1. Introduction
“Of all tyrannies, a tyranny sincerely
exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive
…
[T]hose who torment us for our
own good will torment us without end for they do so with the approval of their own
conscience.”
C.S. Lewis, God in the Dock: Essays
on Theology and Ethics
1.1. Procedure
1. In June 2017, Ms Stella Kyriakides
(Cyprus, EPP/CD), former Chairperson of the Committee on Social Affairs,
Health and Sustainable Development, and 21 other Parliamentary Assembly
members tabled a motion for a resolution on “Protecting the rights
of people with psychosocial disabilities with regard to involuntary measures
in psychiatry”. The motion was a follow-up to our committee’s previous
work on the same issue, which had culminated in the adoption of
Recommendation 2091 (2016) on the case against a Council of Europe legal instrument
on involuntary measures in psychiatry.
In this recommendation, the Assembly
had opposed the drafting of an additional protocol to the Convention
on Human Rights and Biomedicine (ETS No.164), concerning the protection
of the human rights and dignity of persons with mental disorder,
with regard to involuntary placement and involuntary treatment.
2. The historical background of the motion, including the process
that led to
Recommendation
2091 (2016) and its outcome (i.e. the Committee of Ministers’ decision
to continue the work on the additional protocol despite the Assembly’s
recommendations) are detailed in my revised introductory memorandum,
which was declassified on 11 October 2018.
The memorandum also contains an exhaustive
description of the work carried out since I took over the rapporteurship,
including the joint hearing with the Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination
(which is seized for opinion on this report) held on 9 October 2018.
At this hearing, different stakeholders had the opportunity to present
their position on the draft additional protocol.
After the hearing, both committees
adopted their comments on the draft additional protocol following
the request of the Council of Europe Committee on Bioethics (DH-BIO)
and, consistent with the Assembly’s position in 2016, they called for
work on this legal instrument to cease and the focus to be put on
alternatives to involuntary measures (for the comments of the Committee
on Social Affairs, Health and Sustainable Development, see Appendix).
1.2. Aim
and scope of the report
3. The motion at the origin of
this report was tabled to ensure continued involvement in the additional protocol’s
drafting process, with a view to minimising negative effects this
text may have on the rights of persons with psychosocial disabilities
and contributing to ensuring the
adequate involvement of disability-rights organisations in the drafting
process. After the committee adopted its comments on the draft additional protocol
and took a clear position on these issues in October 2018, I proposed
to reorient the report’s focus on an aspect which is at the very
heart of the controversy around this legal instrument: that is the
continuing focus and reliance on coercive measures
and
the lack of a human rights-based approach in mental health in general.
At its meeting on 19 March 2019, the committee agreed to this proposal
and the ensuing title change.
4. Indeed, in a Resolution on “Mental health and human rights”
adopted on 28 September 2017, the United Nations Human Rights Council
expressed deep concern that persons with mental health conditions
or psychosocial disabilities may be subject to,
inter alia, widespread discrimination,
stigma, prejudice, violence, abuse, social exclusion and segregation,
unlawful or arbitrary institutionalisation, overmedicalisation and treatment
practices that fail to respect their autonomy, will and preferences.
Affirming the importance of adopting a human rights approach in
the context of mental health, the Human Rights Council called on
States to abandon all practices that fail to respect the rights,
will and preferences of all persons, on an equal basis, and that
lead to power imbalance, stigma and discrimination in mental health
settings. It also requested the High Commissioner for Human Rights
to identify strategies to promote human rights in mental health
and to eliminate discrimination, stigma, violence, coercion and
abuse in this regard.
2. Coercion in mental health in Europe:
current state of play
5. Across Europe, there are no
mental health systems that have already switched to fully consensual practices.
All Council of Europe member States provide for involuntary placement
and treatment, mostly through specific mental health laws.
According to a recent
report documenting the current practice in mental health systems
in 36 European countries
(including
35 Council of Europe member States) and Israel, in addition to the
threshold criterion of being diagnosed with a “mental illness” or
“mental disorder”, presenting a significant risk of serious harm
to oneself or others is a common criterion for involuntary placement.
In most countries involuntary placement is understood as an authorisation
for involuntary treatment. All 36 countries reported having procedural
requirements and safeguards set out in legislation for those undergoing
involuntary placement and treatment, mainly consisting of an independent
review or authorisation by a court or tribunal.
6. At the joint hearing held in October 2018, the Council of
Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Dunja Mijatović, stressed
that there was a remarkable divergence in practices and recourse
to involuntary measures in Council of Europe member States: the
few comparative studies on this issue show that the rate of involuntary
admissions can vary enormously from one country to another, by up
to 35 times, and even within the regions of the same country. For
instance, in France, certain geographic regions have involuntary admission
rates up to 80% higher than others. Similarly, data from Germany
show that the use of detention in hospitals and the use of mechanical
restraint (being strapped to a bed frame), physical restraint (being
held down by staff), and seclusion (being locked in a small room)
vary considerably from hospital to hospital (between 2% and 10%
of patients), and between German
Länder.
7. Notwithstanding these disparities, there is an overall increase
in the use of involuntary measures in mental health settings, including
in countries where so-called restrictive laws were introduced with
the aim of reducing recourse to such measures. At the United Nations
consultation on human rights and mental health in May 2018,
the
United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities, Ms Catalina Devandas Aguilar (hereafter “the UN Special
Rapporteur”) agreed that coercion and exclusion have become the
rule in the majority of mental health systems, particularly in developed
countries.
At the same consultation,
Professor Sashidharan, from the University of Glasgow, explained
that since the deinstitutionalisation of psychiatry in the 1970s
and 80s in most western European countries, the balance is shifting
today in favour of coercive measures.
In England,
the rate of involuntary psychiatric hospital admission has increased
by more than a third in the past six years. More than half of admissions
to psychiatric hospitals in England are now involuntary, the highest
rate recorded since the 1983 Mental Health Act.
8. Likewise, France is reported to be one of the European countries
that has the highest rates of involuntary placement,
with a 15%
increase in psychiatric coercion since the 2011 law reform, the
objective of which was to strengthen the rights of forcibly hospitalised
patients.
In my own country,
the Netherlands, the trend is similar, despite the government’s
intentions to reduce the number of involuntary measures.
Amongst the 36 countries
surveyed in the above-mentioned report, the only countries that
report a decrease in the use of coercive measures are Finland and
Germany, following legislative changes and targeted programmes to reduce
the use of coercion in psychiatry.
9. These are serious signals from which we must conclude that
the mental health-care system as we know it is failing, and that
restrictive laws regarding involuntary measures do not necessarily
reduce coercion in practice. In fact, during the October hearing,
the UN Special Rapporteur stressed that involuntary measures have
always been allowed on the basis that they should be exceptional
and surrounded by safeguards; yet it is precisely in those States
where such legislation is in place that the rate of recourse to
involuntary measures is the highest.
10. This worrying trend should mainly be attributed to a culture
of confinement
which
focuses and relies on coercion and fails to ensure adequate access
to community-based and out-patient services, inevitably leading
to crisis situations, which in turn lead to more coercion. There
is a need to break this vicious circle. As rightly stressed by the
Commissioner for Human Rights at the October hearing, “maybe the
time has come to regard the use of involuntary measures less as
the core of the mental health system, but more as a symptom of its
failings”.
3. From
stigma to coercion: negative perceptions attached to mental health
conditions and their impact on the use of coercive measures
“It’s hard to think well of yourself
in a word that sees you as a threat.”
A. Solomon, psychiatric patient
and professor of clinical psychology, Mental Illness Is Not a Horror Show, New York
Times, 26 October 2016
11. The stigma attached to mental
health conditions is closely linked to the use of coercion in the
mental health context. Indeed, persons with psychosocial disabilities
have been marginalised, shunned and demonised throughout history.
We often see psychosocial disability associated with criminality,
deviance and detention.
These
stigmas lead to widespread perceptions that persons with psychosocial
disabilities are prone to violence and dangerous, both to themselves
and to others.
The stereotype of
dangerousness negatively impacts how service providers and the general
public react in situations involving persons with psychosocial disabilities
or mental health conditions, in particular in crisis situations,
leading to social distance and discriminatory behaviour and recourse
to coercive practices. As revealed in the previous chapter, the notion
of risk of harm to oneself or others remains a strong focus in justifications
for involuntary placement and treatment.
12. The mainstream media’s tendency to sensationalise fatal cases
involving persons with mental health conditions (in particular extreme
violent crimes, such as mass shootings) exacerbates the stigmatisation, usually
spurring more restrictions on those diagnosed with a mental health
condition.
The UN Special Rapporteur reports
that the stereotype of dangerousness has significantly increased
over the last decades, fuelled by negative media coverage that emphasises
the psychiatric history of a perpetrator or, failing that, speculates
about an “untreated” diagnosis.
Similarly, in a recently
published report, the head of the Controller General of Places of
Deprivation of Liberty in France, Ms Adeline Hazan, observes that in
mental health settings, “the potential dangerousness of the patient,
very often imaginary, has taken an increasing place” in practice.
13. Yet, the association between mental conditions and violence
is not borne out by the research available on the subject.
Violence against/risk
of harm to others are typically associated with those diagnosed
with schizophrenia. However, there is limited evidence to justify
this claim. In what is perhaps the largest study to date on the
correlation between schizophrenia and rates of violent crime, 8 003
people diagnosed with schizophrenia in the United States were compared
with general population controls in terms of criminal convictions
for violent crimes. For the vast majority of those with the diagnosis
who had committed a violent crime, the acts were attributed to drug
abuse. Where other factors were controlled for, those diagnosed
with schizophrenia who had not abused drugs were only 1.2 times
more likely to have committed at least one violent crime than the
control group.
Other data also confirm that mental
health conditions and violence are related primarily through the
accumulation of risk factors of various kinds, for example, historical
(past violence, juvenile detention, physical abuse), clinical (substance
abuse),
dispositional
(sex, age, etc.) and contextual (recent divorce, unemployment, victimisation
amongst those suffering from a mental health condition).
14. It also remains an open question in the literature on psychiatric
coercion and violence, whether the range of involuntary placement
and treatment measures are effective in reducing the risk of violence.
As far as the risk of self-harm is concerned,
medical literature does not provide strong evidence on whether the
risk for suicide decreases after involuntary treatment. Additionally,
there is compelling evidence that suicide is very difficult, if
not impossible, to predict.
4. The
impact of coercion on users and providers of mental health services
15. While there is a lack of robust
empirical evidence regarding the effectiveness of coercive measures
in preventing self-harm or harm to others, there is a compelling
body of evidence on their detrimental effects. Indeed, evidence
from sociological fieldwork research on persons with mental health
conditions points to overwhelmingly negative experiences of involuntary
placement or treatment.
These
include trauma and fear, pain, humiliation, shame, stigmatisation
and self-stigmatisation. In particular, perceptions of involuntary treatment
– which regularly accompanies involuntary placement -, such as forced
medication and forced electroshocks, or restraint are overwhelmingly
traumatic and can be grouped in four categories: negative psychological
impact, re-traumatisation, perceptions of unethical practices, and
broken spirit.
16. In this context, it should be noted that anti-psychotic medication
has potentially serious adverse effects and can potentially cause
irreversible health damage such as motor co-ordination problems
(tardive dyskinesia – a disorder characterised by involuntary movements
most often affecting the mouth, lips and tongue, and sometimes the
trunk or other parts of the body, such as the arms and the legs),
hormonal changes, or changes in brain tissue. Similarly, there is
evidence suggesting that “electroshock therapy” has irreversible
damaging effects such as memory loss. Thus, in addition to their
traumatic effects, such “treatments” administrated against the will
of persons with mental health conditions raise major medical and
ethical issues.
17. Moreover, patients who are coerced into accepting hospitalisation
and/or medication are less likely to adhere to the treatment following
their discharge and thus less likely to seek treatment in the future.
As stated by the representative of the European Network of (Ex-)Users
and Survivors of Psychiatry (ENUSP) during the October hearing,
coercive measures have a deterring effect, as they destroy the trust
of the person subjected to them in the capacity of psychiatry to
support them, and lead to their avoidance of all contact with the
health-care system, which in itself increases the risk of new or
additional crises.
18. Involuntary measures also have a negative impact on the service
providers, i.e. mental health professionals dealing with patients
with mental health conditions. At the last meeting of the DH-BIO
held in November 2018, the representative of the European Association
of Service Providers for Persons with Disabilities (EASPD) pointed
out that service providers used coercion every day, thus knowing
they were harming fundamental rights. Every one of their members
wanted to stop using coercion, but they did not have or did not
know about alternatives. Service Providers were failing in their
objectives to help persons with disabilities. They could not make
the change to the use of alternative measures alone; they needed
a proper framework which corresponds to the Convention on the Rights
of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and is not coercive.
5. How
to prevent, reduce and eliminate coercion in mental health settings?
5.1. Successful
and promising practices
19. Mental Health Europe recently
published a report on successful and promising programmes and practices
which help to prevent, reduce and eliminate coercion in mental health
care. The report contains a number of positive examples from within
and outside Europe, including hospital-based strategies, community-based
responses (including peer-led services), and other initiatives,
such as crisis or respite services and advance planning. Similarly,
a literature review commissioned by the United Nations Office in
Geneva to inform the report of the UN Special Rapporteur shows that
policies aimed at preventing or reducing coercive practices can
be highly successful and are worthy of more attention from States.
A
few examples from these publications and other literature are presented
below.
20. High & Intensive Care Units (Netherlands): HIC Units are
acute admission wards focussing on restoring and maintaining contact
and on crisis prevention. They were developed in 2013 by a multidisciplinary
group of experts, including users and family representatives. The
Units require a multidisciplinary team (psychiatrists, nurses, psychologists,
users), who must be specifically trained in crisis management, handling
aggression and suicidal behaviour. A specific architectural environment
is cultivated including one-person bedrooms, large and light living
rooms and access to outdoor spaces. The approach includes methods
such as a careful assessment of the risk of escalation and setting
up an individual crisis plan, in consultation with the person concerned
and their relatives. This plan describes how escalation can be prevented.
The Units show promising results in terms of the use of seclusion
in inpatient wards. The decrease of seclusion rates is not associated
with an increase of forced medication. If coercion is used, it must
be documented, and this data is regularly discussed among staff
members in order to further assess how to reduce coercion, with
the aim of eliminating this practice.
21. Mental Health Mobile Units (Greece): These Units have contributed
to the reduction of involuntary hospital admissions. The main objective
is to keep the user within the community. The local community and other
health services, as well as key individuals (local authorities,
police department, prosecutors) actively participate in the work
of the Mobile Units. By allowing people to stay in their communities
and offering services as close to the user’s home as possible, the
Mobile Units ensure stability and continuity of care.
22. The Open Dialogue Approach to Acute Psychosis is a practice
originally developed in Finland in which care decisions are made
with the personal input of the individual concerned, together with
wider networks of their choice. Open Dialogue is based on support
in people’s homes and communities. Service providers aim to facilitate
regular “network meetings” between the person and his/her choice
of an immediate network of friends, carers or family, and several
consistently-attending members of the health-care team. There has
not yet been a major evaluation on the direct impact of Open Dialogue
on the use of coercion but, in Lapland, the Model has entirely replaced
emergency, medicalised treatment. Overall benefits of a two-year
follow-up were less hospitalisation, more family meetings, less
medication, fewer relapses and better employment status.
23. The personal ombudsmen support model in Sweden was developed
based on the recognition that existing legal capacity systems did
not meet the needs of many persons with psychosocial disabilities
who were pushed around between authorities and unable to access
their rights. It started as a pilot project, but showed such good
results – it was appreciated by the clients, it reduced the number
of in-patient hospitalisations and resulted in cost-savings – that
today it has become a country-wide permanent arrangement of about 300 ombudsmen
supporting 6 000 to 7 000 people with psychosocial disabilities.
The ombudsman is a professional who works 100% on the commission
of the individual, and for the individual only. This type of support
has also been successful in helping those who are the hardest to
reach and who have previously often been left without support. This
includes persons diagnosed with schizophrenia, persons experiencing delusions
and psychosis, and those who are homeless or live in very isolated
conditions, avoiding all contact with the authorities.
24. Peer-run respite houses: The term “respite house” typically
refers to community-based, small, residential settings where people
can go for short periods of time when they are experiencing a mental
health crisis. Peer-run respite houses were founded in the United
States, but have also been established in Switzerland, Germany,
Sweden, Hungary, Denmark, the Netherlands and France. Respite houses
are characterised by non-medical staff, peer support, empowerment
of residents and “being with” residents in times of crisis, social networking,
and mutual responsibility. They tend to involve minimal use of anti-psychotic
medication based on personal choices of each resident and mental
health services are usually dispensed outside of the respite house.
Respite houses aim to increase meaningful choices for recovery and
decrease the health system’s reliance on costly, coercive and less
person-centred modes of mental health services. Currently, respite houses
in several European countries rely on financing from budgets devoted
to homeless shelters only, and are not always open to any users
who feel unwell and need a break from their home environment, which
could prevent involuntary hospitalisation.
25. QualityRights initiative (World Health Organization): This
is a global initiative to improve the quality of care provided by
mental health services and to promote the human rights of persons
with psychosocial, intellectual and cognitive disabilities. Through
QualityRights, WHO supports countries in putting into place policies,
strategies, laws and services that are in line with international
human rights standards, including the CRPD. One of the objectives
is to create community-based and recovery-oriented services that
respect and promote human rights. As part of the initiative, people
with lived experience (of mental health conditions) take on peer
support roles guiding, supporting and empowering others. Peer support
volunteers help those using mental health services to understand
their own triggers, goals and responsibilities, how to make a wellness plan,
and give hope of moving forward in life. The initiative also involves
family support groups where relatives of persons with mental health
conditions come together to discuss and find ways to overcome their
difficulties.
26. Advance directives: An advance directive is a legal document
in which patients make decisions designed to bind themselves or
to direct others, particularly during times of crisis. Many persons
with mental health conditions have sufficient experience to know
what will help in their recovery. Advance planning through advance
directives ensures that people are treated in the manner that they
choose (knowing that they may also include refusal of certain treatments),
and which they have found helpful in the past. “Increasingly, patients, advocates
and doctors believe that such directives could help transform mental
health systems by allowing patients to shape their care, even when
they lose touch with reality”.
Such
directives could be a very important tool to minimise involuntary
measures, as they help in respecting the will and preferences of
a person during a crisis. It is also acknowledged that simply writing
a directive increases some patients’ engagement in treatment (the
patient feels more in control and empowered).
5.2. Capacity-building,
awareness raising and prevention
27. Any strategy to reduce and
eliminate coercion in mental health should include action aimed
at changing negative attitudes and stereotypes against persons with
mental health conditions (and, in particular, the public narrative
about violence and persons with mental health conditions), through
effective training and awareness-raising activities involving all
relevant stakeholders, including public officials (police officers,
law enforcement, prison staff), service providers, media, families
and the general public. In the Netherlands, for example, intensive
efforts are made to improve the acceptance and care of individuals
with psychosocial disabilities and their families in society. The
local authorities, health-care professionals, experts and police
work intensively together, exchanging their experiences and best
practices, including through a dedicated website “Verward en dan?”
(Confused and then?). On this website, which is accessible to the
public, information is given about why people can be confused, how
to deal with such people as members of society, where help is available,
etc. There are also links to YouTube movies showing how to react
in specific circumstances, based on real-life experience. A good
example is a movie showing how the audience should respond to a
confused woman with a doll under her arm and looking for her child
(Hoe reageert Leeuwarden op Emma? – How does Leeuwarden react to
Emma?). In the German State of Baden-Württemberg, volunteers who
work with refugees and asylum-seekers, for example, are being offered
training in mental “first aid”, in order to be able to recognise
and support persons in mental distress.
28. Social contact between people with and without experience
of mental health conditions is the central active ingredient to
reduce stigma and discrimination. Therefore, training and awareness-raising
activities should engage people with lived experience. This engagement
is likely to enhance both self-help and demand for services when
needed. More people with lived experience of mental health conditions
should be encouraged to be leaders, advocates, and peers to address
barriers to accessing mental health care, social inclusion and full
citizenship.
29. Considering that mental health conditions are often a direct
consequence of violence, emotional neglect and ill treatment experienced
during childhood,
prevention, early
detection and non-coercive intervention, especially for children
and young people, are also vital. It is crucial to avoid stigmatisation
in these contexts.
30. Higher education institutions should review their curricula,
in particular within the schools of medicine, law and social work;
to ensure that their curricula adequately reflect the provisions
of the CRPD.
Primary care and
community-based health-care staff (non-specialist care providers),
and providers in other relevant platforms, such as schools and the
criminal justice system should acquire and practise the skills needed
to identify, treat and provide care for persons with mental health
conditions.
6. Recent
developments concerning the draft additional protocol
31. At its last meeting held on
20 and 22 November 2018, the DH-BIO took note of the opinions on
the draft additional protocol submitted by the European Committee
for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment (CPT), the Commissioner for Human Rights, the Parliamentary Assembly’s
two committees and the Conference of International Non-governmental
Organisations (INGOs). With the exception of the representative
of the Conference of INGOs, who referred to divided views amongst those
INGOs having taken part in their internal consultation, the other
speakers urged the DH-BIO to discontinue the project, emphasising
the following concerns: conflict of the new instrument with existing international
standards, in particular the CRPD; the use of stigmatising language,
and the lack of meaningful involvement of civil society in the drafting
process.
32. With few exceptions, delegations agreed that the objective
of the work remained relevant and should be further explained. They
considered that the draft must be carefully reviewed, with a particular
focus on strengthening the aspect of alternative and preventive
measures. It was also noted that particular attention should be
given to further developing the collaboration with all relevant
stakeholders. In view of these considerations, the DH-BIO decided
to invite the INGOs represented during the session to submit drafting proposals
on alternative and preventive measures. It also decided to invite
the European Psychiatric Association and other professional organisations
to comment on specific aspects of the draft text.
33. On 20 November 2018, the European Network of National Human
Rights Institutions (ENNHRI)
released a statement
calling on Council of Europe member States to ask for the withdrawal
of the present version of the draft text and, if this draft is ultimately
put to a vote, to oppose its adoption, in view of the persisting
concerns with this text, including those raised by the CRPD Committee,
the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights and the Parliamentary
Assembly. In a press release published on 21 November 2018, Human
Rights Watch joined its voice to that of several other NGOs campaigning
against the draft additional protocol and called on Council of Europe
member States to oppose the text, stressing that Bulgaria, North
Macedonia and Portugal had already publicly done so.
34. At its meeting held from 27 to 30 November 2018, the Steering
Committee for Human Rights (CDDH) adopted its comments on the draft
additional protocol. The CDDH appreciated the explanatory work of
the DH-BIO regarding the purposes of the exercise and deemed it
important to continue and deepen such work. It supported the renewed
efforts of the DH-BIO aiming at recalling the exceptional nature
of involuntary measures as a last resort and to encourage the use
of alternative and support measures. The CDDH encouraged the DH-BIO
to determine, taking into consideration the comments received during
the public consultation, when, and under which conditions, to resume
the work on the additional protocol.
At its meeting held from 27 to 29 November
2018, the European Committee on Crime Problems (CDPC) decided not
to provide any opinion on the draft additional protocol.
35. In an opinion dated 5 December 2018, the French Ombudsman
(défenseur des droits) concluded
that the draft additional protocol was incompatible with the principles
enshrined in the CRPD, stressing that the solution proposed by the
DH-BIO – despite its intended purpose of preventing abusive and
arbitrary involuntary placement and treatment – had proven to be
ineffective in practice and was at the origin of the abuses which it
intended to prevent. The Ombudsman agreed with the Assembly that
work should rather concentrate on promoting alternatives to involuntary
measures in psychiatry. He also stressed that there were situations
– albeit exceptional – where people would not have the capacity
to give consent: these situations should not be neglected.
36. Finally, in her 4th quarterly activity report 2018, the Council
of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, referring to her participation
in the October hearing and her written comments submitted to the
DH-BIO, recalled her opposition to the draft additional protocol
explaining the reasons therefore (incompatibility of the draft text’s
approach with the CRPD; doubts about the added value of this instrument;
and insufficient consultation of disability rights NGOs), as well
as her call on the DH-BIO not to adopt the draft additional protocol,
and her recommendation to focus instead on alternatives to involuntary
measures.
37. At its meeting in Strasbourg from 4 to 7 June 2019, in the
light of the comments received from its delegations and professional
organisations, the DH-BIO is expected to decide on the organisation
of the work on the draft additional protocol. It will also examine
a concept note on a draft study on “Good practices in mental healthcare
– how to promote voluntary measures”, and, possibly agree on the
modalities of its further development. The DH-BIO should be encouraged
to carry out such a study, with the involvement of all relevant actors
in the field, and in particular relevant NGOs representing persons
with mental health problems or psychosocial disabilities.
7. Conclusion
38. Use of coercion in mental health
leads to human rights violations and breeds hopelessness for service users
and for service providers who are “forced to use force”. Coercive
measures impede healthy and respectful relationships between service
providers and users, which ultimately has a negative impact on mental health
outcomes. Thus, States need guidance and support in reforming their
mental health systems to ensure that a maximum number of persons
with psychosocial disabilities will voluntarily seek treatment without
fear of losing their dignity and autonomy.
39. The solution lies in the good practices and tools from within
and outside the health system that offer solutions and support in
crisis or emergency situations, and which are respectful of medical
ethics and of the human rights of the individual concerned, including
of their right to free and informed consent.
These promising practices
should be placed at the centre of mental health systems. Coercive
services and institutional care should be considered unacceptable
alternatives which must be abandoned.
Yet, abandoning coercion does not mean abandoning
patients and should not be used as an excuse to reduce the overall
mental health budget. There should, instead, be more funding and
resources for research on alternative responses.
40. In addition to ensuring health-related rights, States should
also ensure that persons with psychosocial disabilities or mental
health conditions can effectively exercise their rights connected
to social protection, including housing and work or employment.
Families of persons with mental health conditions need to be given adequate
social and financial support to be able to cope with the stress
and pressure of providing the necessary support to their loved ones.
41. This report comes at a crucial moment of transition, as many
States have started to commit to the CRPD and implement it. As the
leading regional human rights organisation, the Council of Europe
should accompany and encourage this transition.
42. The transition of all mental health services and legislation
towards totally consensual practices entails major challenges for
all Council of Europe member States. In her written comments on
the draft additional protocol, the Commissioner clarified that her
position (opposing the draft additional protocol) “should not be understood
as a call for the immediate abolition of involuntary measures in
psychiatry”, since such a fundamental change cannot happen overnight.
Similarly, while opposing the draft additional protocol, this report
acknowledges that under international law, States have a duty to
protect life and that current practice relies on involuntary measures
when it comes to responding to intense life-threatening distress
and crisis situations (often referred to as “acute and emergency
situations”). It thus calls for a redirection of Council of Europe’s
efforts from the drafting of the additional protocol to the drafting
of guidelines on ending coercion in mental health.
43. Only by pursuing the ambitious target on ending coercion in
mental health can States achieve systemic change leading to a human
rights-based mental health system. To this end, and as a first step,
the report encourages member States to make bold commitments to
radically reduce coercive medical practices, including in “acute
and emergency situations”, with a view to their progressive elimination,
bearing in mind that this is a challenging process that will take
time. It is high time to start changing the way that society and
States deal with mental illness. “There is a need for psychiatry
to transform and embrace a human rights-based approach”.