1. Trends and
divides
1. Amongst international organisations, the Council
of Europe has taken a leading role in the fight against discrimination
on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity. In 2010,
the Committee of Ministers adopted a far-reaching recommendation
on this matter.
In
the same year, the Parliamentary Assembly adopted
Resolution 1728 (2010) and
Recommendation
1915 (2010) on discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation
and gender identity. These texts represent, to date, the most advanced
and detailed recommendations adopted by international organisations
in this area.
2. In addition, both the former and the current Commissioner
for Human Rights of the Council of Europe have played an outstanding
role in raising the visibility of issues concerning lesbian, gay,
bisexual and transgender persons (LGBTs) in the context of their
activities and in promoting a change of attitudes as well as policy
and legislation. The Secretary General of the Council of Europe
himself, Thorbjørn Jagland, has taken a firm position against discrimination
on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity.
3. Despite this clear political will and standard-setting effort
on the part of the Council of Europe, the issue of discrimination
on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity is still
politically sensitive and “divisive” amongst Council of Europe member
States.
4. Some examples drawn from the Council of Europe experience
confirm this diverging approach: during the negotiations that led
to the adoption of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing
and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul
Convention, CETS No. 210), some member States objected to the inclusion
of sexual orientation and gender identity as grounds for non-discrimination.
Similarly, in 2012 the Conference of European Ministers responsible
for Youth could not adopt conclusions because of the opposition
of the Russian Federation to the inclusion of a reference to sexual
orientation and gender identity, which was proposed by Sweden and
supported by other member States.
5. This divide is visible also when assessing national developments
since 2010, the year of the two above-mentioned landmark Council
of Europe texts. In a group of member States there has been significant
progress, with the adoption of specific action plans/strategies
to promote equality and tackle discrimination, recognition of rights
for LGBTs in the areas of adoption, civil partnerships and marriage
and the introduction of stronger measures against homophobic and
transphobic speech and violence. However, in another group of States there
has been a lack of progress or even a deterioration, especially
in the area of freedom of expression, assembly and association.
6. It would be simplistic, however, to present the situation
as black and white, as totally good in some countries and totally
bad in others. Attitudes towards LGBT people, within the same country,
are very diversified. The protection of LGBT people against discrimination
depends on societal attitudes but also on the existence of adequate
laws, policies and political will to implement them, which vary
considerably even within the same country.
7. Violence against LGBTs is a problem everywhere in Europe.
With the effects of the economic crisis in full sway, and the ensuing
radicalisation and strengthening of extremist groups, there has
been an increase in acts of verbal or physical abuse against minorities,
including LGBT people, in many Council of Europe member States.
This may be partly due to the fact that more victims are prepared
to report it to the police, or that data collection is improving.
But the fact remains that the phenomenon is worrying.
2. Aim,
approach and working methods for my work
8. I consider Assembly
Resolution 1728 (2010) on discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation
and gender identity as the starting point of my work. I totally
subscribe to the analysis presented by its rapporteur, Mr Andreas
Gross (Switzerland, SOC) and I do not intend to duplicate his work.
In the present report, I intend to assess the main developments
that have occurred in Council of Europe member States in the area
of discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender
identity since the adoption of
Resolution 1728 (2010). My aim is capturing the general trend (progress or
setback) as well as addressing specific issues of concern arising
in some countries. My recommendations are meant to complement and expand
on
Resolution 1728 (2010), and not to replace it.
9. I will be consistent with the Yogyakarta Principles on the
application of human rights law in relation to sexual orientation
and gender identity.
These principles were laid down
by a group of legal experts in 2007 with the aim of identifying
and describing the obligation of States to respect and protect the
human rights of all persons regardless of their sexual orientation.
Along these lines, I have no intention to suggest that LGBT people
should enjoy a special or new category of rights. On the contrary,
my aim is to shed light on the discrimination that LGBT people face
and which prevents them from enjoying human rights that should belong to
all.
10. For the preparation of this report, I have met representatives
from civil society, particularly human rights activists from Albania,
Hungary, Lithuania, the Russian Federation, Serbia and Ukraine,
as well as representatives from Amnesty International, the European
Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex
Association (ILGA-Europe) and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee.
In September 2012, I met with LGBT Focal Points, government representatives
from various European countries. In Brussels, I had a very interesting
meeting with the European Parliament’s LGBT-Intergroup. In Strasbourg,
I had the opportunity to meet the Ambassador of the Republic of
Moldova to the Council of Europe, Ms Tatiana Parvu, and members
of several Turkish human rights organisations working on the situation
of LGBT people (January 2013). I conducted a fact-finding visit
to Hungary (27 February-1 March 2013) and another one to Ukraine
(15-16 May 2013).
11. The Conference on “Freedom of expression for LGBT people”,
which the Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination organised
in Warsaw in March 2013, in co-operation with the Sejm, proved to
be essential to collect information and refine my opinion on where
Europe stands in relation to the protection of human rights for
LGBTs without discrimination.
12. The choice of Poland for this event was particularly meaningful.
Poland is a country in which the majority of the population is catholic
and which has experienced a totalitarian regime in a similar way
as its neighbours. Poland is a good example of how things can change:
as recently as 2005, the then Mayor of Warsaw refused to authorise
a demonstration for LGBT rights; today freedom of expression, association
and assembly are guaranteed, legislation on civil unions is being
discussed, LGBTs are active in politics and a conference such as
the one that the committee organised could take place in the premises
of parliament. As my colleague, Robert Biedron, said: “This would
have been unthinkable a few years ago.” Then again, as I mentioned
in the introduction, the situation is never black and white: just
a few days before the conference, a reputable politician, former
President Lech Walesa, was widely reported in the media as making
negative statements against the presence of LGBTs in politics and
labelling homosexuality as contrary to traditional Polish values.
3. Scope of the report
13. I have decided to focus this report on freedom of
expression and assembly as well as on the prevention of and protection
against homophobia and transphobia. Several considerations have
led me to this decision: these are key human rights which respond
to basic human needs: the need to express oneself and the need to
be protected against violence; regrettably, these are also areas
in which recently there have been worrying developments, which I
feel should be addressed as a matter of urgency in a number of Council
of Europe member States.
14. Transgender persons are included in this report, and the problem
of transphobia is mentioned on several occasions. However, I feel
that the specific situation of transgender persons is so complex
that it requires a separate report. Therefore, I have proposed that
a motion on this matter is tabled on behalf of the committee.
4. Decriminalisation:
an unfinished mission
15. Criminalisation of same-sex relations between consenting
adults has been for decades the main stumbling block in the way
of the protection of human rights for LGBTs. Prohibition of same-sex
consensual acts between adults survived in several legal systems
until relatively recent times. While such prohibition was abolished
in most cases during the first half of the 20th century, some countries
amended their criminal laws as late as the 1970s, as is the case
for my own country, Norway. Others, particularly in central and
eastern Europe, kept the prohibition until the late 1990s or early
2000s.
16. The Council of Europe played an important role in the process
of decriminalisation, as this measure was requested of countries
applying for membership. In the case of Armenia and Romania, the
Parliamentary Assembly asked candidate States to amend their criminal
law accordingly.
17. Nowadays, the only area in Europe in which criminalisation
is still applied is the northern part of Cyprus: as recently as
2012, there have been arrests on the basis of Section 171 of the
criminal code, under which same-sex consensual acts can be punished
with up to five years’ imprisonment. This provision of the Cypriot criminal
code was repealed by Cyprus following a judgment of the European
Court of Human Rights (“the Court”) which found it in breach to
Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5,
“the Convention”) (right to private life).
In spite
of this, it has continued to be applied in the northern part of
the country, in which the Cypriot authorities cannot exercise effective
control.
18. In October 2011, I submitted a Written Question to the Committee
of Ministers on “Criminalisation of homosexuality in the northern
part of Cyprus”, asking what the Committee of Ministers intended
to do to ensure that Turkey, which
de
facto exercises control on this part of the island, repeals
Section 171.
I regret to point out that, on 13
June 2012, due to lack of consensus, the Ministers’ Deputies found
it impossible to adopt a reply to my question.
19. In an exchange of letters that ensued, the elected representatives
of the Turkish Cypriot community at the Parliamentary Assembly,
Mr Mehmet Çağlar and Mr Ahmet Eti, explained that their community
is largely supportive of amendments to the criminal code ensuring
equal rights for everyone, irrespective of their sexual orientation
and gender identity. They confirmed this position during the meeting
of the Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination in Warsaw in
March 2013. In the meantime, last year, an application was filed
against Turkey before the European Court of Human Rights, with the
support of the Human Dignity Trust, challenging the criminalisation
of same-sex relations in the northern part of Cyprus.
I consider that the decriminalisation is
long overdue and that it is high time for a change.
5. Sexual orientation
and gender identity as prohibited grounds of discrimination in national
and international law
20. Decriminalisation is a precondition for but not a
guarantee of the enjoyment of human rights by LGBT people. One of
the main instruments required to achieve this objective is embedding
in the legal framework a specific reference to sexual orientation
and gender identity as a prohibited ground of discrimination.
21. Historically, there has been a two-fold evolution: while the
oldest constitutions and pieces of legislation do not explicitly
mention sexual orientation and gender identity, national courts
have progressively interpreted open-ended non-discrimination provisions
as including them implicitly. Secondly, the most recent legal instruments
mention explicitly sexual orientation and gender identity; sometimes
this is even the case at constitutional level, such as for Sweden
and Portugal.
22. However, this pattern has not been consistently followed.
In the Republic of Moldova, for instance, new anti-discrimination
legislation was introduced in 2012, as part of the National Action
Plan on Human Rights, following a long process of consultation with
civil society and international organisations, including the Office for
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE/ODIHR). Despite this positive
development, I regret that sexual orientation is explicitly mentioned
as a prohibited ground of discrimination only in relation to employment.
Of course it will be of key importance how anti-discrimination legislation
in this country will be implemented and what further measures will
be taken in the execution of the Action Plan.
23. In Hungary, the constitution which was adopted in April 2011
and entered into force on 1 January 2012 does not explicitly include
sexual orientation and gender identity amongst the prohibited grounds
of discrimination (Article XIV). Although the list of grounds in
Article XV is open-ended and therefore may implicitly include sexual
orientation and gender identity, the European Commission for Democracy
through Law (Venice Commission) criticised the exclusion, saying
that it “might create the impression that discrimination on this ground
is not considered to be reprehensible”.
The European Parliament expressed
similar concerns.
24. In Ukraine, adopting a comprehensive anti-discrimination law
is part of the conditions that the European Union has set for the
conclusion of an association agreement. However, the explicit inclusion
of sexual orientation among the grounds of prohibited discrimination
meets with opposition in parliament.
25. The same pattern from the implicit to the explicit inclusion
of sexual orientation and gender identity and sexual orientation
as a prohibited discrimination ground can be found in international
instruments. Although it is not explicitly mentioned in the main
United Nations Human Rights instruments, all the treaty bodies set
up by these instruments have held that sexual orientation and gender
identity be included amongst the prohibited grounds of discrimination
(see the table below). Similarly, while the 1951 Geneva Convention
on the status of refugees does not explicitly mention sexual orientation
and gender identity, there is consolidated case law confirming that
LGBTs represent “a particular social group” falling under the refugee
definition, and that sexual orientation and gender identity are
grounds of persecution liable to engage the convention.
United
Nations instrument
|
Interpretation
clarifying the inclusion of sexual orientation and gender identity
as a prohibited ground of discrimination
|
International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (1966)
|
In Toonen
v. Australia (1992), the Human Rights Committee held
that the reference to “sex” (ICCPR, Article 2) and the right to
privacy (ICCPR, Article 17) include sexual orientation
|
International Covenant
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966)
|
Committee on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment No. 20 – Non-Discrimination
in Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, United Nations document
E/C.12/GC/20 (2009)
|
Convention on the Elimination
of Discrimination against Women (1979)
|
Committee on the Elimination
of Discrimination Against Women, General Recommendation No. 28 on
the Core Obligations of State Parties under Article 2 of the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(19 October 2010)
|
Convention against Torture
(1984)
|
Committee against Torture,
General Comment No. 2, Implementation of Article 2 by States Parties
(24 January 2008)
|
Convention on the Rights
of the Child (1989)
|
Committee on the Rights
of the Child, General Comment No. 4 (2003) on Adolescent health
and development in the context of the Convention on the Rights of
the Child
|
26. Sexual orientation and gender identity are not explicitly
mentioned as prohibited grounds of discrimination in Article 14
of the European Convention on Human Rights. However, the Court has
held that the term “and other status” includes sexual orientation
and transsexuality. Likewise, Protocol No. 12 to the Convention
(ETS No. 177) prohibits discrimination in the enjoyment of all rights
set forth by law. Its explanatory report clarifies that the grounds
of discrimination in Protocol No. 12 are the same as those in the
European Convention on Human Rights.
27. In 1997, Article 13 of the Treaty of Amsterdam empowered the
European Union to combat discrimination on a number of grounds including
sexual orientation.
In 2000, the Charter of Fundamental
Rights of the European Union was the first international instrument
to explicitly include sexual orientation as a prohibited ground
of non-discrimination.
As regards gender
identity, following a ruling of the Court of Justice of the European
Union,
people
intending to undergo or having undergone gender reassignment are
protected from discrimination in access to goods and services and
employment. For the sake of completeness, I should mention that
in the European Union secondary law, there are other instruments
offering protection against discrimination on the grounds of sexual
orientation and gender identity in specific areas. One is the directive on
equal treatment in employment and occupation;
another one is
the directive on asylum of 13 December 2011 which, thanks to the
amendments proposed by the European Parliament, includes several
passages to ensure that sexual orientation and gender identity are
duly taken into account in the context of the recognition of refugee
status.
28. The first Council of Europe convention explicitly referring
to sexual orientation was the Council of Europe Convention on the
Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse
(Lanzarote Convention, CETS No. 201) in 2007. The Convention on
Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence
of 2011 was the first to refer to both sexual orientation and gender
identity. I hope that this is the beginning of a trend which will
be continued in the future.
6. Freedom of assembly
29. The right to conduct peaceful demonstrations is a
core human right. For the LGBT community, it has a special significance:
for too long in the history of our societies, and often still now,
LGBTs have hidden their sexual orientation and gender identity;
they have been invisible, or have chosen to be invisible to be able
to conduct a normal life, away from stereotyping, prejudice and
harassment. Pride marches provide an invaluable opportunity to build
a sense of community, celebrate diversity and show the general public
that there is nothing shameful or secretive about one’s sexual orientation
and gender identity, even if they are not the same as those of the
majority.
30. The first Pride marches were held in the United States in
1970, to commemorate the Stonewall riots in New York the previous
year and raise awareness against widespread discrimination and stereotyping.
The following year, London, Paris, Stockholm and West Berlin were
the first European capitals to host such events. To put things in
context, at that time, western European countries had just decriminalised
or were in the process of decriminalising consensual homosexual
relations.
31. Since then, Pride marches have been organised in an increasing
number of countries, primarily in America and western Europe. Since
the fall of the Berlin Wall, Pride marches have been organised also
in other European countries. Unfortunately, however, the exercise
of freedom of assembly has been repeatedly infringed in some of
them, because of the authorities’ refusal to authorise the events,
the authorities’ open or veiled obstructionism (which is often manifested
in the diversion of the demonstrations to non-central areas or the
lack of response to an authorisation request), or the authorities’
failure to provide adequate protection to demonstrators against
homophobic violence.
32. The 2011 report on “Discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation
and gender identity in Europe” by the Council of Europe Commissioner
for Human Rights indicated that Pride parades and other LGBT events had
been banned since 2004 in several member States, including Latvia,
Lithuania, “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” and the Russian
Federation. Pride marches have also been banned on several occasions
in Belgrade and Kiev.
33. During my visit to Kiev, I was impressed by the activism and
determination of non-governmental organisations and civil society
representatives. The local branches of international non-governmental organisations
(INGOs) such as Amnesty International and the Heinrich Böll Foundation
were working side by side with LGBT organisations to make sure that
a Pride march finally would take place in Kiev in 2013, in safe conditions.
While negotiating with the police and the relevant authorities for
this to happen, they asked for the support of international counterparts
and expect the participation of numerous representatives of foreign human
rights organisations. The participation of international personalities
and representatives of the diplomatic corps in Kiev would further
contribute to the success of this important event. Unfortunately,
no political party, trade union or other organisation at domestic
level seemed to support the LGBT movement in Ukraine on this occasion,
nor in general. After leaving Kiev, I was informed that 61 members
of parliament signed a petition urging the Mayor of Kiev to ban
the Pride parade. Subsequently, the city’s authorities decided to
apply for a judicial ban of all public demonstration on the weekend
of 24 May 2013, which was granted.
34. What happened in Georgia is also a matter for concern: on
17 May 2013, some NGOs had organised a march in Tbilisi to mark
International Day against Homophobia (IDAHO). This was violently
disrupted by a large group of aggressive counterdemonstrators, many
of whom were Orthodox priests. The police failed to provide adequate
protection and participants in the IDAHO demonstration had to be
evacuated by bus. Several people were injured.
35. The backbone of the case law of the European Court of Human
Rights in relation to freedom of assembly in relation to the prohibition
of discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender
identity is represented by three cases: Bączkowski
v. Poland (2007), Alekseyev
v. Russia (2010) and Genderdoc-M
v. Moldova (2012). The three cases present many similarities,
including the reasons provided to refuse authorisation, which included
concerns about the safety of demonstrators and that the marches
would represent a threat to public morals.
36. As Sir Nicolas Bratza, former President of the Court, explained
during the Warsaw conference (referring to the
Alekseyev case):
“The Court found that any measures which interfered with
freedom of assembly and expression, other than in the cases of incitement
to violence or rejection of democratic principles, did a disservice
to – and even endangered – democracy, even where the views expressed
appeared shocking and unacceptable to the authorities. The Court
was wholly unconvinced of the genuineness or validity of the reasons
given for banning the assemblies.
As to the alleged concerns for the safety of the participants
and the prevention of disorder, the Court emphasised that it was
the duty of Contracting States to take reasonable and appropriate
measures to enable lawful demonstrations to proceed peacefully and
that, despite the petitions which the Government claimed to have
received threatening counter-demonstrations and violence if the processions
went ahead, the Government had failed to carry out any adequate
assessment of the risk (if any) to safety and public order.
As to the alleged threat to public morals, which the Court
found to be the primary reason for the ban, the Court was unable
to accept the Government’s claim that the processions would have
caused the level of controversy claimed, finding no evidence to
suggest that the participants would indulge in sexually provocative
behaviour or attack religious views. It also rejected the argument,
which reflected the Mayor’s view, that it was necessary to confine
every mention of homosexuality to the private sphere and force gay
men and lesbians out of the public eye, thereby implying that homosexuality
was a result of conscious and antisocial choice.”
37. The three above-mentioned cases concern central and eastern
European countries. It would be wrong, however, to assume that there
is an East-West divide in the understanding of freedom of assembly,
that the situation is uniform throughout a given country or that
changes are not possible. I have already mentioned that in Poland
the situation has progressed in the right direction since the
Bączkowski case. But there are other positive
examples: in 2011, in Split (Croatia), Pride participants were targeted
by homophobic attacks; in June 2012 the event took place without
incident and saw the participation of hundreds of people, including
several members of the government. In the capital, Zagreb, similar
marches have been held regularly and peacefully for a decade.
In Budapest, the annual Pride parade,
which used to be a peaceful, successful event for the entire city,
has been the target of homophobic attacks from neo-Nazi groups since
2007. On those occasions, police forces protected participants.
I was particularly reassured by the fact that the police representatives
I met during my visit to Hungary reassured me of their commitment
to continue to do so.
38. More recently, on 17 May 2013, hundreds of people gathered
in the centre of Tirana for a public event called “Diversity Fair”,
one of a series of events bringing together representatives of the
Albanian Government and of the police, the Ombudsman, the Commissioner
for Protection from Discrimination, members of the international
community in Albania, representatives of the media and human rights
non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In May 2013, the Baltic Pride
in Riga took place peacefully. The demonstration was authorised
by the authorities and there were no violent incidents. On 19 May
2013, a demonstration against discrimination on the grounds of sexual
orientation and gender identity was held in Chisinau, with the participation
of the Moldovan civil society and representatives of the international
community. The authorities guaranteed public order and the safety
of participants, in spite of attempts by some groups to disrupt
the demonstration. This was the first authorised march of this kind
in the Republic of Moldova.
7. Freedom of expression
and the prohibition of so-called homosexual propaganda
39. Local and regional authorities in several countries
have introduced legislation prohibiting so-called homosexual propaganda
and similar pieces of legislation are or will soon be discussed
by parliaments. The declared goal is to protect children and the
religious beliefs of the majority of the population. The promoters
of such legislation consider homosexuality as deviant behaviour
and contrary to religious precepts; mentioning or showing the existence
of an LGBT community would be an offence to moral and religious
values and affect the well-being of children.
7.1. Examples
40. In Lithuania, a proposal was put forward to introduce
a provision on “Protection of constitutional moral values” into
the Administrative Code. This would sanction the “public denigration
of constitutional moral values and the principles of family stipulated
in the Constitution and the organisation of events contradicting
social morality” with a fine of between 1 000 and 3 000 litas. This
legislative proposal was rejected by the Legal Affairs Committee
and parliament, but was submitted again. It was approved by parliament
in May 2013. This provision may be used to prohibit a range of activities
such as campaigning on human rights issues related to sexual orientation
and gender identity and providing sexual health information. It
may also prevent Pride marches and similar events from taking place
in the country.
41. In the Republic of Moldova, in 2012, the local councils of
several cities and towns adopted measures to forbid any kind of
promotion of LGBT rights. Such measures were motivated with religious
reasons and fear of an “epidemic of homosexuality”. According to
information provided to me by the Moldovan authorities, these local
measures have been found to be in contravention of Moldovan law
and quashed by the courts. I look forward to receiving more precise
information on whether all the measures concerned have been quashed
and whether the court decisions are effectively enforced.
42. In the Russian Federation, since 2006, legislation banning
“public actions aimed at propaganda of homosexuality, lesbianism,
bisexualism and transgenderness amongst minors” has been introduced
in several regions. The term “propaganda” is either not clearly
defined or not defined at all, thus allowing for arbitrary interpretation.
Some of these regional laws also prohibit “propaganda of paedophilia
amongst minors”, establishing an unacceptable, misleading link between
homosexuality and sexual abuse of children.
43. As a result of these regional laws, 17 people have been arrested
in St Petersburg, and one has been prosecuted and condemned to pay
a fine. There have also been prosecutions in Arkhangelsk and Ryazan.
These laws have also been used
to prohibit public events in support of LGBT rights in Arkhangelsk
, Kostroma
and
St Petersburg.
Their legality
has been challenged before the Constitutional Court (in the case
of Ryazan) and before the Supreme Court (in the case of Arkhangelsk,
Kostroma, Samara and St Petersburg). All these challenges have been
dismissed.
44. In March 2012, a bill banning “public activity aimed at propaganda
of homosexuality amongst minors” was introduced at federal level
and is currently being examined by the Russian Parliament.
45. At the Parliament of Ukraine, a similar bill passed its first
reading in October 2012. Draft Law No. 0945
on
“Introduction of Changes to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine
(regarding protection of children’s rights in the safe information
sphere)” aimed to amend five laws, on protection of public morals,
on the regulation of print, broadcasting and publishing media, and
the Criminal Code. The proposed amendments were meant to introduce
criminal liability for “propaganda of homosexuality”, on the model
of the existing criminal offence of “promotion of violence and cruelty
among children”, with sanctions ranging from heavy fines to up to
five years’ imprisonment. Parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine
later on the same month, which interrupted the examination of the
draft.
46. A second bill (No. 1155) ‘on prohibition of propaganda of
same-sex relationships aimed at children’ was introduced in the
Parliament of Ukraine in December 2012. It defines “propaganda of
homosexuality” as “intentional activity, which aims to and is expressed
in dissemination of any positive information about same-sex sexual
relations that could negatively affect … development of the child,
including forming a misconception of traditional and non-traditional
marriage relations being equal, and in the future impact his or
her choice of sexual orientation”. The bill also extends the definition
of propaganda to any public activities that disseminate positive
information about homosexuality, such as rallies, parades, demonstrations
about LGBT rights, discussions, or optional classes that contain
positive information about homosexuality. It would also ban the media
from disseminating positive information about homosexuality. Sanctions
include imprisonment. The law was approved by a committee of the
Ukrainian Parliament in early April 2013.
47. During my visit to Ukraine, I had the opportunity to meet
the author of bill No. 1155, Mr Vadym Kolesnichenko, from the Party
of the Regions. He told me that he was committed to human rights
and recognised the positive impact that European bodies had had
on his country in this field. He appreciated the opportunity of
engaging in a dialogue on his proposal and explained that his only
aim was to protect the healthy psychological development of children.
During my visit, however, I was also informed that the Ukrainian Ombudsman
and the Ministry of Justice had criticised the bill, as they found
it at variance with the general principles of criminal law on two
main grounds: the description of the behaviour is too vague and
the sanctions foreseen are not proportionate with the social danger.
These concerns echo my own.
7.2. Concerns
48. Freedom of expression is a fundamental right and
a pillar of any democratic society. Limitations to this right must
respond to strict criteria, as laid down in the European Convention
on Human Rights. On December 2012 in Paris, the Committee on Equality
and Non-Discrimination decided to ask the Venice Commission for an
opinion on the issue of the prohibition of so-called propaganda
of homosexuality in the light of recent legislation in some Council
of Europe member States, including the Republic of Moldova, the
Russian Federation and Ukraine. On 11 December 2012, President Gianni
Buquicchio replied that the Venice Commission would prepare this
opinion.
49. Given that an authoritative body such as the Venice Commission
will soon give its expert opinion on the (draft) laws in question,
for the time being I will refrain from giving my own detailed analysis.
Nonetheless, I would like to raise some major prima
facie concerns.
7.2.1. Discretionary application
50. The scope of so-called anti-propaganda law is so
vague and leaves so much discretion to the law-enforcement agencies
that even declaring one’s own homosexuality, talking about family
matters in public or putting a rainbow flag outside one’s window
could be considered as a breach of the law.
7.2.2. Protection of children
51. Of course the protection of children should be a
priority in all our policies and laws. Article 3 of the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of the Child makes it clear that the best
interests of the child shall be a primary consideration in all actions
taken concerning children, and Article 12 emphasises that a child
who is capable of forming his or her own views has the right to
express those views freely.
52. Children should be protected against influences that may be
unsuitably harmful to their development. This would clearly include
the distribution of materials of a violent or sexually explicit
nature. However, the so-called homosexual propaganda laws assume
that protecting children from knowing about the very existence of
homosexuality would be conducive to the attainment of their healthy
morals, and spiritual and psychological development. Personally,
I do not think that the principle of the best interest of the child
requires children to be shielded from such information. On the contrary,
as medical research indicates that most children begin experiencing
feelings of sexual attraction some time during late childhood or
early adolescence, it would be important for their balanced development
to know that there are different sexual orientations and that nobody should
be stigmatised on this account. In fact, these laws may harm the
very people it is constructed to protect: young people, particularly
young LGBT people.
53. A similar line of reasoning was confirmed by the European
Court of Human Rights in the case
Alexeyev v.
Russia, in which the Court noted that there is no scientific
evidence that open public debate about sexual minorities had an
adverse effect on children and that the Russian authorities were
“unable to provide justification” for forcing “gay men and lesbians
out of the public eye”. I referred to this judgment in my recent written
question to the Committee of Ministers on rights of the child and
freedom of expression for LGBT persons in Russia.
54. The Committee of Ministers recommendation of 2010 also underlines
the importance of objective information on sexual orientation and
gender identity being provided in the education system. Its explanatory memorandum
underlines that sexual orientation is also regarded as a prohibited
ground of discrimination by the United Nations Committee on the
Rights of the Child.
7.2.3. Repercussions on
freedom of expression in general
55. While the prohibition of so-called homosexual propaganda
infringes upon freedom of expression for LGBT people, the risks
that such legislation poses go beyond the group directly targeted:
even writers and journalists reporting on public events on LGBT
rights might, under these rules, be prosecuted.
7.2.4. Climate of hostility
56. Furthermore, this kind of legislation reflects and
strengthens a climate of prejudice and hostility against LGBTs,
which could lead to an increase in violence against them, as well
as their isolation. Such a climate of prejudice and hostility, although
already present in society, is often fuelled by inflammatory speech
by politicians and other persons in a position of authority. It
is interesting, for instance, to recall that, in its decision in
the
Alekseyev case, the European
Court of Human Rights “placed reliance on the expressed views of
the Mayor, and the undeniable link between his statements and the
ban, as confirming its view that the main reason for the ban was
the authorities’ disapproval of the demonstrations, which they considered
to promote homosexuality”.
57. While in Kiev, I was repeatedly told that a change of mentality
was necessary in Ukraine for LGBT people to be fully respected and
included in society, but this could not happen overnight. I particularly
appreciated the indication coming from Ms Hanna Herman, prominent
member of parliament and adviser to the President of Ukraine, who
suggested that information and awareness-raising campaigns should
be conducted in the country on the themes of diversity and respect
for LGBT people. I can only subscribe to her proposal, adding that
respect should be promoted in relation to all categories and social
groups. I wish to underline that legal provisions prohibiting so-called
homosexual propaganda would represent a stumbling block in this
important evolution of mentalities.
8. Public responsibilities
58. A great responsibility in ensuring the exercise of
freedom of assembly and expression without discrimination lies with
mayors. I am therefore particularly pleased that the Congress of
Regional and Local Authorities of the Council of Europe has appointed
a rapporteur on the rights of LGBT people, Ms Yoomi Renström from
Sweden. I look forward to hearing her recommendations and I encourage
her to play an active role in promoting best practices in this area,
as well as better knowledge of Council of Europe standards amongst
local authorities.
59. Public authorities do not only have legal obligations to ensure
the exercise of freedom of assembly and expression without undue
interference; they also have a political responsibility to establish
a “relationship of communication and trust with the LGBT community”.
I particularly appreciated these words, pronounced by Ms Calliope
Spanou, the Greek Ombudsperson, at the Warsaw conference. She explained
that, in order to contribute to building this relationship, the
Greek Ombudsperson’s office has participated in all the Athens Pride marches
since 2007, the first public authority in Greece to do so. I invite
local authorities and public officials to take on board this good
practice.
60. The role of politicians is not only limited to ensuring and
promoting the respect of some specific freedoms and rights, but
extends to human rights in general. As legislators, parliamentarians
have the duty to ensure that legislation which they propose or approve
is consistent with human rights values and standards. In addition, for
the respect of such values and standards, they have the duty to
refrain from homophobic discourse and the responsibility to publicly
condemn it. I particularly appreciated that in Albania, Prime Minister
Sali Berisha reacted to negative remarks made by Deputy Defence
Minister Ekrem Spahiu and defined them as unacceptable.
61. LGBT politicians should be visible and outspoken in promoting
equality and non-discrimination also on the grounds of sexual orientation
and gender identity. However, the protection of human rights for
LGBT persons should not be the exclusive responsibility of LGBT
politicians: this is a human rights issue that should be of common
concern for all, also irrespective of political divides.
62. During the Warsaw Conference, the Co-Chair of the LGBT-Intergroup
of the European Parliament, Ms Ulrike Lunacek, underlined the important
role of this forum as a pressure group. The Intergroup currently counts
153 MEPs, who are committed to advancing LGBT rights in the context
of the European Union legislative process and take common positions
on issues that may have an impact on the rights of LGBTs.
9. Hate speech
63. Infringements of freedom of expression of LGBTs are
not infrequent, and this group is not adequately protected against
hate speech and incitement to hostility, violence and discrimination.
This lack of adequate protection is also due to legal loopholes,
as there is no universally accepted definition of the expression
“hate speech”.
64. Article 20.2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (1966) reads as follows: “Any advocacy of national, racial
or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination,
hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law”. A wording of
this kind is not included in the European Convention on Human Rights. However,
Article 10 on freedom of expression is not an absolute right. Restrictions
are possible, in particular when speech or other expressions incite
“to xenophobia anti-Semitism and the like, as such speech is incompatible
with the values proclaimed and guaranteed by the Convention”.
65. So far, the European Court of Human Rights has dealt with
only one case specifically concerning hate speech and sexual orientation.
In
Vejdeland and Others v. Sweden,
the
applicants had been convicted for distributing in a secondary school
leaflets in which homosexuality was described as a deviant sexual
proclivity, having a morally destructive effect on the substance
of society and being responsible for the development of HIV and
AIDS. The Court deemed that these statements had constituted serious
and prejudicial allegations, even if they had not been a direct
call to hateful acts; and that discrimination based on sexual orientation
was as serious as discrimination based on “race, origin or colour”.
The Court concluded that there had been no violation of Article
10, as the interference with the applicants’ exercise of their right
to freedom of expression had reasonably been regarded by the Swedish
authorities as necessary in a democratic society for the protection
of the reputation and rights of others.
66. Sweden is one of the few countries which explicitly include
homophobic speech in the notion of hate crime. Other countries include
the United Kingdom, where legislation on hate crimes was amended
in 2010 to take homophobia into account. In January 2012, five men
were arrested under these rules for distributing homophobic leaflets
with violent content.
In 2012, the Maltese Parliament
unanimously approved the amendments to the criminal code necessary
to introduce tougher penalties for crimes motivated by gender, gender
identity, sexual orientation, ethnicity and religious or political
beliefs.
67. Both Recommendation CM/Rec(2010)5 of the Committee of Ministers
and Assembly
Resolution
1728 (2010) call on Council of Europe member States to take appropriate
measures to combat hate speech. I think that, in addition to awareness-raising
and information campaigns, it would be important to introduce a
clear reference to the incitement to hostility and violence against
LGBTs in national laws on hate speech.
68. In this regard, I would like to recall that, during the Warsaw
conference, Ms Barbora Bukovska from Article 19 underlined that
while homophobic and transphobic hate speech should be sanctioned
by the law, criminal penalties should be considered only as a last
resort.
69. As regards the European Union, since 2008, a framework decision
foresees specific, higher penalties for racist and xenophobic speech
and crime. In March 2013, the European Parliament adopted a resolution
on strengthening the fight against racism, xenophobia and hate crime,
in which it called on the European Commission to add homophobia
and transphobia to the list of EU-sanctioned hate speech and violence.
10. Prevention of homophobic
and transphobic violence
70. Across Europe, bullying on the basis of actual or
perceived gender identity or sexual orientation is a serious problem,
aggravated by underreporting, lack of precise data, and lack of
comprehensive prevention strategies.
71. On 17 May 2013, the European Union’s Agency for Fundamental
Rights (FRA) published the most comprehensive survey in Europe on
discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity. This
survey was conducted in the period 2010-2012 in the 27 EU member
States and Croatia, on the basis of 93 000 replies to an online
questionnaire. This is an extract of its main findings:
Extracts from the 2012 FRA LGBT
survey
Hate
speech by politicians
|
On average, nearly half
of all respondents considered offensive language about LGBT people
by politicians to be widespread and ranging from 93% of all respondents
in Lithuania to 9% of all respondents in the Netherlands.
|
Violence
or threat of violence
|
58% of the respondents
said that the last incident of physical/ sexual or threat of violence
in the 12 months preceding the survey happened partly or completely
because they were perceived to be LGBTs. Moreover, half of all respondents
avoid certain places or locations for fear of being assaulted, threatened
or harassed because of being LGBT.
A quarter (26%)
of all respondents indicated that they had been physically or sexually
attacked or threatened with violence for any reason at home or elsewhere
in the last five years. In addition, one in 10 (10%) of all respondents said
that they had been attacked or threatened with violence for any
reason in the 12 months before the survey.
Respondents
whose gender did not “match” their sex assigned at birth were twice
as likely as those whose gender was in line with societal expectations
to say that they had experienced hate-motivated violence in the
year preceding the survey.
Less than one in five of
the most recent incidents of hate-motivated violence which had happened
to respondents in the last 12 months (17%) were brought to the attention
of the police.
|
Hiding
one’s sexual orientation and gender identity
|
The overwhelming majority
of all respondents – 2 out of 3 (67%) – said they often or always
hid their LGBT identity at school. Only 4% respondents were consistently
open about being LGBT when they were at school.
Nearly
two thirds (63%) of all respondents do not reveal their sexual orientation
or gender identity to most people in their private and professional lives.
|
Discrimination
|
Respondents were more
likely to say they had personally felt discriminated against in
the year preceding the survey because of being LGBT in employment
than in any other area of social life covered by the survey. One
in five (19%) of those respondents who had been employed in the
year preceding the survey said that they had felt discriminated
against at the workplace in the past year because of being LGBT.
Transgender
respondents consistently indicated that they experience an environment
that is less tolerant towards them than that experienced by lesbian,
gay and bisexual respondents.
|
72. I think it would be useful for the Council of Europe
to work hand in hand with the FRA and assess the feasibility of
collecting data on the 19 Council of Europe member States which
are not covered by the FRA survey, with the same methodology. This
would make it possible to have comparable data for all Council of Europe
member States.
73. Additional surveys and research are conducted at national
level. In 2012, for instance, a survey carried out by the NGO Stonewall,
in co-operation with the University of Cambridge, on over 1 600
school students in the United Kingdom revealed that over 55% of
lesbian, gay and bisexual young people experienced homophobic bullying
at school. In addition, 96% of gay pupils were subjected to homophobic
remarks and expressions.
74. In another piece of research focusing on the workplace, “Living
together”, Stonewall found that from 2007 to 2012, in the United
Kingdom, 2.4 million people of working age had witnessed verbal
homophobic bullying; and a total of 800 000 had witnessed physical
bullying.
75. Research shows that LGBT young people are more prone to suicide
than the general population of the same age: the risk is estimated
to be three to four times higher. This issue was investigated in
Norway as early as 2000, where the “Agenda for suicide prevention”
of the Norwegian Board of Health (Statens Helsetilsyn), listed young
lesbians and gays among the high risk groups (however, no specific
strategies were proposed to reduce the risk).
The suicide rate amongst transgender
persons is particularly high.
76. Whether directly linked to suicides or not, homophobic and
transphobic violence should be addressed and an LGBT perspective
must become part of the anti-bullying strategies currently in place
in many European countries
77. Stonewall has been working with the education sector in the
United Kingdom since 2005, in close co-operation with local authorities
and central government as well as directly with schools. On the
strength of this experience, at the Conference in Warsaw, Ms Jasmine
O’Connor mentioned some key elements for a successful outcome: involving
everybody in the programmes, be they children, students, teachers
or other school staff; distributing appropriate training material
and resources; training school staff on how to respond to homophobia
and transphobia, challenging when it happens; integrating sexual
orientation in the curriculum; highlight positive gay role models;
involving school inspectors, ensuring that they take into account
what bullying-prevention measures schools are taking.
78. As Ms O’Connor said, “a concerted and consistent approach
brings results”. The schools in the Stonewall programme report a
drop in homophobic bullying: the percentage of students who report
having been subjected to bullying (55%) is down from 65% in 2007;
and twice as many gay pupils, 50% up from 25% over the same period,
report that their schools disapprove of homophobia.
11. Action plans/strategies
79. In recent years, some Council of Europe member States
have introduced specific action plans/strategies aimed at tackling
discrimination against LGBTs and fighting homophobia and transphobia.
80. In 2008, the Norwegian Government introduced a cross-departmental
action plan for LGBTs which has been taken into account when drafting
subsequent plans.
In 2010, the United Kingdom Government published
the Equality Strategy “Building a Fairer Britain” and adopted two
action plans, one relating to the situation of LGB (lesbian, gay
and bisexual) people and one on advancing transgender equality.
These plans provide measures aimed at fighting discrimination against
LGBT people in all environments, from school to the workplace, and
in support of LGBT families and the civil society. The British Government
also committed itself to promoting LGBT equality beyond national
borders, and to ensure implementation in the United Kingdom of Recommendation
CM/Rec(2010)5 of the Committee of Ministers on measures to combat
discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity.
In January 2013, Belgium introduced
an inter-federal Action plan on homophobic and transphobic violence.
81. Currently, the Council of Europe is co-operating with the
governments of six member States (Albania, Italy, Latvia, Montenegro,
Poland and Serbia) to support their efforts to develop an effective,
cross-sectorial LGBT policy, strengthen human rights for LGBT people
and tackle discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or
gender identity. In four of these member States, action plans/strategies
have been finalised. The project, which is run by a specific LGBT
Issues Unit, will run until the end of 2013, with an overall duration
of 28 months.
82. I have prepared a table to describe the Inter-ministerial
Action Plan which was launched by France in 2012. I consider it
as a model that should inspire action by other Council of Europe
member States.
Key points of the 2012 Action
Plan in France
Area
|
Objective/target
areas
|
Specific
measures
|
Violence
|
Improvement of data collection
|
|
|
Improvement of the registration
of complaints
|
Ensuring that in the
forms available to the police, there are specific questions relating
to the motive and its link to the sexual orientation or gender identity
of the victim (since this is an aggravating factor in the context
of judicial proceedings)
|
|
Training the police,
other law enforcement officials and health personnel
|
|
|
Setting up an information
campaign on the rights of the victims of homophobic and transphobic violence
|
|
|
Strengthening the effectiveness
of criminal law
|
Special attention to
be given to homophobic and transphobic crimes in detention; preparation
of teaching and training tools to be used in the context of “rehabilitation”
programmes for perpetrators; recourse to compulsory “rehabilitation”
for perpetrators in lieu of detention.
|
Youth
|
Sexual education to be
re-introduced in schools. It will include information on homosexuality
|
|
|
Better monitoring and
prevention of homophobic and transphobic violence in schools
|
Special work to be done
on the prevention of suicides amongst young LGBTs; organisation
of an information campaign in schools.
|
|
Strengthening of the
existing Charter against homophobia in sports, which has already
been signed by all the French sports federations.
|
|
|
Starting reflection on
how to address homophobic stereotyping via the television, in co-operation
with the main television channels
|
|
Discrimination in everyday
life
|
Work on homophobic discrimination
at work
|
Work inspectors to take
homophobia into account
|
|
Equality for public administration
staff
|
Leave rights currently
recognised for those who get married will be extended to people
who contract civil partnerships
|
|
Elderly people
|
Health staff to receive
training against homophobia
|
|
Transgender people
|
Simplification of administrative
procedures; France to support international efforts to remove transsexuality
from the list of mental illnesses of the World Health Organization
|
International action
|
Achieving universal decriminalisation
of homosexuality
|
|
|
Ensuring the full respect
of human rights for LGBTs
|
|
|
In the context of the
recognition of refugee status for LGBTs who are persecuted in their
countries on account of their sexual orientation and gender identity.
|
|
12. Right to family
life
83. It is fair to highlight that while various concerns
can be raised as regards freedom of expression and assembly, and
protection against homophobia and transphobia, major steps have
been taken by a number of Council of Europe member States to guarantee
that LGBT people are not discriminated against as regards their right
to form a family. This was done either by establishing new forms
of recognised partnerships or by opening civil marriage to same-sex
couples.
84. In November 2012, Spain's Constitutional Court upheld the
legality of same-sex marriage. An appeal contending that in the
Spanish Constitution marriage meant only the union of a man and
woman had been filed in 2005, shortly after the law was passed.
The Court voted 8-3 to dismiss this appeal.
85. In June 2012, Denmark replaced its civil partnership regulations
by a new same-sex marriage law.
86. In France, a bill to introduce same-sex marriage and adoption
received parliamentary support in 2013. Large-scale public demonstrations
were organised both by supporters and opponents of the proposal,
which showed a great divide in society. It is worth mentioning that
“marriage for all” was an important element of President Hollande’s
successful electoral programme.
87. Following a public consultation on how to implement civil
marriage for same-sex couples (also called “equal marriage”) in
England and Wales, the Conservative Government proposed a bill in
early 2013, which passed in the House of Commons with a large majority.
88. Steps to recognise same-sex partnerships are being taken also
in other countries. For instance, the Prime Minister of Croatia,
Zoran Milanović, has expressed support for a law proposal of this
kind on several occasions, including when he addressed the Parliamentary
Assembly. Recently, Ireland’s Deputy Prime Minister also expressed
his view that times are ripe to allow same-sex couples to marry
in his country.
In April 2013, an Irish Constitutional
Convention supported proposals for same-sex marriage by an overwhelming majority.
89. LGBT de facto families,
including those with children, face difficult situations when the
partnership on which they are based has no legal recognition, for
instance as regards ownership rights, separation, alimony and inheritance.
During the Warsaw conference, Ms Polina Savchenko, Acting Director
of a grass-root organisation based in St Petersburg, explained very
well how the climate of hostility and prejudice against LGBTs exposes
also their children to the risk of stigmatisation, violence and
human rights violations.
90. In my opinion, general consensus should be reached on the
principle that children with LGBT parents should not be denied any
rights or be discriminated against on the basis of their parents’
sexual orientation or gender identity. I also very much welcome
the recent decision by the European Court of Human Rights in which it
ruled that the impossibility of second-parent adoption in a same-sex
relationship in Austria was discriminatory in comparison with the
situation of unmarried different-sex couples.
13. Ongoing multilateral
efforts
91. Before concluding this report, I would like to briefly
mention the activities that the Council of Europe is currently conducting
in the area of discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation
and gender identity, and which testify of the commitment of the
Organisation to the respect of human rights for all.
- In October 2011, the Council
of Europe created an LGBT Issues Unit under the Directorate of Human Rights
and Antidiscrimination. Its main objectives are to implement Committee
of Ministers Recommendation CM/Rec(2010)5 on measures to combat
discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity,
in particular through the LGBT Project, to mainstream the issue
within and outside the Council of Europe and
to organise events and activities related to the situation of LGBT people
in Europe.
- A review of the implementation of Recommendation CM/Rec(2010)5
was adopted in March 2013 by the Steering Committee for Human Rights
(CDDH). Thirty-nine member States replied to a questionnaire focusing
on progress made in implementing the recommendation. The CDDH has
formulated recommendations to the Committee of Ministers for further
action by the Council of Europe.
- The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance
(ECRI), the Council of Europe’s body which monitors racism, xenophobia,
anti-Semitism, intolerance as well as discrimination on grounds
such as ethnic origin, citizenship, colour, religion and language
in all 47 member States, has decided to deal with homophobic and
transphobic violence and hate speech in the new country reports
that it will issue in the next five years as part of its 5th cycle;
- On 17 May 2013, the No Hate Speech Movement – the youth
campaign of the Council of Europe for human rights online – launched
its first European Action Day on International Day against Homophobia. The
initiative aims to combat and raise awareness about online homophobic
and transphobic hate speech.
92. The increased Council of Europe attention to the issue of
discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity
runs parallel with the increased awareness at international level
that this is a major human rights violation and increased political
resolve to tackle it.
93. In 2011, for the first time, the United Nations Human Rights
Council considered a report by the High Commissioner, Ms Navi Pillay,
which documented widespread human rights violations against LGBTs worldwide,
including hate crime, criminalisation of homosexuality and discrimination.
94. In March 2013, the French Government organised a conference
on the discrimination and violence experienced by LGBTs in Europe
and how to combat such abuse.
The conference was part of a global consultation
process conducted in several continents. A world conference bringing
together the main conclusions was held in Oslo on 15 and 16 April
2013. Finally, on 17 May – International Day against Homophobia
– the Dutch Government organised a major event on LGBTs, which coincided
with the launch of the above-mentioned FRA survey.
14. Conclusions
and recommendations
95. An overview of developments which have occurred in
Council of Europe member States since the adoption of Assembly
Resolution 1728 (2010) shows a diversified picture. In some countries, there
has been significant progress and a clear political commitment to
address discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and
gender identity. This has led to the introduction of action plans
and strategies to promote equality and tackle discrimination, homophobia
and transphobia, the recognition or strengthening of rights for LGBTs
in the areas of adoption, civil partnership and marriage, and the
introduction of stronger measures against homophobic and transphobic
speech and violence.
96. At the same time, however, in some Council of Europe member
States there has been a worrying setback as regards the respect
of freedom of assembly and expression, with the introduction of
legislation or draft legislation on the prohibition of homosexual
propaganda. This recent development adds itself to the repeated
infringement of the right to hold peaceful demonstrations, in particular
Pride marches, and the authorities’ failure to adequately protect
the demonstrators. What is also worrying in this context is that
some politicians and other personalities in a position of authority
are adamant and outspoken in their hostility towards LGBTs and hold
the kind of discourse which borders on homophobic hate speech.
97. In this report, I have tried to highlight that the issue of
non-discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender
identity has been evolving for several decades. In United Nations
and Council of Europe human rights instruments, this issue is coming
out of the open-ended formula “and other status” to become an explicit
ground of discrimination in its own right. A similar path is being
followed at national level. There is an increasing awareness, in
society and at political level, that discrimination on account of
sexual orientation and gender identity is a major problem, a major
human rights issue which must be addressed openly and urgently. But
societal changes take time.
98. In my introduction, I said that the issue of discrimination
on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has proved
to be “divisive” amongst Council of Europe member States. In reality,
there is much communality: all Council of Europe member States share
the same heritage of prejudice and hostility against LGBTs; and
they all share the same human rights obligations, namely those set
out in the European Convention on Human Rights. What could at first
sight appear as a divide – between some States moving forward and
others lagging behind or slipping back – is rather a different speed
in the course of a historical process.
99. It is the responsibility of the Parliamentary Assembly, and
the Council of Europe as a whole, to accompany this process and
to avoid that prejudice and hostility against LGBTs are legitimised
by political discourse and crystallised in national legislation.