of rape culture
and for a global change of mindsets. The Assembly is deeply concerned
by the phenomenon of impunity for the elite and the structural impunity
which protects perpetrators of sexual violence. Such impunity cannot
be tolerated or prevail: this silence protecting perpetrators of
sexual violence puts lives in danger and is an attack on human dignity
and personal integrity.
3. Socialisation patterns, gender norms, and perceptions of sexual
communication influence how individuals interpret consent in their
daily lives. Consent has multiple dimensions, it can never be forced
nor assumed and should be understood depending on surrounding circumstances.
Specific attention needs to be paid to disability, age, origin,
sexual orientation, sex characteristics, and social status. Economic
dependency, chemical submission, or structural discrimination can
create situations of vulnerability and are obstacles to the expression
of free consent. An absence of reaction is not equivalent to consent.
Additional protections also apply where children are concerned:
any sexual activity with a child below the legal age for sexual
activities is a crime. Children above the legal age for sexual activities
must also be protected against the use of coercion, force, threats,
abuse of a recognised position of trust, authority or influence,
or abuse of a particularly vulnerable situation of the child, irrespective
of their purported consent.
4. Each and every individual bears the responsibility of committing
to the fight against sexual violence and to integrating the principle
of free and informed consent in interpersonal relationships, as
a marker of fundamental respect. Building a culture of consent involves
challenging sexism and so-called traditional gender roles and is
a key element in the fight for gender equality and against gender-based
violence.
5. Attacks on women’s rights, attempts to control women’s bodies
and behaviour, gender-based violence, including sexual violence,
disrespect for women’s work, elected functions and place in society
all aim at undermining women’s rights, their empowerment and bodily
autonomy and at downgrading their achievements. These attacks are
perpetrated with a view to sustaining a patriarchal organisation
of society and have intensified in past years to constitute a backlash
in increasingly polarised societies. The Assembly expresses concern
at the worrying change in attitudes related to the fight against
patriarchy in younger generations. Promoting a culture of consent
is a way of combating these phenomena.
6. The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating
violence against women and domestic violence (CETS No.210, “Istanbul
Convention”) clearly establishes in its Article 36 that sexual violence
and rape are defined by the absence of consent. Several member States
have changed their national legislation to bring it in line with
the provisions of the Istanbul Convention, but not all have included
the notion of consent in their national legislation. Referring to
its Resolution... (2026) “Promoting the Istanbul Convention and
improving its implementation: building on lessons learnt”, the Assembly
reiterates its support for the Istanbul Convention. It denounces
the myths surrounding the content of the Istanbul Convention and
its political instrumentalisation, which are detrimental to the
protection of the survivors’ rights and for women’s rights in general.
The Assembly calls for the full implementation of the Istanbul
Convention.
7. The Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of Children
against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse (CETS No. 201, «Lanzarote
Convention») requires States to criminalise all forms of child sexual exploitation
and sexual abuse in addition to consent-based definitions of sexual
violence and rape. The Assembly also calls for the implementation
of the Lanzarote Convention.
8. Working on consent is not an isolated action, but part of
a comprehensive set of measures necessary for a more equal society
and striving against deeply rooted gender stereotypes. The Assembly
reiterates its Resolution
2490 (2023) “Innovative approaches to sexual and reproductive health
and rights” and reaffirms that comprehensive affective, emotional
and sexuality education should be both a mandatory part of all school curricula,
and a right that should be recognised for all.
9. The Assembly also reiterates its Resolution 2614 (2025) “Women's rights in Europe – Progress and challenges”
in which it had expressed concern about the political instrumentalisation
of family values with the aim of undermining women’s rights and
deplored the spread of gendered disinformation and the growing backlash
against women’s rights in Europe. It reiterates that attacks on
women’s rights are attacks on democratic values. The backlash against
women’s rights will have negative consequences on the lives of women
and girls, in all their diversity, in decades to come.
10. In its Resolution
2480 (2023) “The role and responsibility of men and boys in stopping
gender-based violence against women and girls”, the Assembly had
underlined that all genders, including men in all their diversity,
can and should be allies and partners in the fight for gender equality
and against gender-based violence.
11. The Assembly welcomes steps taken by the European Parliament
and other international organisations to make the question of consent
a priority and supports the important work carried out by civil
society organisations on this topic.
12. In the light of these considerations, the Assembly calls on
the Council of Europe member and observer States as well as States
whose parliament enjoys observer or partner for democracy status
with the Assembly:
12.1. with regard
to the inclusion of consent in legal frameworks, to:
12.1.1. sign, ratify and fully implement
the Istanbul Convention;
12.1.2. develop a comprehensive legal definition of consent in
matters of sexual violence as outlined in the Istanbul Convention,
stressing the importance of autonomy, mutual agreement, and absence
of coercion, considering surrounding circumstances;
12.1.3. adopt a “only yes means yes” approach in their legislation
on combating sexual violence and ensure that the perpetrator assumes
the burden of proof;
12.1.4. outlaw the concept of marital duty, thus recognising the
crime of marital rape;
12.1.5. prohibit the non-consensual transformation and diffusion
of photos and videos, to make nude content;
12.1.6. refrain from any changes of law to weaken the legal position
and protection of survivors of sexual violence;
12.2. with regard to awareness raising on the importance of
consent, preventing gender-based violence and combating gender-based
stereotypes, to:
12.2.1. launch awareness-raising
campaigns on preventing gender-based violence;
12.2.2. invest in awareness-raising campaigns on consent and the
varying (mis)perceptions of consent, targeting different age groups,
on social media and on traditional media;
12.2.3. launch specific campaigns on the importance of consent
for sexual relations within marriage;
12.2.4. include sessions on consent in comprehensive emotional
and sexuality education programmes and ensure that they are held
regularly during the school curriculum and are sufficiently funded;
12.2.5. prevent and combat gender-based stereotypes through educational
programmes from a young age, promoting also models of positive masculinities;
12.2.6. promote gender equality in all fields and pursue efforts
to end the gender pay gap;
12.3. with regard to protection of and support for survivors
of sexual violence, to:
12.3.1. provide
training on consent for law enforcement officers, legal professionals,
the judiciary, and medical staff so as to better support and interact
with survivors of sexual violence in trust-building conditions,
thereby ensuring that these stakeholders do not contribute to a situation
of secondary victimisation;
12.3.2. ensure sufficient provision of legal support;
12.3.3. give every priority to the prosecution of perpetrators;
12.3.4. provide medical care to survivors of sexual violence,
including sexual and reproductive care, and psychological support;
12.3.5. support public administrations and services, medical staff
and civil society organisations working in this field;
12.3.6. invest in mental health services.
13. Considering the multiple financial constraints faced by women’s
rights organisations, the Assembly encourages member States to support
them, both politically and financially.
14. The Assembly reiterates its call to hold regular debates in
national parliaments on the protection of women’s rights and the
fight against gender-based violence, including on the importance
of consent.
B. Explanatory memorandum
by Ms Zita Gurmai, rapporteur 
(open)1. Introduction
1. Over the past decade, the critical
issue of consent in sexual relations has surged to the forefront
of mainstream media across Europe, igniting widespread debate and
awareness. In the transformative wake of the #MeToo movement, discussions
about sexual consent have shattered long-standing preconceptions
and taboos, evolving into a vital societal conversation. Younger
generations are now actively embracing this concept, with the powerful
motto “no means no” resonating deeply and permeating diverse spheres
of society, from education to policy making.
2. The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating
violence against women and domestic violence (CETS No. 210, “Istanbul
Convention”) is considered worldwide as a groundbreaking instrument
in the fight against violence against women and domestic violence.
In its Article 36, it clearly establishes that sexual violence and
rape are defined by the absence of consent. The Convention also
clarifies that “consent must be given voluntarily as the result
of the person’s free will, assessed in the context of the surrounding circumstances”.
3. However, consent is not yet included in the definition of
sexual violence and rape in national legislations of all States
Parties to the Istanbul Convention. Sexist gender stereotypes persist
and are reflected in legislation. The requirement for a survivor
to demonstrate that she had physically resisted a sexual assault reinforces
stereotypes and victim blaming. Yet very often, survivors experience
a form of paralysis during the assault and are not in a position
to defend themselves or resist. This does not mean that there was
consent. In addition, The Council of Europe Convention for the Protection
of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse (CETS No.201,
«Lanzarote Convention») requires States to criminalise behaviours
beyond consent-based definitions of sexual violence and rape to
protect children against all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual
abuse.
4. Some opponents of the inclusion of consent in legislation
question its importance and allege that such a concept is conducive
to an environment in which seducing a person, or attempting to do
so, has become almost impossible. But, on the contrary, seduction
and consent can only be closely connected, in my opinion.
5. Other critics underline that one can never be assured that
consent is freely given in a society where there are still patriarchal
structures. Some criticise the fact that again the focus would be
put on survivors having to demonstrate the absence of consent. There
is as well criticism with regard to the lack of a common definition of
consent. Working on consent is not an isolated action, but part
of a comprehensive set of measures to work towards a more equal
society and against deeply rooted gender stereotypes. Consent is
a mindset and a process.
6. The European Court of Human Rights has consistently stressed
the importance of consent in its case law. It has stated that any
sexual act, in the absence of consent, is a form of sexual violence,
including when the perpetrator and the survivor are married,
and
has clearly criticised the concept of “devoir conjugal” (marital duty).
7. Silence does not mean consent and consent can be taken back
at any time. Entering a marriage does not mean giving a life-long
consent and consent is never permanent nor continuous in its nature.
Ensuring there is full consent means that one is prioritising respect
between partners in a relationship. Manon Garcia, philosopher, stresses
that consent is a moral issue before being a legal issue. 
8. Consent needs thus to be placed at the centre of attention
in the prevention and fight against sexual violence, and in all
our efforts to this end at the political, legislative and societal
levels. At the end of the day, consent is in fact a matter of respect
between human beings. It can never be assumed nor forced. Consent needs
to be clearly stated and understood taking into account surrounding
circumstances. Developing an understanding and clear recognition
of consent paves the way for new power dynamics in our societies.
When the importance of consent makes the headlines, it contributes
to showing that healthy and supportive relationships are based on
balanced power relations and equality.
9. In this context, we must also pay attention to the impact
of gender stereotypes on the upbringing of children. It is frequently
noted that young girls may, consciously or unconsciously, be taught
to say yes to please others, from a very young age. Such ingrained
behaviours may then have a negative impact on the understanding
and practice of consent later on.
10. Economic dependency and structural gender inequality can profoundly
undermine the reality of “free” consent in sexual relationships.
Women who lack economic autonomy or face poverty and pay gaps are
often dependent on partners or authorities for basic needs. This
dependency erodes genuine choice, as refusing unwanted sex may carry
financial risks. Indeed, economic violence is recognised as a form
of gender-based abuse that perpetuates dependency on the aggressor
and reduces women’s chances of escaping. 
11. Several Council of Europe member States have changed their
legislation in past years but more needs to be done to accompany
the States which have not yet taken this direction. The Parliamentary
Assembly can play an important role in calling on national parliaments
to work on the issue of consent to include it in national legislation
on preventing and combating sexual violence, if it is not yet the
case, on the basis of the provisions of the Istanbul Convention.
Efforts to raise awareness of consent need to be stepped up.
2. Aims and scope of the report
12. This report aims to shed light
on the importance of the inclusion of a comprehensive definition
of consent in national legislation on preventing and combating sexual
violence. It also aims at encouraging awareness-raising campaigns
on consent, from an early age, to prevent gender-based violence,
and supporting comprehensive sexual education programmes. Working
on the inclusion of consent in the legislation on sexual violence
goes hand in hand with working on the promotion of gender equality
and respect from a young age.
13. While the report focuses on the importance of consent in the
fight against sexual violence, I am aware of the importance of the
question of consent in medical settings, which may also have a gendered
dimension. The scope of this report will however be limited to consent
in the framework of the fight against gender-based violence. The
report will not address the question of sex work.
3. Working methods
14. I carried out desk research
on the situation in several Council of Europe member States, which
have changed their legislation so as to include consent. I have
also looked at the sociological aspect of the question, in order
to gather elements on bringing societal change, from a male-centric
power culture, in which sexual relations are inherently skewed towards
male dominance, to a culture of consent.
15. On 3 December 2025, the Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination,
together with the Parliamentary Network Women Free from Violence,
held a hearing with the participation of Ms Evin Incir, member of
the European Parliament, member of the Committee on Civil Liberties,
Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament, co-rapporteur
on “The importance of consent-based rape legislation in the EU", Sweden
(online), Ms Ellen O'Malley-Dunlop, member of the Group of Experts
on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (GREVIO)
and former CEO for the Rape Crisis Centre, Ireland, and Ms Sara
Uhnoo, Associate professor in sociology, University of Gothenburg,
Sweden. I would like to thank those speakers and the members for
their relevant contributions during this hearing.
16. On 12 February 2026, I held an online bilateral meeting with
Ms Victoire Tuaillon, journalist. On 10 February 2026, I held an
online bilateral meeting with Ms Rebecca Levy-Guillain, socio therapist
and author of a PhD on the culture of consent. On 5 February 2026,
I also had an online meeting with Ms Yolanda Iriarte, UN Women Strategic
Partnerships, Intergovernmental and Normative Engagement Specialist
and Ms Elena Ratoi, UN Women, Intergovernmental and Normative Engagement
team, and another meeting with Ms Clíona Saidléar, director of the
Irish Rape Crisis Centre.
17. I am also referring to work undertaken by the committee two
years ago. The committee held an exchange of views on “Gender-based
violence: the question of consent” on 15 September 2023 in Paris,
with the participation of Ms Catherine Le Magueresse, Associate
Researcher at the Institute of Legal and Philosophical Sciences
of the Sorbonne (ISJPS – Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne), Ms Sabrina
Wittmann, Lawyer, Violence against Women Department, GREVIO, Council
of Europe Directorate General of Democracy and Human Dignity (DGII),
and Ms Manon Garcia, professor of practical philosophy at Freie
Universität (Berlin).
4. Consent in the Istanbul Convention and GREVIO recommendations
18. As already mentioned, Article
36 of the Istanbul Convention focuses on sexual violence including
rape and covers all forms of sexual acts which are performed on
another person without her or his freely given consent, and which
are carried out intentionally. It requires parties to take the necessary
legislative or other measures to criminalise non-consensual vaginal,
anal or oral penetration of another person's body, with a body part
or an object; non-consensual sexual acts with another person; and
forcing another person to engage in non-consensual sexual acts with
a third party.
19. The Istanbul Convention also specifies that consent must be
given voluntarily as the result of the person’s free will assessed
in the context of the surrounding circumstances. In addition, parties
must take legislative or other measures to ensure that non-consensual
sexual acts committed against former or current spouses or partners
are equally covered.
20. There are four categories of legislation on sexual violence.
Some countries, such as Poland and Romania, exclusively use a force-based
definition of rape and sexual violence. In this case, the experience
and reactions of rape survivors, such as freezing, befriending or
flopping, is not taken into account. The legal requirement to show
physical resistance can reinforce harmful stereotypes and victim
blaming. A state of paralysis is often experienced, preventing a
reaction. Fear of more extreme violence or even death are also obviously
reasons why a victim would not physically resist.
21. Other countries use a two-tiered approach, with one provision
based on force, and another one based on the absence of consent
(Austria, Georgia, Greece, Norway and Serbia). The use of force
is required to qualify rape. According to GREVIO, the fact that
the act took place without consent must determine the punishment.
22. There are also countries which criminalise all sexual acts
against the recognisable will of the victim (use of force as an
aggravating circumstance or a qualified offence) – “No means no”
(Germany and Switzerland). There is a presumption of consensual
sexual act if neither party says explicitly “no”. In this model,
consent is assumed, unless a “no” is stated. There is an assessment
of the degree of resistance and the behaviour of the survivor is
at the centre of attention. However, it fails to ensure that all
non-consensual acts are criminalised.
23. The reform entered into force on 1 July 2024 in Switzerland.
In Germany, the
“No means no” approach has been introduced in 2019, criminalising
any sexual act against the recognisable will of the victim. Significant awareness‑raising
campaigns have been organised and have led to broad public debate.
As a result, an increase in reports to the police for offences against
sexual self-determination have been observed.
24. And finally, some countries have adopted the “Only yes means
yes” approach and criminalise all sexual acts to which the victim
had not given their active consent (Belgium, France, Ireland, Iceland,
Malta, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Portugal and Spain). It corresponds
to the affirmative consent standard.
25. According to Ellen O’Malley Dunlop, referring to the examples
of Spain and Ireland, the ratification of the Istanbul Convention
and defining consent in legislation using the “Only yes means yes”
model, have “helped move towards a culture change in the area of
sexual violence”.
“This has enabled more
victims to come forward to report these heinous crimes and have
perpetrators appropriately punished”. She stressed that this approach
allowed to capture cases where the victim remains passive, or cases
of surprise rape. It also allows to criminalise stealthing, which
is the non-consensual removal of a condom during sexual intercourse,
and sexual violence facilitated by drugs. This approach calls for
a change a paradigm. Consent cannot be assumed, even in an established
relationship and even if feelings have been expressed. She underlined
during our hearing that this approach was more aligned with the
spirit of the Istanbul Convention and its overall objective to improve
prevention, protection of survivors and prosecution of perpetrators.
26. She stressed the importance of a clear definition of consent,
as it “empowers victims to understand their rights and make informed
decisions and facilitates the prosecution of offenders ensuring
those who commit sexual violence are held accountable”.
Without
a definition, there can be victim blaming, which can hinder justice
for survivors. There can also be an inconsistent enforcement with
disparate standards.
27. The Council of Europe, by means of the Istanbul Convention,
has not been the only international body to call for a definition
of rape centred on the absence of consent. The Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) has called for
a re-examination of the definition of rape to focus on the absence
of consent in its decision on Vertido
v. the Philippines.
In
General Recommendation
No. 35, the committee has urged States parties to ensure that
the definition of sexual crimes in their legislation is based on
the absence of freely given consent and not on coercive circumstances. 
5. Legislative changes in Spain
28. The case La Manada marked a
turning point in Spain's legal and social landscape. An 18-year-old woman
was gang raped during the 2016 Pamplona festival. During the trial,
the questioning of the sexual history of the rape survivor, and
the presentation of images implying that the survivor continued
her life as if “nothing had happened” after the incident, demonstrated
that a victim-blaming mentality still persisted in the Spanish judicial
system.
The Pamplona court’s
initial ruling classified the act as abuso
sexual (sexual abuse) instead of agresión
sexual (sexual assault) It triggered massive public protests
and feminist mobilisation, highlighting the inadequacy of Spain’s
sexual violence laws. 
29. In response, feminist movements, legal experts, and political
actors, particularly from the Ministry of Equality, demanded a comprehensive
reform to put consent at the centre of legislation on sexual offence.
Their efforts led to the adoption of Organic Law 10/2022 on the
Comprehensive Guarantee of Sexual Freedom, known as the “Only yes means yes” (Solo sí es sí) law.
This reform abolished the previous distinction between abuse and
assault. It established that all non-consensual sexual acts constitute
sexual aggression, regardless of evidence of violence or intimidation.
This change was
considered groundbreaking in Europe.
30. Consequently, Spain’s legal approach shifted from a model
based on intent and coercion toward one grounded in affirmative
consent and the recognition of sexual autonomy.
Before
the 2022 reform, Spain’s sexual offense legislation was structured
around a clear distinction between abuso
sexual and agresión sexual, determined
primarily by the presence or absence of violence or intimidation.
This legal framework often placed the
burden on victims to demonstrate coercion or physical resistance
rather than focusing on the absence of consent. It was widely criticised
by legal scholars and feminist organisations. 
31. The new legislation seeks to create a comprehensive system
for the prevention, protection, and prosecution of sexual violence,
extending its scope beyond punishment to include survivor-centered
measures such as free legal assistance, specialised
crisis centres, and mandatory
gender-sensitivity training for professionals across the justice,
health, and law enforcement sectors. Despite these advances, the
law generated controversy due to its retroactive application, which
led to the reduction of sentences for some previously convicted
offenders under the principle of favorability in criminal law.
32. Building a genuine culture of consent means transforming social
norms and gendered power dynamics. This transformation has begun
to take shape in Spain through a range of awareness campaigns and educational
initiatives aimed at reshaping attitudes toward gender and consent.
For example, the Ministry of Equality’s national campaign “Ahora ya España es otra” (“Now
Spain is different”)
seeks
to consolidate social rejection of sexual violence and emphasise
the importance of explicit consent in all sexual interactions. Similarly,
feminist civil society organisations, such as Otro Tiempo Asociación,
have participated in the Women Against Violence Europe (WAVE) Regranting
Programme, organising workshops and training sessions on feminism,
sexual violence, and consent in Spanish communities. 
33. These initiatives mark important steps toward dismantling
the cultural tolerance of coercive behaviour and building a society
where mutual respect and bodily autonomy form the basis of interpersonal
relations. Moving beyond the punitive dimension of law, Spain’s
current challenge lies in embedding these values into education,
media, and community practices, ensuring that consent becomes a
deeply internalised social norm rather than a mere legal requirement. The cultural shift is still in
process.
6. The case of Sweden
34. In July 2018, Sweden amended
Article 6 of its Criminal Code, redefining rape based on the principle
of consent and emphasising that sexual intercourse can only occur
with the free and informed will of the individual, thereby incorporating
the affirmative consent model into its legal system.
35. This reform came to the fore following an incident in Umeå
in 2013 that caused a major public outcry. In that case, despite
serious evidence of assault, the judge of the court of first instance
deemed the actions of the individuals involved in the sexual activities
toward each other's bodies to be “natural and spontaneous” without any
explicit consent being given during these acts and acquitted the
defendants. The public reaction to this decision triggered the reform
process.
36. Numerous campaigns were launched in Sweden, one of which was
named “Anything less than yes is rape”. This campaign paved the
way for the establishment of the feminist collective Fatta (“Get
It”), which is at the centre of demands for legal change. The momentum
generated by the establishment of this collective has affected many
professional sectors, from academia to journalism, and has been
further strengthened by petitions such as #TystnadTagning and Sweden's
#MeToo movement.
37. With the reform,
two additional crimes, negligent
rape and negligent sexual abuse, were introduced into the legislation
to ensure accountability in cases where intent cannot be fully proven,
but the perpetrator has significantly violated the other person's
autonomy. Rape is defined as a sexual act with a person who does not
participate voluntarily. There is a responsibility to ensure mutual
consent. This legislation represents a paradigme shift, aiming to
break down the traditional, perpetrator-focused perception of rape
as solely based on physical force or threat. The absence of consent
is a sufficient element to define rape.
38. GREVIO’s first thematic evaluation report on Sweden
shows
that there have been many beneficial consequences following this
legislative reform. There has been an increase in the number of
complaints and prosecutions. The conviction rate increased by 75%
between 2017 and 2019. Sexual assault that could not have been prosecuted
successfully under the previous law now can be prosecuted. According
to the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brå),
reported rape cases rose from 7 369
in 2017 to over 9 000 annually after 2018. These statistics show
how the consent-based framework has reshaped both legal and social
understandings of sexual violence.
39. New types of cases started to reach the courts: “surprise
rape” and situations where the victim remained passive. There is
greater awareness in society of the importance of consent in sexual
relationships. Survivors are less afraid of being blamed and confronted
with prejudices regarding rape. According to Sara Uhnoo, the legislative
change has shaped public debate on sexual autonomy.
40. GREVIO has welcomed the fact that the reform on rape legislation
was complemented by awareness-raising and training initiatives on
the importance of consent in sexual relations, targeting different
segments of society. The government's Av fri vilja (“Free Will”)
campaign and the Swedish Gender Equality Agency's “Don't let silence
speak!” initiative aims to embed consent norms in the public consciousness,
playing a role in ensuring that the consent culture established
by the new law is understood by the public. In addition, cultural events,
social assistance activities targeting young people, and especially
Fatta's collaborations with artists and schools have played a role
in promoting awareness and spreading the culture of consent. Mandatory sexuality
education in secondary and upper secondary schools address consent,
and teachers can follow a web-based training programme and get a
teacher’s guide.
41. At the December 2025 hearing, Sara Uhnoo underlined that several
challenges still persisted. Legislation on negligent rape is difficult
to apply. Until today, credibility assessments dominate trials.
As Fransson
points out, although
the law provides a clear framework on consent, the parties to the
proceedings and jury members have not fully internalised this social
transformation. According to Brå's 2025 assessment
, there are “limitation
issues” in distinguishing voluntary participation in sexual activity
from passive consent, and courts are therefore cautious in applying
the category of negligent rape. Many cases are still being dismissed in
court due to insufficient evidence and traditional reliance on proof
of physical resistance. The impact is clear on the legal side and
in public discourse. However, accompanying measures are needed to
ensure that the importance of consent is internalised by every person.
7. The case of France
42. The definition of rape in force
until 2025 had a requirement to provide a proof of violence, coercion,
threat or surprise. Catherine Le Magueresse, researcher, stated
during the exchange of views in 2023 that French law was based on
the stereotype that women were in a state of permanent sexual availability.
43. According to Manon Garcia, the shock observed in a considerable
number of victims of sexual assault prevented them from saying no.
It was a defence reflex that paralyses a person. The threat of physical
violence could also make it difficult to say no.
44. #MeToo contributed to changing the narrative on sexual violence.
Several rulings by the European Court of Human Rights stressed the
importance of consent. In the case of L.
and Others v. France (application nos. 46949/21, 24989/22
and 39759/22) reiterating that consent had to reflect a free willingness
to engage in sexual relations at a given moment and in the specific
circumstances, the Court considered that, given both the legal framework
in place at the relevant time and the manner in which it had been
applied ... the French State had failed to comply with the positive
obligation... to apply, in practice, a criminal-law system capable
of punishing non-consensual sex acts.
In the case of H.W. v. France (application no.
13805/21), the Court condemned marital rape.
45. The Haut Conseil à l’Egalité also called for a change of legislation:
“contrary to the rape culture that assumes women's bodies are freely
available, the triumph of consent in law would allow for a focus
on women's agency in consenting to or refusing a sexual act”.
It also warns about sexual
coercion in the context of marriage and indicates that fear could
lead to a woman’s survival strategy being to give in to her partners’ advances.
46. In its thematic report on France,
GREVIO calls for the adoption of a definition of sexual violence
based on the absence of the victim’s freely given consent. 
47. There had been for years a reluctance of parliamentarians
and public authorities to give consent a central place in legislation.
Nevertheless, on 6 November 2025, a legislative change placed consent
at the centre of the definition of rape and sexual violence. It
is now defined as “any non-consensual sexual act” in the criminal
code. It stresses that consent must be free and informed, specific,
prior and revocable.
48. This legislative change occurred after the Mazan trial, which
deeply marked French society. Gisèle Pélicot is a survivor of sexual
violence perpetrated by men chosen by her husband Dominique Pélicot.
She was unconscious when she was being raped, as her husband had
given her pills which created a chemical submission. As a defence
strategy in court, some perpetrators stated that they had assumed
that she had given her consent to her husband for these practices.
8. End of “conjugal duty” and criminalisation of marital rape
49. Consent, bodily autonomy and
equality are at the centre of the prevention and fight against sexual violence,
including in intimate relationships. The preservation of a certain
vision of society based on marriage between unequal partners can
no longer prevail.
50. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights has
played a central role in reaffirming clear human rights standards
by rejecting doctrines of implied or irrevocable spousal consent.
It does not accept the argument that a community of life would entail
a so-called conjugal duty. Marriage cannot be considered as a right
of property of a person over another person, and it cannot be regarded
as a mitigating or exceptional context. Marriage cannot justify
or excuse gender-based violence.
51. Work needs to be done to align domestic criminal law with
evolving human rights standards. The status of a relationship should
not imply less protection from sexual violence for a person.
52. The European Court of Human Rights has clearly established
that sexual autonomy is a fundamental component of private life
and that States must provide effective criminal law protection regardless
of the context of marriage or a relationship (M.C. v. Bulgaria,
2003). Marriage can no longer be deemed as a legally privileged space
isolated from ordinary principles of bodily autonomy and consent.
9. Presumption of non-consent for children below the legal age for sexual activities
53. It must be reaffirmed that
the principle and presumption of non-consent remain the absolute
rule for children below the legal age for sexual activities. Several
French actresses, including Judith Godrèche and Adèle Haenel have
filed complaints for rape against directors with whom they were
living or working when minors. They contributed to lifting a taboo
about the prevalence of gender-based violence in the visual arts sector.
54. The Epstein files released to the public show an overwhelming
presence of girls under 18 at the parties organised mostly for powerful
and wealthy men. Jeffrey Epstein openly said that he considered
women as shrimps, from whom one would cut the head and keep the
body. For decades, these acts of sexual violence were known by too
many, including persons holding positions of power, without triggering
legal action or even a reaction of condemnation or rejection of
the perpetrator.
55. According to the Lanzarote Convention, for children above
the legal age for sexual activities, sexual activity with a person
under 18 years of age shall be considered sexual abuse where it
involves coercion, force, threats, abuse of a position of trust,
authority or influence, or exploitation of a situation of particular
vulnerability of the child.
56. The impunity of persons of power, “system impunity” or “elite
impunity” has remained a reality for too long in several member
States and beyond. It sends a message to the overall population
that gender-based violence is normalised, widely accepted and not
prosecuted.
57. A systemic change is needed to transform a culture where rape
is tolerated and excused into a culture where consent is taken seriously.
It is time that survivors of gender-based violence are treated with
respect and that existing mechanisms to support them and for the
prosecution of perpetrators are properly used.
10. Raising awareness on the importance of consent
58. There is still a deeply ingrained
misogyny in Council of Europe member States. Different forms of gender-based
violence are still too often trivialised as harmless. The persistence
of these patterns demonstrates that legislative advances alone are
insufficient to dismantle structural sexism.
59. I would like to express my deep concern with regard to the
increasing attention given to masculinist movements, notably on
social media. This insidious movement promotes the submission of
women to men and messages telling men that they are being tricked
by feminists. Its proponents make jokes about consent and undermine
its importance. In her report entitled “The role and responsibility
of men and boys in stopping gender-based violence against women
and girls”,
Ms Petra Stienen (Netherlands, ALDE)
had stressed that “Most perpetrators of gender-based violence are
men but not all men are perpetrators”. She also called for measures
to address harmful masculinities and promote mindful masculinities.
A cultural transformation challenging patriarchal norms is essential.
Without awareness-raising and educational programmes on consent
and respect, the roots of gender-based violence will remain deeply
embedded.
60. In the judgment on the case M.G.C.
v. Romania, no. 61495/11 (15 March 2016), the European
Court of Human Rights established that in such serious acts as rape,
positive obligations under Articles 3 and 8 might extend to effectiveness
of the criminal investigation. The Court recommended requiring the
penalisation and effective prosecution of any non-consensual sexual
act – including in the absence of physical resistance by the victim
-, launching awareness-raising campaigns on the importance of consent
(Article 13 of the Istanbul Convention), delivering training to
law enforcement and judiciary (Article 16 of the Istanbul Convention)
and increasing support systems for victims of rape – sexual violence
referral centres, rape crisis centres, general and specialist services
(Articles 20, 22 and 25 of the Istanbul Convention). Awareness raising
is a central element in the promotion of a culture of consent and
there have been several successful and inspiring campaigns recently
in Europe.
61. In a directive
on violence against women adopted
in February 2024, the European Union ultimately decided not to provide
a criminal definition of rape including the notion of lack of consent.
Members of the European Parliament asked for consent-based rape
legislation, but several EU member States were strongly opposed
to this. Evin Incir told the Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination
that more work was needed towards a consent culture, with concrete
actions. She has accordingly initiated a report on the importance
of consent, together with Johanna Scheuring-Wielgus.
The
report was approved by the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice
and Home Affairs (LIBE) and the Committee on Women's Rights and
Gender Equality (FEMM) of the European Parliament, with a vote in
plenary foreseen on 25 March 2026. It calls on the European Commission
to propose legislation establishing an EU-wide definition of rape
based on the requirement of “freely given, informed and reversible
consent”, with a view to improving reporting and conviction rates.
It also reiterates a call for gender-based violence to be included
among the “Eurocrimes” referred to in Article 83(1) of the Treaty
on the Functioning of the European Union. The rapporteurs call on
the European Commission to act to ensure a better protection from
gender-based violence.
62. Potential perpetrators need to understand that relying on
an assumption of consent or a lack of non-consent would not be accepted
by society and that there would be no impunity.
63. A campaign “Equality prevents violence” launched on 25 November
2025 by the Swiss Federal Office for Gender Equality puts consent
at the heart of the fight against violence against women. One poster
has the slogan “you say no, he hears yes”. 
64. The Dublin Rape Crisis Centre developed the We-Consent campaign
with the objective of igniting a national conversation about consent
and calling for behavioural change in Ireland across all age groups.
The campaign focused on understanding and valuing consent, on the
premise that creating a positive vision and giving people a role
worked in campaigns. The long-term objectives of We-Consent have
been to ensure that cultural norms around sex, consent and gender
equality were challenged, and that consent was understood and valued.
The We-Consent campaign delivered key messages: consent is for everyone,
it is for all ages and is for long-term relationships too.
65. This campaign stresses that consent is about an agreement
between people rather than a permission granted by one person to
another. Consent is in fact a continual agreement between people
who are equal.
66. The website www.we-consent.ie provides a large resource hub to equip people to learn
and have conversations about consent with people in their lives.
Workshops on how to have conversations about consent with various
groups are organised all across Ireland. A new platform has been
launched to allow survivors to share their stories safely, in their
own time and in their own way (We-Speak). An ambassador programme
has started to equip people to become activists for consent in their
communities and work is underway with different minority groups
to find ways to make the consent message resonate with all members
of society.
67. Messages on consent need to be clear and explain that ensuring
that consent has been given is not a complicated matter. In November
2019, UN Women launched a campaign entitled “Consent, there are
no blurred lines”.
It
explains that consent should be enthusiastic, given freely, informed,
specific and reversible.
68. I would also like to refer to an image that Petra Stienen,
former member of the Assembly, shared with the Committee on Equality
and Non-Discrimination. Giving one’s free consent corresponds to
wearing a seat belt in a car. It is easy to wear, easy to take away
and it protects from potential violence. Receiving a partner’s full
and free consent is fundamental to prevent any kind of violence,
we can consider it as a seatbelt for relationships. Consent must
be central to all political, legislative and societal efforts to
prevent and combat sexual violence.
69. Awareness raising must not be limited to younger generations.
In order to change mindsets, it would be crucial to organise large-scale
awareness-raising campaigns targeting different age groups. According
to Victoire Tuaillon, it is essential to organise workshops to deconstruct
myths on consent, both in separate groups of boys and girls, and
together. Boys and men, in all their diversity, also need to learn
about their body and their own consent. Rebecca Levy-Guilain, who
carried out research on gender inequalities in relationships and
in sexuality, stressed that women can be expected to express empathy
for their partners and therefore hesitate to formulate a clear no.
11. A comprehensive set of actions to build a culture of consent
70. Ensuring that national legislation
defines rape and sexual assault by the absence of free consent has
an impact on the understanding of consent by the population. Legislative
change is a first step. The Assembly could also encourage member
States to adopt a “Only yes means yes” approach in their legislation
on combating sexual violence. It is the only model that ensures
the criminalisation of sexual intercourse with a person who has
not expressed consent.
71. A culture of consent is a set of norms and behaviours. In
order to foster a culture of consent and respect, awareness-raising
campaigns on consent should be organised throughout Europe, via
social media and traditional media. Awareness raising on the importance
of consent amongst the population is a crucial second step to accompany
changes in legislation.
72. Socialisation patterns, gender norms, and perceptions of sexual
communication still influence how individuals interpret consent
in their daily lives. Building a culture of consent challenges sexism
and so-called traditional gender roles and it stresses the risks
of violence in relationships based on domination and submission.
This is why concrete activities, such as targeted workshops on consent,
provided for adults, young persons and children, could make a difference.
73. Everyone has a role to play in teaching the importance of
consent to younger generations. Sharing information on consent should
start already from a young age. Young children should be taught
and understand that they can say no and that no one can touch their
body.
Sexual and emotional education programmes should
therefore include sessions on consent. This measure is fundamental
to go from a culture of rape to a culture of consent. Too often,
such educational programmes are left aside or are limited to one
or two sessions a year. A third step is therefore to ensure that
sexual and emotional educational programmes are held regularly during
the school curriculum and provide an opportunity to discuss relationships
and the importance of consent, with a view to preventing sexual
violence and helping children to recognise abusive behaviours in
order to seek help and support if they are a victim. Sufficient
funding needs to be allocated for these programmes. Discussions
in safe and interactive spaces can be encouraged.
74. Investing in the implementation of legislation is necessary.
The full potential of legislation on consent depends on implementation
and a cultural change within institutions and society at large.
75. Training on consent for law enforcement officers, legal professionals
and the judiciary needs to be put in place so as to better support
survivors of sexual violence. When filing a complaint, survivors
should not be questioned about their behaviour, their outfit or
their lifestyles. Investing in training for professionals supporting survivors
of sexual violence is essential for assistance to be provided in
the most respectful and trust-building conditions for the survivors.
Training on consent should also include training on child sexual
exploitation and sexual abuse to empower officers to recognise situations
where a child is deemed incapable of giving free and informed consent.
76. The judicial interpretation of consent should be clear and
consistent. There must be an overall understanding that consent
is an evolving process, it should be actively sought and not passively
assumed.
77. Free consent and gender inequalities are closely connected.
Economic discrepancies may affect consent both in and outside established
relationships. Promoting gender equality in all fields and taking concrete
measures for this to become a reality are for me an overall recommendation
which needs repeating in this context too, so that all specific
measures can take root. We still need to do more, invest more and
step up efforts to make gender equality progress in our societies.
Our common objective is to ensure that human rights, including women’s
rights and dignity, are respected and that everyone feels protected
from violence in our societies.
78. The transformation of photos and videos, through their non-consensual
use, to make nude content is prohibited in Europe. Member States
will need to ensure that this prohibition is implemented. I welcome
the steps taken against Grok to this end. This is a matter of dignity,
consent and the rule of law.
12. Conclusions
79. There are multiple layers of
expectations regarding women, their behaviour and their sexuality. However,
their consent is at times ignored or overlooked. Rising masculinist
movements undermine the place of women, in all their diversity,
in society, and are using social media to amplify their messages.
We can see that patriarchy is still deeply entrenched in our societies.
80. My report aims at shedding light on the importance of consent
in the fight against sexual violence.
The Assembly should call on
all Council of Europe member and observer States, as well as States
enjoying observer or partner for democracy status with the Assembly,
to develop a comprehensive legal definition of consent in matters
of sexual violence as outlined in the Istanbul Convention.
81. This report is a call for action and a call for respect in
interpersonal relations. In 2026, we can no longer accept impunity
for gender-based violence. We can no longer hear perpetrators claim
that they did not know that a victim was sleeping or unconscious.
We can no longer tolerate that society expects that a woman or a wife’s
duty is to be submitted to a man’s will. Preventing and combating
violence against women is a political matter and I count on actions
by parliamentarians to contribute to triggering a change of mindsets
and to put an end, at last, to impunity for perpetrators. Consent
needs to gain further importance in our lives and our legal frameworks.
82. Women’s empowerment, investing in education, training on consent,
promoting positive masculinities and raising awareness of the importance
of consent can all contribute to building a culture of consent.
In conclusion, consent is powerful, empowering and an essential
part of relationships.
