1. Population change
as a policy challenge
1. Population change has a large impact on European
society and is set to become an even more important driver of social
change. Ongoing trends in fertility, mortality and migration are
rapidly changing the size, composition and distribution of Europe’s
population. Due to increasing longevity and sustained low fertility, Europe’s
population is ageing rapidly, which challenges the sustainability
of public finances and pension and care arrangements. Living longer,
healthier and with smaller families also brings opportunities to
society, children, parents and relations between generations.
2. Population growth is slowing down across the continent and
the growth rate of the working age population is declining, bringing
new challenges for labour markets, sustainable economic growth and
well-being. The mobility of Europeans across the continent brings
prosperity and contributes to economic growth in some regions, but
may challenge this in others, as population decline becomes a reality
for a growing number of Europe’s regions. Europe’s population is
also becoming more diverse as a consequence of international migration,
which can help spur economic growth but can also put a strain on
social cohesion and deplete the human resources of migration-sending
countries.
3. The world’s population has now reached the 7 billion mark
and the population of the Council of Europe member states amounts
to slightly over 800 million inhabitants. The world population will
continue to grow, mainly due to fast population growth in the poorest
countries. Due to the stabilisation of population growth in Europe,
its share in the total world population will gradually decline from
its current 12% to a projected 10% by the year 2025. By the year
2050, the projected population of the Council of Europe member states
will still be slightly over 800 million and its relative share in
the world population will have decreased to about 9%.
4. In contrast, by 2025, China will have eight giant cities each
with a population of 10 million or more. Some predict that it will
overtake the United States as the world’s biggest economy by 2020.
In the 2011 BrandZ Top 100 Most Valuable Brands List, almost half
of the newcomers to the list were Chinese brands. India is a growing economic
power, soon to be the most populous country in the world. Other
less populous countries, such as Brazil, are taking more prominent
positions on the global stage with large youth populations and booming economies.
Africa is emerging as a new global stronghold that provides ample
investment opportunities.
5. However, challenges remain for each region. Due to family
planning policies of recent decades, China will face demographic
challenges similar to Europe. There will be fewer people of working
age to support a growing ageing population and huge pressures on
the welfare system. Three quarters of India’s population – 930 million
people – live on less than US$2 a day. The poor are faced with rising
food prices and worries about food and energy security. Education
is a major problem,
with
only one child in five able to recognise numbers up to 100 and half
being illiterate. Sixty-six out of every 1 000 children born in
India die before reaching the age of five – the same rate is four
per 1 000 in Germany.
In Africa, a rapid population
increase linked to deep poverty in ecologically fragile, landlocked
countries such as Chad, Niger, Ethiopia and Mali presents serious threats.
These countries are poor and intensely vulnerable to climate change
and food shortages. More importantly, there are serious political
obstacles in the way of Africa fulfilling its promise as the last
emerging investment frontier. As a column in the
Financial Times declared this year,
“there remains a profound mismatch between the aspirations of its
people and the calibre and integrity of those leading them”.
6. The challenge of soaring populations will increasingly be
concentrated in the poorest countries and regions. Most of these
regions and countries are confronted with debilitating crises of
governance and an overwhelming challenge to improve the lives of
large concentrations of poor people.
7. In the face of this, Europe still provides one of the highest
quality of life indexes in the world; it is an economic powerhouse,
it has the best-educated and healthiest population and some of the
best-performing democracies. In terms of “influence” in the world,
which can be measured by a number of indicators, including culture,
government, education and business, Europe still leads globally.
European universities host large numbers of international students,
and European brands, such as IKEA, Vodafone and L’Oreal continue
to top lists of most valuable brands in the world. It has a normative
appeal unlike any other region or country in the world. Europe is
the carrier of values of political freedom, individual liberty and
government effectiveness.
8. In the context of a changing demography, maintaining this
quality is imperative for Europe’s well-being and influence. This
report will aim to provide the demographic picture, coupled with
measures to better equip Europe and its people for the future.
2. Drivers of population change:
fewer children, longer lives and volatile migration flows
2.1. Fertility
9. Most Europeans have a preference for small families.
Since the last decades of the 20th century, Europe has witnessed
strong declines in fertility rates which were caused by changes
in the number of children that were born to parents, as well as
changes in the timing of births. Due to a host of interlocking social
and economic changes, such as increasing labour force participation
of women and rising levels of education, “late and low fertility”
went hand in hand and became characteristic for a growing number
of countries, although the pattern was far from universal. For central
and eastern European countries, the socio-political changes and
the accompanying economic hardship and insecurity of the late 1990s
also played a role, as did, according to some authors, the demise
of pronatalist family policies.
In the late 1990s almost half
of European countries experienced very low fertility rates (the
average number of children per woman – the total fertility rate
or TFR – was 1.3 or lower). From the beginning of the 21st century,
a gradual recovery of the sometimes very low fertility rates started
in many countries, which was at least partly attributed to economic
recovery in several countries, but also to the fact that parents
did not postpone childbirth to even higher ages.
10. Today European women have on average 1.5 children. This fertility
level is well below the so-called “replacement level” of 2.1 children,
which means that in the long run the generation of parents will
not be completely replaced. Fertility sustained at below-replacement
level, as is characteristic for most parts of current day Europe,
is a clear indicator of imminent population decline. The highest
fertility levels are recorded for France, Iceland and Turkey, where
women (on average) have about two children. The lowest fertility
levels are found in Moldova, Poland and the Slovak Republic with
a fertility level of about 1.3 children per woman. Higher fertility
levels are currently more common in northern and western Europe,
while lower fertility has become the typical pattern for southern
and eastern Europe. Turkey is the exception with one of the highest
fertility levels of 2.1. In the most recent period (2005-2009),
fertility rates have slightly increased in most countries.
11. The impact of the world economic crisis of 2008-2009 on fertility
is not yet reflected in these data. Recent studies indicate that
recessions often lead to postponement of pregnancy, especially of
first births, which may later be recuperated when economic security
recovers. Fertility tends to react to the ups and downs of the economy,
where high unemployment and job instability are important reasons
for parents to postpone having children. The impact of recessions
on fertility also depends on social and institutional arrangements: governments
can try to moderate the impact of the crisis for families, for instance
through special employment and family policies.
12. Evidence on the current recession suggests that it has indeed
had an impact on European fertility and has changed the recent upturn
to stagnation and decline. A study by the Vienna Institute of Demography
shows a steep decline in fertility rates in Spain in 2009-10 and
a stagnation in most European countries. Spain’s population growth
increased during its housing-fuelled boom, from 1.07% in 2000 to
1.82% in 2007, only to collapse to 0.36% in 2010, with population
growth expected to be negative this year. The study has found that educated
young women in many rich countries have delayed having children
because of the global recession and may on average wait a further
five to eight years if governments slash public spending. If employment
and economic security recover, fertility levels may also recover.
But as the recession is followed by a sustained period of massive
cuts in public spending in many countries to reduce budget deficits,
this may also have a negative impact on social and family policies
and this could further influence fertility decisions of parents.
By analogy with the notion of the “double-dip recession”, some authors
do not exclude a “double-dip fertility decline” if social and family-related
expenditures are cut and monetary support to parents with children declines.
While
some measures are needed to cope with the financial crisis, the
consequences that these might have on families and the future population
of Europe should be carefully assessed.
13. The decision to have a child or children is a decisive life
choice for parents. The recent swings in fertility support the notion
that fertility decisions of parents are not taken in a social vacuum
but are susceptible to socio-economic and other conditions. In the
developed world, there seems to be a stigma attached to having more
than one or two children. A recent article in the Guardian quoted activists denouncing
the Beckham family for having a fourth child. Their behaviour was
deemed irresponsible in a world with limited resources. This is of
course an extreme example. It is known that as countries develop
and people have more education and learn about family planning,
they tend to have fewer children and fewer accidental pregnancies.
Keeping the human dimension at the core, especially with regard
to the rights of women, the promotion of family planning measures should
be continued – especially in developing countries where more and
more children are born into poverty and deprivation at a time of
depleting resources. Women should be protected, educated and empowered
in their reproductive rights and choices, and men also need to be
educated in these rights and choices. Just as people have the right
not to have children in a declining population, individuals and
families should have the right to decide freely on the number and
timing of their children. Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has
consistently encouraged families in Turkey to have three children
– this is his own opinion and he should be free to express it.
14. Policy discussions should not focus solely on fertility. In
fact, fertility policies themselves never operate in a vacuum, and
without the right environment they might not even achieve any positive
results – unless they are strongly enforced, which is against the
principle of reproductive rights. Policies to promote fertility
should be part of the wider cultural, economic and social context
and should be considered within a broad package of family policies,
benefits, workplace regulations and tax systems.
15. Although it is difficult to establish causal links between
family policies and childbearing, evidence from the Nordic countries
suggests that specific policies have had a certain pronatalistic
impact. It is important to note that, when introduced, these policies
did not target increasing fertility, but rather family policies
and employment policies were linked to the primary objective of
allowing couples to combine family formation with work. The increase
in fertility was a secondary effect.
16. Most well known is the effect of the so-called “speed premium”,
a unique feature of the Swedish parental-leave system introduced
in 1980 which allowed mothers the same benefit as for their previous
child if they had another child within a given period, even without
returning to work between the births. As could be expected, this
has encouraged mothers to have their next child sooner.
17. Another finding from Sweden is that women are more likely
to have another child if the father took parental leave with the
first child, suggesting that features encouraging an active participation
from the father in childcare may stimulate fertility. A positive
effect is also evident for mothers who took extended leave, but only
for the propensity to have a third child. Interestingly, higher
third-birth rates among women who made use of extended leave in
connection with special cash benefits for childcare have also been
found for Finland and Norway.
18. A report prepared by the Rand Foundation found that in Sweden
neither high-quality childcare nor extensive parental leave on reasonable
economic terms appears to be individually responsible for the relatively high
fertility rates in the late 1980s. It appears that the combination
of policies targeted at equal responsibilities for men and women
as wage earner and care provider, and at the welfare of children,
was essential for supporting family formation and the quality of
family life. The research also finds that encouraging women’s participation
in the labour force can have a perverse effect on fertility, since
some women might choose their career over childbearing. However,
Sweden provides a counter to this generalisation: employment policy
and family policy have gone hand in hand. During the 1970s and 1980s,
Sweden created the conditions in which the adverse effects of family
formation from labour participation were minimised and equally shared
between both parents. These conditions enabled relatively high fertility
and high female labour participation to coincide, which was unique
in Europe.
19. The accumulated evidence from past research thus supports
the notion that there are positive effects of welfare policies on
fertility, but a generous family policy programme is no guarantee
for a high fertility level. In the early 1990s, Sweden experienced
a period of slack in the economy that soon led to a sharp rise in unemployment,
and young people and people with low education were hit particularly
hard. For the first time ever, there were also cutbacks in financial
support to families. Subsequently, fertility declined from 2.1 children per
woman in 1992 to about 1.5 in 1997. Thus, economic cycles and economic
prospects also clearly have an impact on fertility, and rising unemployment
has a negative influence both because of poorer income prospects for
the present and, possibly even more important, because of a greater
feeling of insecurity about the future.
20. However, macro-economic conditions may not necessarily have
the same adverse effects on fertility in all countries. In Finland,
for example, unemployment also rose very quickly and to higher levels
than in Sweden in the early 1990s, but fertility remained at a relatively
high level. Evidently, the recession did not have a noticeable influence
on the childbearing behaviour of Finnish women. One explanation
for the divergent fertility response in Finland and Sweden may be
that the Finnish welfare state was able to retain most of its important functions
during the recession.
2.2. Mortality
21. Europeans live longer than ever before and an increasing
part of these longer lives is spent in good health. The continuing
rise in life expectancy is perhaps the most consistent demographic
trend and the upward trend continues in most countries. Increasing
longevity reflects better health and living conditions and is achieved
by major medical advances and investments in the health system.
Increasing longevity is also a major driver of population ageing.
22. Today, a European woman may expect to live 79.4 years, while
a European man has an average life expectancy at birth of 72.1 years.
The difference in life expectancy between women and men is about
seven years. This so-called gender gap in mortality is gradually
closing in most countries due to the fact that men are catching
up with women, but the gap is still very substantial in many countries.
There are also very large differences in mortality across Europe,
both for women and men. A girl born in Moldova, for instance, may expect
to live 11 years less than a French girl. This gap in life expectancy
is even wider (more than 18 years) for European men, Iceland having
the highest life expectancy and Russia the lowest. The East-West
divide in mortality levels is very persistent and addressing the
regional (and socio-economic) differences in health and mortality
may well be counted amongst the highest priorities for regional
(health) policies. Health and mortality differences are also persistent
across socio-economic groups, including ethnic groups.
23. Behavioural factors such as harmful life styles, smoking,
unhealthy diets and alcohol consumption play an important role in
mortality differences, opening up, for instance, possibilities for
preventive health interventions. It is likely that life expectancy
will continue to grow further, although experts have different views about
the pace of growth and the limits of life.
Optimists
claim that the maximum life expectancy (as observed for the best
performing groups) has been increasing in a linear way for more
than a century and a half at the rate of six hours per day,
and there is no evidence that this will slow
down. Others claim that while amazing advances have been achieved
in the past, additional gains in life expectancy will be harder
to achieve when causes of death are taken into account. Earlier
gains in life years were won, for instance, by conquering infectious
diseases mainly at younger ages. In the second half of the 20th
century, the gains in life years mainly came from declining mortality
from cardiovascular diseases in later middle age. Current and future
gains in life expectancy should mainly come from reductions in mortality
in old age. At advanced ages, mortality is usually not caused by
one disease but attributed to several diseases (co-morbidity) and
medical advances in treating one particular disease would lead to
smaller gains in life years, as the patient may die from another
disease.
24. The more pessimistic view on gains in longevity stresses the
importance of life style factors, where for instance sustained smoking
and the emerging obesity pandemic, especially among the young, will
slow down the increase in life expectancy. Nevertheless a continued
growth in longevity is expected (and projected) by all experts.
Also healthy life expectancy, the number of life years one may expect
to live in good health, is expected to grow further. The period
of life where frailty and ill health become dominant is gradually
pushed to older ages.
The
combined trends of adding more and more healthy years to life benefits
an increasing number of older people and provides a window of opportunity
for “active ageing”, thus illustrating the potentials of an ageing
population.
2.3. Migration and diversity
25. International migration has become one of the most
dominant forces of population change and it is likely to increase
in scale, reach and complexity over the next decades. Over the past
decade, the estimated number of migrants worldwide has increased
from 150 million around the year 2000 to 214 million today and it
is expected to grow further to an estimated 405 million by the middle
of this century (IOM 2011).
Demographic disparities
such as high population pressure in migration-sending countries,
population ageing and a declining work force in migration-receiving
countries, the impact of environmental change, political and economic dynamics,
technological changes and social networks are the main causes for
the growth of international migration. International migration involves
an ever wider diversity of ethnic and cultural groups, more women are
migrating on their own or as heads of households, the number of
people who are living or working abroad with an irregular status
continues to increase and there is more temporary migration and
circulation (IOM 2011).
26. The world economic crisis has temporarily slowed down international
migration but appears not to have stimulated massive return migration.
In the economic downturn, permanent labour migration decreased by
7% in OECD countries in 2009, following a decline of 5% in 2008.
As was the case in 2008, free circulatory migration accounted for
a large part of this decline and decreased by 36%, as did temporary
labour migration, which decreased by 17% (OECD 2011).
But as countries are slowly
recovering from the crisis it becomes clear that international migration
is at a turning point and migration for employment reasons is expected
to pick up again. The number of asylum seekers remained relatively
stable during the crisis, while the number of international students
continued to increase (OECD 2011). The long-term trend in international
migration in OECD countries indicates the importance of this trend
in a globalising world where it is worthwhile mentioning that according
to estimates one in three international migrants in the world live
in Europe (IOM 2011).
27. The permanent movement of migrants into the resident population
varies markedly according to the country. Looking at selected OECD
countries in 2009 for instance, Japan had the lowest permanent inflow
of migrants, while Switzerland was at the other extreme of the spectrum
with a high inflow. The remaining countries can be classified into
a group of low-migration countries with inflows below the OECD average,
like Austria, Belgium, France, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands
and Portugal. The (above average) high-migration countries include
Denmark, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom (OECD 2011). The impact
of international migration can also be illustrated for other countries,
which again shows that net migration rates (the balance of immigration
and emigration) greatly vary across Europe. As compared with the
previous decade, net migration has increased in the most recent
period, most notably in western European countries like Cyprus,
Iceland, Ireland, Luxembourg and Spain. Central and eastern European
countries saw a reduction of net emigration in recent years, but
countries like Albania, Georgia and Moldova largely remain migration-sending
countries.
28. Eventually the varying flows of international migration result
in a population of migrant origin in the host country. In statistical
terms, this population group is referred to as the stock of migrants,
which represents the accumulated human capital that migration flows
have brought to a country. Migrant population accounts for a third
of the population in a country like Luxembourg, and a quarter of
the population in Switzerland. In western Europe relatively large
migrant populations (between 15 and 20% of the total population)
are also residing in countries like Ireland, Austria, Spain and
Sweden. In eastern and central Europe, Kazakhstan has a large migrant
population of about 20%, while countries like Ukraine, Moldova,
Belarus and Armenia have migrant populations of around 10%. Countries
like Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary have relatively low proportions
of foreign-born or non-nationals in their population, compared with
countries like Switzerland or Luxembourg.
29. All the data illustrate that the impact of international migration
touches every country, albeit to varying degrees. International
migration triggers growing population diversity in the member states
also because the composition of migration movements becomes ever
more diverse. The growing numbers and diversity of migrant populations
are a challenge for policy makers. Policies that enhance the integration
of migrants and their children in the host society are key to social
cohesion and the better utilisation of the human capital of migrants.
As migrant remittances have become a major economic source, the
countries of origin will also continue to benefit. Economic recovery
will further stimulate international migration and labour needs
due to population ageing and a declining work force will become
stronger pull factors. Jointly with effective integration policies,
the proper management of international migration flows may enhance
the benefits of international migration for both migrant and receiving
communities.
3. Population growth in Europe
is slowing down: population decline becomes a reality
30. In 2011, the world population reached the new milestone
of 7 billion people. But after the unsurpassed population boom of
the 19th and especially the 20th centuries, the 21st century will
see population growth gradually levelling off. Although the pace
of world population growth is slowing down, it most certainly will continue
to grow further. The latest population forecasts by the United Nations
indicate that around the year 2023
we may reach 8 billion inhabitants while, under average assumptions,
the astonishing number of 9 billion inhabitants would be reached
by 2041 and the population would still keep growing further.
31. The current population of the Council of Europe member states
is 816 million, representing about 12% of the world population.
As compared with the current global population growth rate of 1.1%,
Europe’s population is growing at a much slower pace of 0.2%. But
in the long run, as of the year 2020, the overall growth rate for
Europe will become negative.
32. Of all major world regions, population growth in Europe is
the lowest and, contrary to world population, the population of
Europe is projected to decline, albeit at a very gradual pace. Despite
strong population growth in, for instance, Turkey, Europe will be
the first region in the world where population growth will come
to a halt. Today, Russia has by far the largest population in Europe
(142 million) followed at a distance by Germany (82 million) and
Turkey (73 million). Where Europe’s relative share in the world
population will gradually decline, the actual size of the European
population will be more or less stable at 800 million and Europe
will keep its third place as the most populous region, after India
and China.
33. Populations grow through births and immigration and decline
through deaths and emigration. Looking at these components of population
growth we observe that for Europe as a whole natural increase (the
balance of births and deaths) is becoming less important, while
net migration (the balance of immigration and emigration) has become
the main engine of European population growth. But as is the case
with other demographic trends, population growth patterns differ
widely across Europe. As we noted before, the highest levels of
population growth are recorded in the northern and western parts
of Europe. Apart from city states such as Andorra, the fastest growth
was observed in Luxembourg, Ireland and Iceland. Among the fast
growing countries, Turkey and Azerbaijan have the highest levels
of natural population growth. The strongest population decline is
recorded in Lithuania, Ukraine, Bulgaria and Latvia: here negative
natural increase caused by low birth rates (typical for an increasing
number of countries) is not compensated by a positive migration
balance as is observed in many other countries. The overall trend
at the national level shows a pattern of modest and halting population
growth, mainly driven by migration, and gradually turning into negative growth.
In principle, this pattern allows policy makers to prepare for and
cope with these trends in a timely manner.
34. It should be noted, however, that at the regional level within
countries, the trends are less smooth than at the national level
where regional differences and territorial diversity can even out.
At the regional level, the urgency to introduce policies which deal
with population decline is perhaps even greater than at the national level,
especially when taking into account that today in over a quarter
of European regions population decline has already become a reality.
While
population ageing and population diversity will indeed have an impact on
all European countries and regions, different countries and different
regions may not be affected in the same way. Some regions, mainly
in Italy and Germany, will have a younger population and may see
the impact of population ageing (for instance on the size of the
working age population) being mitigated by the inflow of migrants.
In other regions however, mainly in the United Kingdom, the outflow
of (young) migrants may exacerbate the impacts of population ageing.
It follows, for instance, that while mobility between regions (and countries
for that matter), may help to solve shortages and surpluses on the
labour markets in some regions, they may not be beneficial to all
regions. Policies to stimulate mobility may even help to increase
regional disparities.
4. Population ageing: the European
work force is also ageing
35. Population ageing is driven by declining fertility
and increasing longevity. It implies changes in the age structure
of the population where older age groups take prominence over younger
age groups and the average age of the population rises. Of all world
regions, population ageing is most advanced in Europe. The median age
of the world population is 29.2 years.
Africa
is the youngest continent with a median age of 19.7 years, in North
America this age is 37.2 years and in Europe 40.1 years. There are
large differences across Europe in the timing and pace of population
ageing. Two dimensions of population ageing need to be considered.
36. On the one hand, there is the share of the younger population
which declines in the first phase of the ageing process as a direct
result of low fertility rates. This “dejuvenation” phase, where
the population pyramid becomes narrower at its base, has largely
been completed in most, but not all European countries. The share of
the youngest population (0-14 years of age) is lowest in Germany
with 13.5% in 2010, while it is almost double in Turkey at 26%.
As regards the social impacts of population ageing, a declining
younger population has an immediate effect on, for instance, the
educational system when smaller cohorts of pupils enter the schools.
It should be noted, however, that higher educational participation
rates may offset the gradual shrinking of the school age population,
which is especially the case at ages beyond the compulsory school
age. This means, for instance, that the size of the younger population
is not linearly related to the magnitude of educational expenses.
37. On the other hand, there are also large differences in Europe
at the top end of the population pyramid. Here an increasing share
of the older population is usually related to, for instance, rising
health care and social security costs. It should, however, be noted
that older persons do not only receive care, but are also providing care
and support to younger generations. Not surprisingly, the differences
in the older age population (defined as 65 years of age or older)
are to some extent the mirror image of the pattern in the younger
population: Germany has the highest share of 65-plus population
(20%), while Turkey has the lowest (about 7%). It is noteworthy
that, looking at these two dimensions of population ageing, the
usual East-West gradient is not dominant and younger and older populations
can be observed across the continent. This implies that changes in
the age structure affect the entire Council of Europe region, albeit
with different intensities.
38. As more Europeans are living to older ages, the number of
oldest-old in the population (75 years or over) is increasing as
well. This so-called “double ageing” signals rising health care
needs as frailty tends to set in around this age. In countries like
France, Spain, Belgium and Italy about half of the older (65+) population belongs
to the oldest-old.
39. To capture the social impact of population ageing, the younger
and older population can be related to the population of working
age (here defined as the population of 15-65 years of age) which
supplies the majority of the workforce that is needed to sustain
our well-being.
The demographic
dependency ratio combines the so-called “green” pressure of the
younger population with the so-called “grey” pressure of the older
population and is an indicator for the overall demographic pressure.
This pressure is lowest in countries like Moldova, Poland, Russia
and the Slovak Republic (less than 40 “non-active younger and older
persons” per 100 potentially active persons). The demographic pressure
is highest (with values of 50 or over) in Belgium, France, Italy,
the Scandinavian countries and the United Kingdom.
40. An important consequence of population ageing is the ageing
of the European work force. The inflow of younger workers becomes
smaller due to a smaller population base, but also because young
Europeans stay longer in school and thus enter the labour market
at older ages. The share of older workers in the work force is becoming
larger not only as a result of demographic changes but also because
the declining trend in the labour force participation of the elderly
has reversed. In the context of pension reforms, early retirement schemes
were abandoned or reduced and policies to activate older workers
were introduced and the labour force participation of older workers
increased.
41. The increasing labour force participation of women has a positive
effect on the growth of the European work force. In recent decades,
female employment during the so-called family phase of the life
course also increased substantively as did the labour force participation
of older women. The rising labour force participation rates of women,
in combination with high participation rates for men, put additional
strains on individuals and families. Finding a proper balance of
work and family responsibilities is a major challenge for European
families. Increasingly, family responsibilities may also include
the care of older dependants; it should be noted, however, that
intergenerational support is also provided from older generations
to younger. Policies that facilitate a better combination of work
and family care throughout the life course are called for and could help
to further increase female labour force participation. Policies
to enhance active ageing can help to further mobilise the rich human
resources of an ageing population, including the resources for intergenerational support
and civic activities such as volunteering and other forms of social
participation
42. In addition to the higher labour force participation of older
workers and women, other untapped labour resources such as the resident
migrant population can also be activated. Unemployment rates among
migrants tend to be high for many groups and are generally higher
than the unemployment rates of nationals. Policies to reduce migrant
unemployment also benefit the social inclusion of migrants (IOM
2010). Migrant entrepreneurs are an important source of employment;
currently some 12% of migrants in OECD countries are entrepreneurs
and contribute to job creation, trade and innovation (OECD 2011).
Labour migration may also help to counteract local or regional labour
shortages, for instance through temporary labour migration and seasonal
migration, but also through the migration of specific groups of
migrants like knowledge migrants, construction workers or service
providers. Making better use of migration requires proper migration management
policies.
43. Investments in training and education in a lifelong learning
perspective will improve the human capital of workers and make the
work force more flexible and competitive. Better skills for all
workers will also raise productivity in conjunction with innovative
technologies. Training activities should include all segments of
the work force, including older workers. Also, in view of the imminent
shrinking of the labour supply in most European countries, it will
pay off to invest in a better educated, higher skilled, more productive
work force.
5. Maintaining quality and Influence
5.1. Education
44. The primary investment that should be made in order
to ensure that Europe’s people are equipped for the future is to
provide them with the best education possible. Education systems
need to be adapted to teach the basic skills that can be utilised
in a fast-paced, ever-changing work environment. In a globally competitive, knowledge-based
economy, having a skilled work force is necessary to ensure productivity
and sustainable growth. In addition, the education provided must
be of high quality and truly multicultural in order to suit the dynamic
nature of our societies.
45. According to the OECD, the financial crisis is likely to have
changed the job market forever. Not only will people need to work
longer, they will also need to keep improving their skills to stay
in work. This means that talent pools will be necessary. Likewise,
investment should also be made in programmes that target mid-career professionals
aged 40 to 55 who can adapt to changing conditions of the job market
and stay in the work force longer.
5.2. Innovation
46. Just like education, investing in innovation and
research is a long-term objective for Europe to remain competitive
and prosperous. Innovation not only generates growth, it can create
products beneficial for the social good, cut costs of public investment
and increase labour productivity. It is a key source of future growth for
emerging economies. Europe must therefore encourage entrepreneurs,
focus on innovation outputs, pay more attention to social innovation,
protect intellectual property rights and strengthen its innovation
networks around the globe.
47. Just like most of the policies discussed in this report, there
is no one-size-fits-all approach to generate innovation in countries.
There are, however, basic policy proposals that governments can
apply to encourage this area of development. The OECD’s five principles
for innovation are: empowering people to innovate; unleashing innovation;
creating and applying knowledge; applying innovation to address
global and social challenges; and improving the governance and measurement
of policies for innovation.
48. Empowering people to innovate relies on broad and relevant
education, in addition to the development of wide-ranging skills
that complement formal education. Universities and research centres
need to be world-class in order to breed innovation and attract
skilled innovators from around the world. These institutions need to
be independent, competitive and flexible. Entrepreneurs can be crucial
agents for innovation, turning ideas into commercial applications.
Schools should include entrepreneurial education in their curricula.
49. Although more women than men obtain tertiary degrees, their
participation in science, engineering and entrepreneurship lags
behind. This is due to a combination of factors, including general
obstacles to labour force participation, in addition to specific
barriers in scientific institutions such as non-transparent hiring
and promotion. Policies must tackle such discriminatory practices
in order to unleash the creative potential of women to innovate.
50. Innovation requires international networks of knowledge and
internationally mobile talent that contributes to the creation and
diffusion of knowledge. To attract talent, governments can invest
in public research to build absorptive capacity, open labour markets
to foreign students for further training and ensure that the tax
regime does not penalise mobile skilled workers. Migration regimes
for the highly skilled should be efficient, transparent and simple.
51. Firms remain the pre-eminent means of innovation. This is
especially true of new and young firms which exploit technological
or commercial opportunities that have been neglected by more established
companies. New firms account for a large share of patenting in OECD
countries. Therefore the policy environment must foster the start-up
and expansion of new firms in order to support innovation. In addition,
analysis of Europe’s fastest growing companies shows that companies
founded by repeat entrepreneurs have higher turnover and employment
growth than companies run by entrepreneurs who have never failed.
We need to simplify and reduce start-up regulations and remove administrative
hurdles.
52. Within the larger macro-economic framework, there is a lot
governments can do to provide innovators and entrepreneurs with
an encouraging and flexible environment. These include fiscal discipline
and relatively stable inflation rates that help reduce uncertainty.
Open markets, and therefore competition, encourage companies to
innovate, develop new markets and stay ahead of the competition.
Governments should also continue public investment for innovation
as private investment is not sufficient on its own. We should remember
that the Internet and the Human Genome Project were outcomes of
such public investment.
5.3. A more inclusive job market
53. Europe has to use all the resources it has to hand
and do so effectively. One way to do this is to create a more inclusive
labour market that targets traditionally excluded groups – women,
immigrants and older people. Specific policies need to be developed
for these groups so they can be better integrated into the labour market,
thereby expanding the economically active population and contributing
to economic growth. Most of these have been discussed above.
54. Regrettably, Europe has a very high rate of unemployment among
its youth, even among those who have higher education degrees. Countries
like Spain, Italy and Greece had the lowest birth rates over the
past decades, yet they had youth unemployment rates of 20% to 40%.
On average, in OECD countries, the youth unemployment rate is more
than twice that of adults, at 17.4%. Increasingly, young people
feel lost in their prospects for employment. As Mr Angel Gurría,
Secretary General of the OECD, told the Assembly in October 2011,
youth must be given a better start in its working life.
55. Some policy measures may include introducing job-search assistance,
hiring subsidies and remedial assistance for the most disadvantaged
youth and providing opportunities for study and work. We must improve early
childhood education and development and ensure that young people
do not drop out of school. Achieving a better match between the
skills acquired at school and those needed in the labour market
is also crucially important.
6. Epilogue. Demography drives
our future: investing in people to address population challenges
56. Like climate change, population change has many challenges.
Europe’s emerging demographic landscape and prospects will have
a lasting impact on European society. But population change also
brings opportunities. Addressing the population challenges and making
the most of the opportunities that population change brings will
include finding the best ways to tap the rich human resources and
indeed unleash the full potential of an ageing and more diverse
population and promote a society for all generations and both genders. Investing
in people, such as in health and education, as well as promoting
healthy and active ageing and intergenerational solidarity, and
making the best use of population diversity and migration, will
help to address the challenges that confront Europe. These investments
in the quality of life of Europe’s citizens would also offset any
concerns which might be caused by the declining relative share of
Europe’s population in a global perspective.
57. The rich variation in demographic trends and patterns in Europe
is an asset for policy makers who can benefit from diverse experiences
and exchange best practices. In that sense, Europe can be viewed
as a laboratory where a wide range of demographic trends and policy
responses can be observed and studied. In-depth studies to compare
the experiences of countries, as well as the exchange of information
on best practices, are needed to improve the evidence base of policies.
The variety of the European demographic landscape is also a challenge
as it implies different sets of policy responses in different contexts,
understanding that one-size-fits-all policies do not exist.
58. Populations change because people change. Demographic trends
are the combined result of the behaviour of people. Demographic
trends are also persistent: population ageing and population diversity
build up gradually and are here to stay. As the causes of demographic
change are structural, it is difficult to change the course of demographic
trends. International migration, for instance, cannot stop population
ageing, although it can help to mitigate some of its effects. Pronatalist
policies to stimulate the birth rate usually only have short-term
effects and do not succeed in having a longer term impact. As it
is difficult to turn demographic trends around, policies that aim
to cope with and accommodate demographic trends become very important. Sustained
policies that support families, create a family-friendly society,
facilitate a better work-life balance, stimulate flexibility on
the labour market, promote an equal gender balance and stimulate
lifelong learning, are all examples of policies that need to be
considered. The overall policy challenge of population change seems to
be to optimise human well-being. Investments which boost the human
capital of Europe’s population will also enable Europe to maintain
and even strengthen its role as a key global player.