Doc. 8517

14 September 1999

Threat posed to democracy by extremist parties and movements in Europe

Report

Political Affairs Committee

Rapporteur: Mr Henning Gjellerod, Denmark, Socialist Group

Summary:

Racism and intolerance persist in many Council of Europe member states and pose a threat to the fundamental democratic values defended by the organisation.

Faced with the growing support from which extremist parties and movements benefit, appropriate political and legal responses are essential. Members of the Assembly should categorically refuse any support of such parties.

Political will is essential to implement anti-discriminatory legislation efficiently.

The work of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) is of great interest to the Assembly as well as to national parliaments.

The Committee of Ministers should fully support the work of the ECRI and ensure that member states give concrete follow-up to the ECRI’s recommendations.

I.       Draft recommendation

1.       The Assembly notes with concern the persistence of racism and intolerance in the Council of Europe member states. Although this phenomenon is by no means new, in recent years it has become more common in nearly all, if not every, member state.

2.       The growing support in some countries of extremist political parties whose programmes encourage ethnic and racial hatred is particularly disturbing. These parties pose a threat to the fundamental democratic values the Council of Europe was set up to defend.

3.       The Parliamentary Assembly, which has a particular responsibility in safeguarding European democratic values, should take the lead in finding appropriate political and legal responses.

4.       At national level, the political response should be aimed at depriving extremist parties of their electoral support by addressing the social and economic issues, such as unemployment, immigration and security, these parties capitalise on.

5.       Legislation should be enacted - where this does not exist - to prohibit oral or written expressions of racism, anti-semitism and xenophobia. Existing legislation should be fully implemented. In this context, public denial of the holocaust should be regarded as an expression of anti-semitism. Sanctions should include deprivation of the right to be elected to public office. Using the Internet for racist purposes should be made a criminal offence.

6.       Given the international dimension of extremist movements and networks of racist or xenophobic character, the co-operation between the respective judicial authorities and police forces should be increased in Council of Europe member states.

7.       The Assembly calls on its members to ensure that the parties they belong to base their programmes and action on respect for fundamental rights and freedoms, democracy and rule of law and refuse any support of extremist parties of racist or xenophobic character, whether explicit or implicit.

8.       The Assembly attaches great importance to the work of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), an independent group of experts, which, inter alia, publishes country reports, containing specific proposals. These proposals should also be taken up by national parliaments.

9.       The Assembly resolves to ensure efficient co-operation with ECRI and to hold regular debates on its activities.

10.       The Assembly recommends that the Committee of Ministers:

II.        Explanatory memorandum

I.       Introduction

1.       As members of a national Parliament, and particularly as members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, we cannot but be concerned by the persistence of racism and intolerance in our member states. Although this phenomenon is by no means new, it has become more common in nearly all, if not every, member state. Xenophobic forms of nationalism and the number of political parties whose programmes encourage racial and ethnic hate are on the rise. Moreover, we note an increase in racial and ethnic violence, as well as incitement to such acts. Religious intolerance and discrimination against Roma/Gypsies are becoming more and more commonplace.

2.       The Council of Europe, by the virtue of its Statute, as well as for the very reasons for its foundation, has a special duty to remain vigilant and active against manifestations of racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism and intolerance. Countries who join the Council of Europe undertake to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms contained in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Article 14 of this Convention guarantees that the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention are “secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status.”

3.       The role of our Parliamentary Assembly in fighting extremism is central, as it calls for response of politicians. Law and order-based responses alone cannot overcome the problem; political will is essential to implement anti-discriminatory legislation efficiently. Moreover, our Assembly must be active because the growth of the extremist parties poses a serious threat to human rights and democracy, the cornerstones of our Organisation.

4.       The Political Affairs Committee decided to engage an expert-consultant in order to study the subject in depth. Mr Jean-Yves Camus from the European Centre for Research and Action on Racism and Anti-Semitism in Paris accepted this task and I warmly thank him for the serious work he carried out. His study was very helpful for completing my report. His analysis of extremist parties and movements in the various European states is set out in the Addendum to this report.

a.       Various categories of extremist parties and movements

5.       The first step in finding ways to prevent the threat posed to democracy by extremist parties and movements is to recognise or identify them.

6.       The extremist movements that pose a threat to democracy both in western and in central and eastern Europe can be divided into following five categories according to the ideologies they represent:

i. extreme left-wing terrorist movements that aim to overthrow the lawful constitutional order by violent means;

ii. armed nationalist or independence movements and anti-independence movements, seeking either to bring about or to prevent secession by particular provinces or ethnic groups;

iii. armed Muslim fundamentalist movements and the European branches of fundamentalist parties from the Maghreb region of North Africa and the Middle East;

iv. unreformed communist parties, mainly confined to central and eastern Europe, which are opposed to any compromise with the institutions established under the democratisation process;

v. extreme right-wing parties and movements, which propagate mistrust of democracy combined with racism and xenophobia and anti-Semitism and revisionism, all to varying degrees.

7.       This list is not even exhaustive, as Europe is also home to various forms of ethnic nationalism that destabilise democracies and defy any attempt at ideological classification. This is true of the most hard-line elements in Serbian, Albanian, Bosnian and Macedonian nationalist movements, which are hostile to any form of co-existence for different ethnic groups in a given region. It also applies to non-native nationalist movements which have gained a foothold in Europe through immigration and which have a tendency to engage in violent action.

8.       In view of the work already carried out by the Assembly on questions related to terrorism, this report will only deal with extreme right-wing and extreme left-wing parties and movements.

9.       Further, it should be noted that, in the era of globalisation, the extreme right-wing movement in Europe itself has ties with that in other continents. Above all, however, ideological support from the far right in the United States has been crucial to the development of several extreme right-wing groups in Europe, notably the skinhead movement and groups involved in terrorist action.

b.       Common features of the ideology and strategy of extreme right-wing movements

10.       In a growing extent, the far right in Europe no longer operates outside the democratic system, which it has so often decried, but within it. The spectacular growth in nationalist-populist parties in the nineties was made possible by an ideological renewal that had become necessary because of the discredit into which movements claiming to be in the tradition of fascism or authoritarian regimes (Franco, Salazar, Greek military dictatorship), to say nothing of national-socialism, had fallen since 1945.

11.       Contrary to traditional democratic parties, they have a clear and simple message and propose a simple solution for the difficult range of problems faced by the member states. Therefore, they are able to respond to the wishes and questions of the population. Furthermore, their structure is often determined by one individual. This often very talented demagogue figures as the symbol of its party and constitutes the impulsive strength behind it. This leading individual is often seen as a synonym of the political party itself.

12.       The far right thus chose to use democracy’s own weapons to fight it more effectively. Paradoxically, it presents itself as the sole guarantor of democracy, claiming to give people back their say and the power stolen from them by technocrats and financial oligarchies. Populism and xenophobia are the stock-in-trade of extreme right-wing parties, which are also united in hostility to the process of European integration.

13.       As a result of the collapse of the Soviet bloc, they are now just as much anti-American, given their anti-liberalism and aversion to all things cosmopolitan, as they are anti-Communist, and some minority groups are even following the model of the Russian national-patriotic camp and trying to establish focal points across the ideological divide, around themes that bring them closer to the far left - for instance, the environment, support for the peoples of the Third World and for armed movements in Europe, the harnessing for their own purposes of anti-imperialist rhetoric and radical forms of anti-Semitism.

14.       Extremist ideologies are most often found amongst the radical right, but they also exist to a lesser extent amongst the radical left. In our member states the extreme right poses the most serious threat to democracy. It enjoys a degree of electoral success enabling it to take advantage of democratic institutions. On the other hand, the radical left, including "autonomous" movements generally aims at the destruction of this system. In its most extreme form it also accepts resort to terrorism as a legitimate means.

15.       At present, the fastest growing political form of extremism can be found in the “post-industrial” extreme right, i.e., amongst parties who call for a strong central state and strong national identity. These parties, and especially the ones in the Central and Eastern Europe, often claim that only those whose ethnic identity coincides with their national identity, use a certain language and adhere to a certain religion, can belong to that nation.

16.       Although several temporary alliances are made to form a majority during the elections, a successful merger between two extremist parties is hard to find. Notwithstanding their similar ideology, extremist parties have difficulties with close co-operation and it is not unlikely that a party splits up as result of internal differences of opinion. This is a weak spot in their strength.

c. Radical extremism

17.       Certain sections of the far right in western Europe eschew politics in favour of various forms of violence (terrorism; skinhead movement, hooliganism). Neo-nazis and hard-line fascists constitute a very small minority in western Europe, and have neither a social base nor any measure of electoral success.

18.       The reasons for this are many. Firstly, in the countries where they have emerged, national-populist parties have managed to tap the militant vein to the detriment of the smaller groups. Secondly, strong police repression has conspired with tough laws on revisionism and neo-nazism to crush the growth of these movements. And finally, the incessant rivalry within the nebulous world of neo-nazism have prevented any kind of unification or even lasting co-operation. To these factors must be added the total inability of the neo-nazi movement to revitalise its ideological message, which remains mired in the defence and emulation of the Third Reich.

19.       For the past 5 years or so, moreover, we have seen a growing capacity for terrorism on the part of small neo-nazi groups, organised on the American model of “leaderless resistance”, which inspired, inter alia, the Oklahoma City bombing as well as groups such as The Order. “Leaderless resistance” involves using small independent, highly compartmentalised cells of 2 or 3 militants, or even isolated individuals, without the intervention of a centralised, hierarchical organisation.

20.       Similarly, neo-nazi and skinhead movements are beginning to show an interest in satanic practices and a genre of music known as “black metal”. In several European countries, far-right satanists have committed acts of violence, setting fire to churches and desecrating cemeteries. Their ideology is first and foremost anti-Christian, paganistic and hostile to all minorities. On the subject of violence, some mention should also be made of the numerous extremist attacks on hostels for asylum-seekers and Jewish targets.

21.       In Western Europe, the neo-nazi and skinhead movement is currently in crisis. It has no ideology to call its own, since the vast majority of its models and key texts come from the United States. It has, however, proved highly adept at using new technologies (CDs, internet) to preserve a genuine capacity for harm.

II.       Ways of operating

a. Political themes

22.       Due to the complexity of today’s politics, the main force of extremist movements is to focus on isolated issues and especially on issues that can be presented as threats, such as immigration and foreigners (extreme right) or corporate wealth and the political system (extreme left).

23.       Extremist parties bring to the political agenda controversial issues such as immigration, unemployment and the preservation of sovereignty in order to force traditional parties to debate on their terms. The right of freedom of expression is referred to in order to justify the controversial manner in which these themes are discussed. They also seek to increase tension between generations, and between persons living in city and rural area, capital and periphery.

24.       During election campaigns, extremist parties tend to deny their xenophobic character and try to present themselves as ultra-conservative party. This strategy distances them from their radical activities and is aimed at attracting the potential extremist supporters included in the electorate of conservative or nationalist parties.

Immigration and economic difficulties

25.       Especially since the economic and social difficulties of the 1980s and the 1990s, the leading themes of the political programmes of extremist parties are immigration and national foreign policy. Both are considered as the overwhelming reason for national problems. In order to restrict the immigration flow, extremist parties promote the implementation of the principle of jus sanguinis and seek to restrict the conditions for naturalisation.

26.       Immigration is presented as the main reason for unemployment. According to extremist parties, immigrants occupy jobs saved or created for nationals. They maintain that this results in an increase of national expenses covering unemployment benefits. Foreign nationals are also blamed for benefiting from the social security system without fully contributing to it. Consequently, they are also responsible for high income taxes.

27.       Economic problems are claimed to be the result of the setting up of the free market and the importation of products at low prices from developing countries. According to extremist parties, this unequal competition undermines the national economy. They therefore call upon the re-establishment of frontiers and the reinstallation of protectionism.

National identity and security

28.       The immigration flow and the diminishing control over frontiers are considered as a threat to national identity and culture, including language. Extremist parties fear the influence of foreign cultures, as immigrants mix their customs with that of the native population. Furthermore, they are afraid of losing their national identity by the reduction of national sovereignty and the curtailment of sovereignty by international rules.

29.       The preservation of a safe and secure nation is stressed as very important. Organised crime, terrorism and crimes related to drugs are considered a direct result of the increasing number of foreign nationals. A severe control on immigrants and refugees is therefore promoted. Immediate expulsion of foreign nationals whose situation is irregular should take place. Consequently, extremist parties hold immigration responsible for the increasing costs of public security.

30.       A policy of national priority is promoted. It is stated that nationals should have privileged rights with regard to employment, social security and housing. The slogan ‘own people first’ is used in the programmes of several extremist parties.

Religious identity

31.       While religion itself plays an important role in the programme of the extremist Islamic parties, the proliferation of extremist groups throughout Europe is at the same time linked with a raise of religious intolerance. The Muslims and Jews are a common target for the resurgent extreme right. Prejudices against Muslim communities (Islamophobia) and the denial of the Holocaust provide a common focus for extreme right.

b.       Support

32.       Extremist parties prosper during periods of economic and social uncertainty, finding an audience amongst several sectors of the population, especially those who are or fear to be directly concerned by the economic difficulties. Also those who consider themselves as having no prospect for the future are most easily tempted by the extremist rhetorics. An increasing number of young persons (under 30 years old), and especially males, seem to be attracted by ethnocentric hate campaigns against foreign nationals.

Indirect or direct support

33.       The fact that certain democratic political parties are succumbing to the temptation to take up elements of the programmes of extremist parties is very worrying. Traditional parties may even accept, directly or indirectly, their support in order to form majorities. For fear of losing electoral support from a population supposed to be hostile to foreigners, traditional political parties seem increasingly ready to depart from a concept of society based on the principles of justice and solidarity.

34.       Support from extremist parties is accepted most directly by electoral alliances with nationalist and conservative parties. The alliance is set up in order to form a majority that will guarantee one or more seats in the national Parliament. If refusing this alliance means a considerable electoral loss and succumbing to it means an electoral gain, traditional democratic parties appear to be ready to yield to the persistence of extremist parties.

35.       Support for extremist parties is sometimes presented as an attempt to diminish the latter’s influence. For this purpose, democratic parties assimilate some policies of the extremist parties. The result of this kind of support is a merger of ideologies leading to extremist theories subtly finding their place in the ideologies of traditional parties.

36.       Certain extremist parties profit from a considerable financial support by individuals sympathising with their ideology, or by enterprises in which members of the extremist party have their interests. This kind of support provides the extremist parties with the financial resources necessary for efficient election campaign.

Deception by policies and practices of other political parties

37.       Extremist parties seem to fill a gap in the political field. In the view of the electorate of extremist parties, the opposition is too weak to question and criticise the policies of the governing party and is easily prepared to make a compromise. This electorate claims that the traditional parties are not able to give a proper counterbalance to the current policy and therefore turn to the extremist parties to find a better, more satisfactory presentation of their ideas.

38.       Contrary to the traditional political parties, extremist parties have a clear programme on which a compromise is hardly thinkable. Simple solutions are proposed for the complicated economical and social problems.

39.       Moreover, corruption and other scandals involving traditional parties have contributed to a protest vote being given to extremist parties.

Youth movements and organisations

40.       The youth organisation of an extremist party is often more radical and militant than the political party itself. It incites international demonstrations and manifestations. Since the youth organisation of an extremist party constitutes a motivating and impulsive strength, the extremist parties seek to have large youth sectors.

41.       Students play an important role in the establishment and organisation of the extremist youth organisations of extremist parties. They are characterised by disciplined organisation and traditional atmosphere. Meetings and conferences are the means to disseminate their extremist ideology and to motivate their members. This indoctrination is continued in the organisation of camps for youth under the age of 17. They teach the youngest section of the youth movement the ideology of the party. In order to stay informed about each other’s activities they maintain contacts with extremist parties from all over the world and they regularly attend demonstrations and activities of sympathising organisations.

42.       The reasons a young person becomes a member of an extremist political youth movement are more or less similar to the reasons to become a member of the party itself. However, voting for the extreme right can also be the result of desire to be part of mass culture.

Networks

43.       Extremist parties maintain elaborate networks. Intensive contacts are established between the largest extremist parties in Europe. Besides the contacts maintained on a political level, they enter into contact with non-political action groups as well.

44.       A solid network is established with extremist parties both in Western and Eastern Europe. The constitution of such an extensive network has become more and more efficient by the use of multimedia, in particular the Internet. Links to other extremist parties and announcements for demonstrations and other manifestations are distributed through the Internet. Communication between groups is easy and accessible and setting up of a Web Site requires only a minimum investment. The number of extremist sites has multiplied in the recent years.

III.       Means to limit the threat

45.       Much work has been done over the recent years to combat racism and intolerance by the Council of Europe, as well as by other organisations. I do not wish to repeat here what has already been proposed and I will therefore limit myself to responses of a political nature and to areas where the Council of Europe should intensify and concentrate its efforts.

46.       As I mentioned in the introduction, law and order-based measures already exist in a certain extent, it is the political will and energy to implement them efficiently that is missing. However, should members of this Assembly note that anti-discriminatory provisions are lacking in their national legislation, they should take the initiative to introduce such provisions as an urgent measure. Anti-discriminatory legislation should exist on all different levels (international, national and local), and their scope has to be reviewed in light of the present day situation.

47.       The principles set out in the Statute of the Council of Europe and in the European Convention on Human Rights are the cornerstones of the Council of Europe. Since defence of these principles should not be allowed to fade, it is particularly worrisome that the rhetoric of extremist parties has become commonplace and generally accepted. As members of this Assembly, we must commit ourselves to defend basic human right and democratic principles and to reject all forms of racist violence and incitement to racial hatred.

48.       Political parties have a special responsibility in defending the principles of a democratic society: they protect, express and bear witness to the basic political principles of a democratic society. They provide an unique platform for discussion on various topics. Political parties have the task of integrating different views into the process of political decision making and selecting representatives at various levels for active participation in the political process. In order to mirror the population they represent, the political parties should assure representation of minority groups in their membership, or at least also reflect their beliefs.

49.       The continuing presence of extremist ideas and discrimination at all levels, including state institutions, electoral bodies, police, army and judicial and law enforcement system, can be considered as a consequence of a certain failure on the part of the democratic state institutions, as well as members of these instances, to give the necessary priority to the elimination of extremist activities and practices in their own circles, as well as a failure efficiently to implement existing anti-discriminatory provisions.

50.       On both local and national levels, codes of conduct for local politicians and officials in local administration should be established. In order to oblige politicians to deal responsibly and fairly with sensitive topics that may raise prejudices and racial hatred, each national Parliament should adopt rules prohibiting public hostility from their members towards foreign nationals. Legal sanctions should include the possibility of depriving a politician belonging to an extremist party of the right to be elected to public office. Existing legislation should be implemented, or developed, to allow appropriate action to be taken to against those persons who work for or associate themselves with electoral campaigns of such politicians.

51.       In order to combat the increasing abuse of the Internet for spreading extremist ideas, criminal responsibility should be introduced for political parties and movements using the Internet for racist purposes. This responsibility should cover production, display, distribution and the storage of the material in question.

52.       I do wish to mention here to the very useful work by the European Commission agaist Racism and Intolerance (see below, paragraphs 58 ff). Their collection of examples of ”good practice”, based on initiatives taken in the member states, includes concrete examples of positive kind of political responses that our Parliaments should encourage to be implemented. These examples of good practice show that often a wide range of approaches is needed, from awareness-raising to police training.

Role of the mass media

53.       Today, the media are a vital force in the process of creating opinions, in shaping political views and attitudes. It is important to draw the attention of journalists and those responsible for the mass media to their responsibilities, especially with regard to the spread of information likely to encourage reactions of racist nature. The media should be encouraged to monitor the way in which political parties deal with issues related to racism.

54.       Requests for coverage by extremist movements should be turned down by the media, as it may only banalise extremist ideology. Or, if they do accept to report on an extremist ideology or event, the media should refer to the counter arguments and facts at the same time.

55.       Freedom of expression is one of the vital conditions for the existence of a democratic society. It is also a matter of delicate debate when the true meaning of freedom of individuals in a free society is considered. The duties of those responsible for the media should include prevention of abuse of the freedom of expression and assuring that the freedom of speech goes hand in hand with principles of non discrimination.

IV.       Specific action by the Council of Europe

56.       In order to minimise the threat of political extremism in Europe, efforts must be reinforced at a national and international level and in particular in the framework of the Council of Europe. Tackling racism can not be a question of imposing solutions but of identifying means to work together.

57.       In this context, I wish to welcome the involvement of the Council of Europe in the preparations of the European Conference agaist racism to be held in Starsbourg during the second half of 2000, as a contribution to the United Nation’s World Conference agaist racism, racial discrimination, xenophopia and related intolerance. I hope that the Assembly will be fully associated in the preparations of that conference.

European Commission against racism and intolerance (ECRI)

58.       At the proposal from this Assembly (Recommendation 1222 (1993)), the Committee of Ministers set up the European Commission against racism and intolerance (ECRI), an independent group of experts, whose task includes the review of member states’ legislation, policies and other measures to combat racism. ECRI, which first met in 1994, has become a prominent tool with which the Assembly should increase its co-operation in its urge to find a political response to limiting the threat posed to democracy by extremist parties. ECRI works in close co-operation the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia of the European Union, as well as with other instances dealing with these issues.

59.       I pay special attention to the work of ECRI, as it appears that they are already dealing with

most of the aspects raised in my report.

60.       ECRI’s activities are published in its annual report. They include country-by-country studies, work on general themes, as well as relations with civil society. It has also a number of working groups, which examine specific problems. One of such groups concentrates on the problem of dissemination of racist material via the Internet. It will draw up a list of existing anti-racist Web Sites, and examine existing national legislation aimed at establishing criminal responsibilities of parties on the Internet as regards racist crimes and collect relevant case-law. It will also study non-legislative means to combat racism.

61.       The country-by-country reports are of great interest to our Assembly, as well to our national Parliaments. These reports examine closely the situation in each member state and draws up proposals as to how the problems identified might be dealt with. Members of our Assembly should be more eager to take up the useful ECRI’s findings in their national Parliaments. The first round of reports was completed in 1998 and ECRI is now starting the second stage by which it will follow-up the recommendations made in the first reports, up-dating their content and dealing more in detail with certain issues. The Assembly Committees concerned, notably the Committee on the honouring of obligations and commitments by member states of the Council of Europe, should also make full use of these reports.

62.        At present, the Assembly sends representatives to ECRI meetings from the Political Affairs Committee, the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights and the Committee on Culture and Education.

63.       In order to make ECRI’s work better known to the members of our Assembly and vice versa, I would propose several simple measures :

a. The Assembly’s representation at the ECRI meetings should be better co-ordinated and reporting back from these meetings should be made more systematic.

b. Personal contacts should be encouraged between members and the Chair of ECRI and the Assembly Rapporteurs on matters of common interest.

c. The Assembly should hold periodic debates on ECRI’s activities.

d. Finally, the Assembly should encourage ECRI to take up the matter of identifying political

responses to the worrying phenomenon of the growth of the extremist parties.

V.       Conclusions

64.       To limit the threat posed to democracy by extremist parties or movements creates a complicated dilemma. On the one hand, the extremist parties’ ideology conflicts with fundamental rights and freedoms. But on the other hand, one of the main features of a democratic society is to guarantee the right of freedom of expression. In order to preserve democracy, everyone’s rights and freedoms have to be respected.

65.       One must bear in mind that political freedom is not absolute and not without restrictions. Protection against racial discrimination, prejudice on grounds of race, colour, ethnic origin or nationality constitute important fundamental rights which must be equally respected. Thus political freedom, as well as the freedom of expression, must be complementary with the principle of non-discrimination.

66.       Consequently, three types of response are to be considered. The first is political, and involves draining electoral support away from the extremists. This should be done by addressing the social and economic ills engendered by globalisation, in particular insecurity, unemployment and exclusion, which are a central factor in electoral support for the extremists. Furthermore, democratic parties should be given new legitimacy, because the rise of the far right is also due to a severe lack of representation among the more traditional groups. Finally, an information policy, which stresses transparency and presents the facts regarding problems of society, is indispensable.

67.       The second response involves legislation to prohibit oral or written expressions of racism, anti-Semitism and xenophobia, including via electronic media. In particular, public denial of the holocaust, which is a feature common to many movements, must be specifically outlawed, which it is not everywhere as yet: revisionist networks rely on a small number of ringleaders whom it would be relatively easy to curb.

68.       The third response involves greater co-ordination of police forces in order to prevent violent forms of extremism: the far right is spreading, and not just in Europe. Neo-nazis and skinheads are, by their very nature, an international phenomenon and as such demand an international response.

69.       As regards concrete action to be taken by the Parliamentary Assembly, we should concentrate our efforts in better exploiting the findings by ECRI and in increasing our exchanges with it.

*

* *

Reporting committee : Political Affairs Committee

Reference to committee : Doc. 8263 and Reference No. 2346 of 25 January 1999

Budgetary implications for the Assembly : none

Draft recommendation adopted by the committee on 6 September 1999 with 36 votes in favour and 3 abstentions

Members of the committee : Mr Ruffy (Chairman), Mrs Ojuland (Vice-Chairperson), M. Toshev (Vice-Chairman), MM Arzilli, Atkinson, Bársony, Behrendt, Bergqvist, Björck, Blaauw (alternate: Mrs Gelderblom-Lankhout), MM Bloetzer, Bühler, Daly, Davis, Demetriou, Dokle, Domljan, Dreyfus-Schmidt, Mrs Durrieu, MM Fico, Gjellerod, Gligoroski, Glotov, Mrs Gogoberidze, Mr Gül, Mrs Iotti (alternate: Mr Evangilisti), Mr Iwinski, Mrs Kautto, MM Kirilov, Krzaklewski, Kuzmickas, Mrs Lentz-Cornette, MM Lopez Henares (alternate: Mr Puche), Lupu, van der Maelen (alternate: Mr Staes), Maginas, Martinez, Medeiros Ferreira, Meier, Micheloyiannis, Mota Amaral, Mutman, Nedelciuc, Mrs Nemcova, MM Neuwirth, Oliynyk, Pahor, Palmitjavila Ribo, Prusak, Mrs Ragnarsdottir, MM Schieder, Schloten, Selva (alternate: Mr Speroni), Sinka, Mrs Smith, Mrs Stanoiu, Mrs Stepová, MM Surjan, Thoresen, Timmermans, Urbain, Vella (alternate: Mr Attard Montaldo), Volcic (alternate: Mr Diana), Zhebrovsky (alternate: Mr Lukin), N... Austria (alternate: Mrs Gatterer), N... Ukraine (alternate: Mr Manchulenko).

N.B. The names of members who took part in the vote are printed in italics

Secretaries of the committee: Mr Kleijssen, Mr Sich, Mrs Ruotanen, Ms Hugel