1. Introduction
1. A decade ago, the Parliamentary Assembly emphasised
the fact that a high-quality civil service is a vital precondition
for strong democracy and the rule of law.
The
Assembly therefore invited the member States of the Council of Europe
to place the interests of their citizens and Europe’s common values
at the heart of administrative reform. In view of the unique role
and contribution of public administrations to social cohesion and
employment, the Assembly encouraged Council of Europe member States
to consider carefully all possible consequences before introducing
new, private sector-oriented management methods.
2. Introduction of these methods together with large-scale privatisation
and marketisation of public service delivery have been leading in
public management reforms throughout Europe since the beginning
of the 1990s under the umbrella definition of “new public management”
(hereinafter “NPM”).
3. Countries which became part of the European Union were stimulated
by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and following treaties to outsource
and privatise parts of public administration. Several European Commission directives
to liberalise and strengthen market economy, trim down “big” government
and marketise public services have influenced administrative reform
and public services.
4. In central and eastern European States, the end of communist
rule and the introduction of pluralist democracy and market economy
since 1990 lead to major changes in economic ownership as well as
in the way public administration and public services are organised.
Many of those States also adopted NPM to build a new public administration.
5. Since the outbreak of the financial crisis in 2008 austerity
measures have put public administrations under heavy pressure. In
2012, the Assembly made known its worries about the impact of these
austerity programmes on democratic and social rights standards.
The Assembly was concerned that the
restrictive approaches pursued, predominantly based on budgetary
cuts in social expenditure, might not reach their objective of consolidating
public budgets, but risked further deepening the crisis and undermining
social rights as they mainly affected lower income classes and the
most vulnerable categories of the population.
6. Several reports released in recent years have expressed deep
concern about the future of the public service in Europe
and suggest
reconsidering austerity policy and earlier reforms of public administration.
7. In 2012, a motion for a resolution was referred to the Committee
on Rules of Procedures, Immunities and Institutional Affairs for
report. The motion considered, under the title “Europe’s public
administrations in flux: public service under threat?” (
Doc. 13002), that one of the primary responses of European governments to
the crisis, in particular the crisis in their public finances, has
been to cut the resources allocated for public services. The latter
have accordingly seen their budgets squeezed with, for example,
only one in two retiring civil servants being replaced in some States,
and various services being contracted out to the private sector. Likewise,
certain services which are normally free because they are part of
the traditional public service remit are now fee-based.
8. It is said that the aim of the structural and institutional
changes under way in public services is to streamline activities
and rein in public spending. One wonders, however, whether it is
feasible to maintain a quality public service in a difficult economic
and budgetary context, and whether the basic principles of public service,
namely independence, permanence, competence and affordability, are
still relevant.
9. In the above-mentioned
Recommendation
1617 (2003), the Assembly referred to the unique role and contribution
of public administrations to social cohesion. At a time when most
European governments are reviewing their tasks and reducing their
involvement in the social sphere, by withdrawing from certain public services
or doing away with them altogether, it may be worth asking whether
such moves are justified, especially given their impact on society.
This report summarises recent changes in public administrations
in Europe, its effects on public services and the lessons learnt
from these developments.
2. New organisation
of delivering public services
10. Budgetary constraints and the crisis of the welfare
State made many governments throughout Europe appeal to private
capital to continue supplying, delivering and financing some public
services. The already existing forms of partnership have enjoyed
widespread use and other forms have been created. Privatisation and
deregulation policies were enacted as from the 1990s in many European
States in order to stimulate the market and to bring additional
assets to State budgets. Finally, quick-implementation measures
such as staff expenditure cuts have recently been enacted as part
of fiscal consolidation policies
2.1. New public management
11. In the so-called “old” democracies of Europe, the
introduction of NPM – a new policy based on markets, managers and
measurement – was seen as the necessary way to modernise public
administration and make it more efficient, more effective and more
customer-oriented after a long period of big, bureaucratic government structures
and State-run public services.
2.1.1. OECD conclusions
with regard to NPM
12. Since 2010, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development (OECD) has been undertaking studies into new trends
and reforms of public administrations and central governments.
The NPM being a dominant
reform concept, the OECD took an opportunity to analyse its main
features and outcomes.
13. Successful results have been underlined in the light of targeted
objectives to reduce costs while continuing to provide high quality
public services. In particular, mention has been made of a general
increase in quality of services due to greater competition among
services providers, smaller and easy-to-steer governments resulting
from splitting policy execution from policy development, more transparency
owing to the reclassification of the budget on the basis of output
areas. At the same time, the NPM reforms resulted in drawbacks which,
to a certain extent, contributed to a loss of people’s trust in
governments. One can mention “undesired growth of support services
and administrative executive agencies, loss of service quality for
citizens and business in many areas of service delivery, lack of
motivation of professionals in service delivery (care providers,
teachers, police officials, etc.), accumulation of public funds
in agencies outside the control of ministers and loss of control
of the centre of government for service delivery”.
14. The following have been noted as main problems: separation
of policy execution and policy development has led to policies that
are impossible to execute; loosening of standards of operational
management has led to cost increases; financing of agencies on the
basis of output targets has led to loss of service quality and bureaucracy;
budgeting on the basis of output targets has led to loss of control
by parliament and unreadable budget documentation; and outsourcing
of intermediate production to the market has led to a decrease in service
quality and higher costs.
15. Since 2005, a new public administration reform can be observed
according to OECD studies, in which some of the NPM reforms “are
adjusted, revised or even abolished and in which new trends come
to the fore. Some of these trends can be described as ‘more front
office, less back office’ or ‘more warm hands, less cold hands’”.
2.1.2. Special case of
central and eastern Europe
16. The early years of transition of public administration
and public services in central and eastern European countries after
the fall of communism coincided with a period in which neo-liberal
concepts of public administration were dominant in thinking about
the State in the West. More importantly, neo-liberal views and the
NPM fashion were predominant in those international organisations
(for example the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund
(IMF)) and countries from which initially inspiration was drawn,
especially the United States and the United Kingdom.
Because
of transition, there has been significant pressure to adopt popular
policies and approaches without having enough time to analyse and
adopt these ideas in depth. Consequently, in some cases, the dominant
focus of the international reform movement became more important
than an empirical assessment of the local needs.
17. One of the main challenges, besides drastic and immediate
reduction of budgetary resources, has been posed by the desire to
jump straight into having modern management systems without previously
establishing a solid base for democratic development – the classical
hierarchically-structured public administration and respective accountability
systems. Without having basic public administration frameworks in
place, there has already been a pressure to “‘reform” the not-yet-existing
management practises. It is said that the public administration
has had to face special challenge because both the creation of a
political democracy and the implementation of the principles of
efficiency and effectiveness became crucial tasks of modernisation
at the same time.
18. Where in western European countries permanence and stability
might sometimes be seen as problems, in central and eastern European
countries they might actually provide a solution.
Some of the most common obstacles
for a sustainable development of public administration are an unstable
political context, constantly ongoing changes without a clear framework,
and unfinished reform attempts.
Often,
the question is not about ignoring changes in the environment or
about the stagnation of the ideas and approaches, but about having
at least some system in place to enable appropriate policy making
and implementation. While Western governments might sometimes struggle
with being “locked into” practises and solutions of the past, governments
of central and eastern European countries had to create a totally
new reality with new practises. Hence, locking into past solutions
rarely happens since the political system itself is different. Thus,
flexibility does not address the same problems in highly developed
and transitional countries; rather it fosters totally different
aspects of their public administrations. Before governments in central
and eastern Europe can take advantage of the flexibility of the
system, they must gain capacity and experience to administer a stable situation.
19. However, it is highly questionable whether decentralised and
deregulated public management advocated by NPM with “letting the
managers manage” could be built on the post-communist administrative culture.
In central and eastern European countries, most of the life spheres
had to be built up from scratch during the 1990s. Therefore, in
the absence of a commonly understood and respected set of principles,
a large number of new rules, regulations and principles is still
needed, together with necessary social guarantees for those who
will sustain the system.
2.2. Privatisation and
agencification
20. Privatisation is the process whereby the ownership
of the State’s productive assets, often utilities or large industrial
enterprises, are transferred into private hands.
21. Agencification is the delivery of public services by public
sector organisations which are structurally disaggregated from government
ministries and operate under more business-like conditions than
the core government bureaucracy. Such organisations operate at arm’s
length from the core of government and undertake public tasks such
as service delivery, regulation and policy implementation.
2.2.1. Western Europe
22. In the 1980s and 1990s, western European countries
underwent a wave of liberalisation, privatisation and agencification
of public service markets. Partly a result of pressure from the
European Union, partly a means of boosting economic efficiency and
markets, privatisation became a European-wide phenomenon. However,
later findings which followed the privatisation were rather mixed.
The
speed and depth of European Union’s privatisation and liberalisation
policy raised questions on how some kind of guarantee could be given to
citizens to ensure their right to satisfactory public service provision
amid profound reform. Under privatised ownership and market-driven
rules, it was feared that commercial interests would be pursued
over and above the public interest, which could negatively affect
public service obligations, universal service, quality, price and continuity
of supply.
23. In several Council of Europe member States, parliaments have
undertaken studies into privatisation and agencification in the
recent past, for example to investigate the effects or effectiveness
of competition, the number of privatisations and agencifications,
evaluations of privatisation and agencification programmes, the need
to undo privatisation and agencification, and changes in tariffs
and quality of public services for customers.
24. Many governments nowadays are confronted with a highly fragmented
public sector as a result of agencification and privatisation. A
lack of co-ordination and co-operation, particularly in case of
cross-sectoral policy problems, has led governments to reconsider
their decisions to create agencies or privatise organisations. However,
this has not led to large re-nationalisations but rather to large-scale
reshuffling of agencies, for example through mergers and the creation
of shared service centres.
25. Studies
show that improvements
have been observed in the management and professionalism of agencies,
in the availability of performance indicators and information, customer
focus, awareness of the need to focus on results rather than rules
and procedures, or in the innovative activity of agencies. However,
also deteriorations have been observed. Often they are trade-offs
of observed improvements. They include deteriorations in organisational
stability, steering by parent ministries, policy cohesion, ministry-agency collaboration
and communication. The picture therefore is more complex than the
proponents of agencification envisaged. Often the claims about outputs
are less convincing than those about changes in processes/activities.
The evidence on what citizens ultimately “get” from agencification
is limited and patchy.
26. In Germany, a study was published into the effects of privatisation
and agencification on the relationship between citizens and governments.
Citizens were asked their opinion about privatisation and agencification
of a range of public services. The average German citizen supports
a strong State, does not want to privatise or agencify tasks such
as police, education and hospitals, but would support privatisation
or agencification of energy delivery, public transport and museums
and theatres. In most sectors, according to the German citizens,
privatisation or agencification has led to an increase in prices.
27. The Netherlands are one of the forerunners in liberalisation
and privatisation in Europe. However, Dutch citizens are not very
satisfied with most of these privatised public services. The Dutch
Senate therefore set up a special parliamentary committee to investigate
the process of privatisation and agencification which had been taking
place since the end of the 1980s. In its report,
the
committee describes how consecutive Dutch cabinets have carried
out, with the support of a broad parliamentary majority, large-scale
privatisation and agencification of central government services
since the 1980s. “The main motives were to control the government
finances and to size down the administration. A smaller and more
efficient government was expected to contribute to lower fiscal
pressure and less complex public administration.”
However, privatisation
and agencification soon started to raise new governance questions.
The connections between the government and privatised services loosened
while new connections grew between these services and citizens.
It became clear that the Dutch Government had pursued privatisation
and agencification without a comprehensive vision or a well-developed
plan.
28. In the 2000s disappointing results and unintended consequences
of privatisation and agencification led to a more critical approach
by the public, the government and the parliament. More attention
was paid to public interests, the need for market regulation and
the varying experiences with outsourcing. Realising a smaller government
and reducing control activities by separating policy execution from
policy development turned out to be an immense problem. The Dutch
parliamentary committee concluded that there had been no co-ordination
of policies, no common road map and many differences in the implementation
of decisions by ministries. There were no broadly accepted frameworks
for decision making to ensure coherent policy making. As a result,
decision making about privatisation and agencification took up a
lot of time and attention in the parliament. The committee proposed
that the national government should create more uniformity in how decisions
about privatisation and agencification are implemented. A well-defined
structure is needed to achieve more clarity about the different
public and private forms of policy execution. This calls for a government-wide approach.
It is important to advance new decision-making frameworks and benchmarks
and to supervise the application thereof by the government and parliament.
29. Furthermore, the committee concluded that by focusing on the
role of citizens as client and tax payer, a too narrow perspective
on public interests was used. Consequently, citizens were locked
in a limited conception, which is one of the determining factors
for the public’s dissatisfaction with the privatisation and agencification
of government services. Government and parliament therefore should
use a broader and joint understanding of public interests. This
should include interests of individual citizens as well as collective interests
that benefit all.
2.2.2. Central and eastern
Europe
30. In central and eastern Europe, transformation of
a State-led economy to a market-oriented economy
was believed to be sustainable
only if built on private ownership. Different experiences that countries
had with respect to the legacy of communism shaped their choice
of methods of privatisation
and
influenced public perception.
31. In the minds of decision-makers, an important motive for privatisation
was to focus attention on profits as the sole objective for the
enterprise sector. In most central and eastern European countries
there was an extremely speedy ownership change. The bulk of economic
activity from State to private hands was transferred in the space
of hardly a decade
without,
however, a strong legal and institutional business environment being set
beforehand.
32. Privatisation has provided governments with much needed revenues,
but its results in relation to the enterprise performance are more
patchy. Deregulation, decentralisation and flexibility need high
competence and ethical standards from individual managers and this
is often lacking
. A certain overidealisation of the private
sector (and free market) can still be said to prevail today. Massive
privatisations and wholesale downsizing have hurtled along and have
led to the selling off of strategic enterprises such as railways
or crucial services such as emergency medical aid without much public
debate or market research.
33. Since the philosophy of marketisation is often utilitarian,
it may lead to overconcentration on financial efficiency overrunning
democratic values and public service concepts. The situation will
be even more complicated if limited resources bring pressure to
bear on governments to give precedence to “technocratic” goals.
Considering the economic problems of the central and eastern European
countries, financial criteria can become particularly powerful in
the assessment of public sector performance. It is also dangerous
to limit the citizen to the role of client (based on the NPM client-orientation).
Structuring governments’ relationships with citizens as a market
exchange action can be especially risky in new democracies since
a strong and solid system of representative democracy is not yet
in place. In situations where citizens see business actors as more
influential than governments, one has to recognise that constant
negotiation and consultation may seriously undermine the legitimacy
of the State. Thus, still fragile democracies are likely to profit
more from activating (all groups of) citizens rather than clients.
2.3. Public–private
partnership
34. Public–private partnership grew in the context of
the growing debts of States and the need to find an alternative
to a traditional public procurement scheme. Public–private partnership
generally designates a variety of relations between private and
public sectors, one of which could be described as “a company that
is partly owned by private capital and partly owned by one or more
public authorities”.
It
usually allows private and public partners to benefit from one another’s
experience and field of competence.
35. The concession, of which the Private Finance Initiative is
one variation,
is
a very old form of public– private partnership. This type of contract
between a public authority, on the one hand, and an individual or
a private entity on the other, dates back to Roman times, but it
was during the 19th century industrial revolution that the concession
became widespread.
It
was used when some public work or infrastructure of general interest
was not able to be completely supported and operated by public authorities
and when it was not acceptable to leave them completely, for various
reasons, in the private domain. Individuals or companies were asked
to do a job or to provide a public service at their own expense,
with or without State subsidy, with risks being entirely undertaken
by these private investors, and with remuneration resulting from
the further exploitation of the above work or services.
Concession
contracts required the respect of core principles of public services
(for example equal access by all users).
36. Generally, outsourcing, which is a more comprehensive contract
compared to a simple subcontracting job, occurs when a public authority
decides to contract out a product, service or a process that was
previously provided by internal resources. Outsourcing is a growing
business model for central and local government level with services
being outsourced in domains such as information technology services,
assistance to the unemployed, waste management, security and catering,
but also several services in military domains.
3. Impact on public
service performance
37. A fundamental part of the European social models
is affordable high-quality public services. If the private sector-oriented
management methods and privatisation and marketisation of public
service delivery may be seen per se as
compatible with accessible public services, member States still
have to pay attention to the following issues.
3.1. The respect of
the main principles of public services
38. The reforms and privatisation of public services,
especially in non-competitive domains, such as health and education,
raise some concern on the part of citizen and international monitoring
institutions given that the obligation to provide a number of services
arise from constitutional provisions
or international
commitments by States.
Assessing the privatisation of
the sickness benefit scheme by the Netherlands, the Committee of Ministers
observed that the “reforms of the sickness and disability schemes,
which intended to harness the positive effects of privatisation
and market forces, while containing their negative effects within
the basic social security framework, have no comparison in the history
of social security in Europe. It is thus only natural that they
pose many new problems of organisation and governance of such mixed
social security systems, particularly during the transition period,
when the new forms of State supervision of the system, the democratic participation
of the persons protected in its management, the redistribution of
the risk, financial burden and responsibility in society, and the
principles of non-discrimination and solidarity with the most vulnerable
groups are consolidated”.
39. Another concern is the lack of uniformity within the supply
chain which may arise from differences in working conditions and
social rights granted by the outsourced branch and the main public
authority
as
well in quality of infrastructure. Who is to be blamed if the failure
of one provider leads to a collapse of a whole chain?
Real
obligation of monitoring and the guarantee of delivering a proper
service which is supposed to remain with public authorities is difficult
and requires additional budgetary resources. New partnerships prompt a
reconsideration of the public authority’s ability to continue granting
services while facing new redistribution of responsibility with
its private partners. In certain circumstances, public administration
is now facing reduced room for manoeuvre, which reduces its ability
to adapt to short-term shifts in citizens’ expectations.
A specific criticism arising from the
outsourcing model is that the long-term outsourcing of a service
leads to a loss of qualification in the outsourced domain within
the relevant administration.
3.2. Better services
at a lower price?
40. The declared purpose of any privatisation process
has always been the reduction of prices and higher standards of
services delivery. It appears, however, that there was no clear
link between the degree of liberalisation and privatisation, on
the one hand, and consumer satisfaction and price decrease, on the
other.
41. Before privatisation took place, sectors such as telecommunications,
gas and electricity in 15 member States of the European Union were
not a burden for governments, meaning that the price paid by consumers covered
costs. However, after 30 years of privatisation, the British citizens
were paying (including courtiers) a higher price compared to their
European neighbours, where governments still partly owned some telecommunications
enterprises.
Regarding
the price of an intercity call, it was twice as high in the United Kingdom
as in Sweden. The general drop in prices in the telecommunications
sector compared to previous decades is rather due to technological
progress.
42. In the gas sector, British citizens had paid £1.5 for 1 GJ
(gigajoule) in 1978 to the State-owned British Gas, while 30 years
later the price went up to £ 2.5 even though the country had its
own gas reserve. By way of comparison, prices were lower in France
and Spain, which had to import gas.
43. The best example of privatisation failure in several European
countries is electricity. The correlation between prices and successful
reforms was studied using data of OECD. If in the case of telecommunications no
correlation was established between modification of prices and reforms
– and the correlation was weak in the gas sector – in the case of
electricity there was clear evidence that prices increased because
of privatisation and liberalisation in comparison to the State-owned
market. Moreover, countries with greater private electricity ownership
also had a greater number of unplanned interruptions. The United
Kingdom department of energy and climate change recently released
a white paper “Planning our electric future” which recognised that
in the next decade generating capacity in the United Kingdom would
decrease by 25% due to the closure of old plants and that the current
framework did not secure necessary investments. A new planned and
stable approach was proposed to attract investors.
44. The service quality has also been compromised as far as end-consumers
are concerned by liberalisation and privatisation in the domains
such as health care, which demand additional financial resources
or very good working conditions.
45. Furthermore, the argument that the private sector brings innovative
ideas and technologies and therefore lower prices is not always
convincing. Innovative solutions for costs reductions were expected
from the privatisation of residential care for the elderly which
took place in 1980s in the United Kingdom. Instead, the savings
were made, as usual, through staff reductions, cuts in wages and
the centralisation of back office services. In reality, private
and public sectors often have a similar set of measures to minimise
spending: withdrawing services, moving services online, outsourcing,
reducing investment in infrastructure, raising fees, etc.
3.3. Working conditions
and employment
46. The liberalisation and privatisation of public services
have been prompted not only as a means to improve quantitative indicators
such as price but also as a way of making the market more open and
flexible, creating additional jobs and, therefore, boosting social
cohesion. Studies show the figures going in a different direction,
however.
47. The public sectors have suffered a severe blow from the 2008
crisis which had a strong negative impact on government revenues
as a share of gross domestic product (GPD) in most Council of Europe
member States. As a consequence of government responses to the economic
crisis, aimed at restabilising financial markets, maintaining employment
and mitigating the effects of unemployment, public budgets have
come increasingly under strain. The debt crisis has prompted governments
to embark on a policy of strict budgetary austerity. All over Europe,
public sectors have been the main target of governments’ consolidation
policies. Public sector employers have bypassed established collective
bargaining procedures, and wages and jobs have been cut or frozen,
most frequently by unilateral State decision.
48. According to the European Federation of Public Service Unions
(EPSU),
we have seen in recent years “unprecedented
attacks on hundreds of thousands of public sector workers across
Europe”. Job cuts and recruitment freezes have often been accompanied
by pay freezes in many countries. And some public sector employers
have not stopped there. They have often ignored collective bargaining
procedures and traditions and imposed pay cuts on their workers,
and in several cases further pay cuts.
49. EPSU concludes – on the basis of a comparative study of the
public sector in Estonia, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania and Spain – that “governments are hitting the wrong target.
It was not public sector workers or public sector borrowing that
was the cause of the economic and financial crisis. And the economic
recovery will not be guaranteed if governments across Europe co-ordinate
their austerity measures at the behest of a European Commission
that focuses so narrowly on the debt and deficit targets set by
the Stability and Growth Pact”.
50. Furthermore, according to the International labour Office
(ILO),
there is a great diversity in
public sector adjustments in Europe. Beyond common trends in public
sector reforms before the crisis, including outsourcing, more fixed-term
contracts, rationalisation, decentralisation, current adjustments
have varied significantly according to their nature and magnitude,
their timing or the policy mix.
51. The ILO concludes that “unprecedented public sector adjustments
combined with a lack of social dialogue between government and employees
have lowered job security, pay and working conditions in Europe’s
public sectors”. According to the ILO expert, Mr Daniel Vaughan-Whitehead:
“All these changes cannot be neutral for the future quality of public
services. This is already to be observed in education and health care,
but also threatens jobs in the public administration. Deteriorating
wages and working conditions in the public sector compared to those
in the private sector have not only led to significant emigration
– especially among doctors, nurses and teachers. The public sector
has also stopped attracting the quantities of young qualified graduates
which hitherto have been its lifeblood.”
Moreover, outsourcing
and tender contracts raised some issues with regard to a risk of
social dumping.
52. According to the ILO, important issues like equality, social
dialogue, employment prospects, working conditions and the future
efficiency and quality of public services merit more attention.
Only under these conditions will public services in Europe be able
to continue to provide an important source of both social cohesion
and economic growth.
3.4. Confidence in the
public sector
53. A study of public sector performance
compares the performance of nine
public services in 28 countries, most of them European, over the
period 1995-2009. These services are education, health care, social
security, housing, social protection, economic affairs and infrastructure,
environmental protection, recreation, culture and social participation,
and public administration.
54. The results of the study show (although there is wide variety
in the public sector performance of the different countries) that
the Nordic countries generally perform well, as do Switzerland and
the Netherlands. Continental countries (Belgium, France, Germany
and Austria) perform well on economics and infrastructure but less
well on education. The central European countries (the Czech Republic,
Estonia, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia) perform less well, especially
in public administration, health care, housing, economics and infrastructure.
Mediterranean countries (Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain) join
the central European countries in a below-average public sector
performance.
55. The study concludes that there is generally no correlation
between expenditure and performance. Efficient and effective structuring
of the public sector is more important than the amount of money
invested in it. When looking for ways of improving the performance
of the public sector, therefore, it is better to try to establish
which specific success factors play a role in each individual sector,
rather than trying to copy whole welfare systems.
56. According to this study, confidence in the public sector is
high in the Nordic countries, but low in the Mediterranean and central
European countries. The level of confidence in these country groups
largely corresponds to the performance of the public sector, though
confidence in the Continental countries is often higher than would
be expected on the basis of the performance. Finally, people in
general are more satisfied with their lives in countries where the
public sector performs better.
57. A study by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
shows satisfaction
with public service delivery in “transition countries” to be relatively
high and, despite the adverse impact of the global economic crisis,
to have risen since 2006 in most countries. Among transition countries,
overall satisfaction levels tend to be somewhat higher among the
new European Union member States and Turkey and generally lower
in the Commonwealth of Independent States, although there is considerable
variation within sub-regions, for example, between Estonia and Romania,
Georgia and Azerbaijan or Russia and Ukraine. Some relative poor
transition countries (such as Georgia and the Republic of Moldova)
rate quite well for overall satisfaction with the quality and efficiency
of public services. Satisfaction with public services in the transition
region is lower than in western European countries. Overall satisfaction
is lower in countries with a high usage of services over the past
year. It could be that heavy utilisation rates place a heavy burden
on availability (in terms, for example, of staff time, medicines
or teaching materials), thereby reducing the capacity to provide
high-quality services and compromising perceptions of quality. Moreover,
over the years, citizens’ expectations of quality have increased
as well as the understanding that a State is responsible for providing
good quality public services.
4. Safeguarding social
and economic rights in times of crisis
58. Due to continuous reform of public administration
and changes in the public sector, many governments today find themselves
confronted with a highly fragmented public sector, with a substantial
lack of co-ordination and co-operation. The combined effects of
reforms, privatisation and new austerity measures in the public sector
may have contributed to a loss of people’s trust in governments
throughout Europe.
59. According to the Commissioner for Human Rights,
the new political
reality of austerity presents a threat to over six decades of social
solidarity and expanding human rights protection across Council
of Europe member States. The economic crisis is also undermining
the capacity of central and local governments to ensure human rights
protection. Public social spending has been the primary target of
austerity measures in many member States. This has occurred through
wage bill cuts or caps, especially for education, health and other
public workers, the rationalisation of social protection schemes,
the elimination or reduction of subsidies on fuel, agriculture and
food products, stricter accessibility conditions for a number of
social benefits and other cuts to education and health-care systems.
60. Governments of Council of Europe member States are free to
decide on the specific organisation of public administration and
the size and quality of public services. However, they also have
an obligation to respect, protect and fulfil economic, social and
cultural rights, to that end using as principal instruments the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the revised European
Social Charter, the European Code of Social Security and various
ILO conventions.
61. Especially in times of economic constraint, governments enjoy
a margin of discretion in choosing the means for safeguarding rights
which best fit the circumstances. At the same time, there is a growing
national and international jurisprudence on the implementation of
human rights in the crisis context. This is particularly the case
for States’ obligations to protect economic and social rights, to
avoid further erosion and retrogression of these rights and disproportionate
impacts of austerity measures on particular sectors of the population.
62. Among the rights which are under pressure, the Human Rights
Commissioner mentions the right to work, rights at work, social
protection, pensions, housing, food, water, education and health
care.
63. In order to safeguard social, economic and other human rights
in times of crisis, the Human Rights Commissioner recommends, amongst
other things: institutional transparency, participation and public accountability
throughout the economic and social policy cycle; conducting systematic
human rights and equality impact assessments of social and economic
policies and budgets; promoting equality and combat discrimination
and racism; ensuring social protection for all; guaranteeing the
right to decent work; regulating the financial sector in the interest
of human rights; and working in concert to realise human rights
through economic co-operation and assistance. Furthermore, the Commissioner
recommends engaging and supporting active civil society; guaranteeing
access to justice for all; systematising work for human rights;
and engaging and empowering national human rights structures in
response to the economic crisis. The Commissioner also recommends
that member States ratify European and international human rights instruments
in the field of economic and social rights.
5. Council of Europe
approach to social cohesion
64. According to the Committee of Ministers and the Parliamentary
Assembly, States and their administrations have a leading role in
ensuring “the welfare of all members of society, minimising disparities and
avoiding polarisation” in accordance with the Council of Europe’s
definition of social cohesion.
Heads of State and Government decided
in 1997 in Strasbourg during their 2nd Summit that social cohesion
was “one of the foremost needs of the wider Europe and should be
pursued as an essential complement to the promotion of human rights
and dignity”. In 2010, the Committee of Ministers adopted the New
Strategy and Council of Europe Action Plan for Social Cohesion,
prepared by the 1st Council of Europe Conference of Ministers responsible
for social cohesion.
65. This Strategy defined social cohesion as “the capacity of
a society to ensure the well-being of all its members – minimising
disparities and avoiding marginalisation – to manage differences
and divisions and ensure the means of achieving welfare for all
members”. The Committee of Ministers called social cohesion “a political
concept that is essential for the fulfilment of the three core values
of the Council of Europe: human rights, democracy and the rule of
law”.
66. The European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social
Charter have formulated social and economic rights which reduce
citizen’s fears and guarantee a certain capacity to face the future.
In its Strategy, the Committee of Ministers concluded that social
rights have played a prominent role in European development and
distinguish Europe from other regions of the world. This model has
served to generate and maintain social cohesion and social solidarity,
although globalisation and other developments are putting this model
under pressure. According to the Committee of Ministers, “the emerging
pattern of a fragmented society, with an increasing number of people
facing obstacles to the full enjoyment of rights or dependent on
benefits and other public services, together with rising inequalities
between rich and poor, poses one of the greatest challenges to social
cohesion in Europe”.
67. In October 2012, the 2nd Council of Europe Conference of Ministers
responsible for social cohesion adopted a declaration on “Building
a secure future for all”. According to the Deputy Secretary General
of the Council of Europe, the Conference came at a crucial moment:
“Unemployment takes a heavy toll. Income inequality is at its highest
for the past century and it continues to rise. We witness extremely
worrying tendencies of marginalisation and exclusion of entire segments
of society.” The Commissioner for Human Rights provided the Conference
with his vision on the importance of defending human rights and
promoting social cohesion in the future.
68. The European Committee for Social Cohesion, Human Dignity
and Equality will oversee, promote and review the implementation
of the Council of Europe Strategy and Action Plan for Social Cohesion
and may advise the Committee of Ministers to consider whether the
priorities of the strategy need to be revised. The Committee of
Ministers is currently reviewing the overall Council of Europe strategy
on social cohesion. The Assembly must not miss the opportunity to
make itself heard through its analysis and proposals.
6. Conclusions
69. On the basis of this explanatory memorandum, the
rapporteur proposes that the Assembly:
- recall its Recommendation
1617 (2003) in which, in view of the unique role and contribution
of public administrations to social cohesion and employment, the
Assembly encouraged member States to consider carefully all possible
consequences before introducing new, private sector-oriented management
methods;
- express its concern that recent public administration
reforms in member States might nevertheless have been guided to
too great an extent by managerial and budget criteria with a negative
effect on the functioning of public administration, the quality
of public services and the trust of citizens in public administration
and the functioning of democracy;
- emphasise that public interest needs to be defined on
a wider level than the mere interest of making savings and has to
include the proper functioning of society;
- reaffirm that a high-quality civil service is a vital
precondition for strong democracy and the rule of law and that therefore
member States have to place the interests of their citizens and
Europe’s common values at the heart of any future administrative
reform;
- reaffirm that States and their administrations have a
leading role in ensuring the welfare of all members of society,
minimising disparities and avoiding polarisation in accordance with
the Council of Europe’s definition of social cohesion;
- strongly support the recommendations of the Commissioner
for Human Rights as to how to safeguard social, economic and other
human rights in times of crisis;
- ask the parliaments of member States to:
- properly evaluate reform measures
taken in the field of public administration and public service and
learn from the experiences of other parliaments;
- develop well-defined structures to achieve more clarity
about the different forms of policy execution, both public and private;
- advance a clear and consistent decision-making framework
and benchmarks with regard to privatisation and agencification and
to supervise the application thereof by government and parliament;
and to create more uniformity and clarity in how decisions about
privatisation and agencification should be implemented;
- reconsider whether recent or expected reform measures,
privatisations and agencifications are in line – still – with the
political concept of social cohesion, which is essential for the
fulfilment of the three core values of the Council of Europe: human
rights, democracy and the rule of law;
- improve – when and where needed – the functioning of public
administration and public services so that they genuinely contribute
to the Council of Europe’s core values;
- ratify European and international human rights instruments
in the field of economic and social rights;
- support the New Strategy and Council of Europe Action
Plan for Social Cohesion, approved by the Committee of Ministers
on 7 July 2010, in the expectation that the Committee of Ministers
will regularly update the Assembly on the progress made in the implementation
of the Action Plan;
- invite the Committee of Ministers to properly revise the
current strategy on social cohesion and to promote a more innovative
approach.