1. Introduction
1. There are estimated to be around
11 million Roma and Travellers

(roughly
the equivalent of the population of Belgium, Portugal or Greece)
living in Europe today.

Roma and Travellers are, on average, disproportionately
poor. Life expectancy among their communities is around 10-15 years
lower than among the rest of the population.

Inadequate living
conditions and access to health care, low incomes, high unemployment
and discrimination in access to education are the daily reality
for many Roma and Travellers. In addition, prejudice, hate speech,
and lack of trust between public authorities, the population at
large and these groups aggravate this situation, and at the same
time make it harder to overcome.
2. Painting a constant picture of this social exclusion is however
a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it is crucial to understand
the human rights violations experienced by many Roma and Travellers
in order to design effective policies to overcome them. But on the
other, average figures mask a multitude of realities. Images of
socio-economic disadvantage also feed stereotypes and prejudice:
if poverty is the only reality of the life of Roma and Travellers
that others see, then fertile ground is created for cultivating
the deeply harmful myth that persons belonging to these groups may
be somehow intrinsically inferior, “inadaptable”, or prone to so-called
“poverty migration”.
3. Plenty of evidence already exists to show that social exclusion
is not the inevitable fate of Roma and Travellers. On the contrary:
many Roma and Traveller men and women already work as academics,
teachers, doctors, nurses, lawyers, engineers, politicians, sportspersons,
artists, journalists, civil society actors, etc. During my visit
to Hungary, I was pleased to meet many Roma representatives holding
tertiary qualifications and pursuing successful careers as, for
example, lawyers, police officers or craftspersons. They are good
role models for motivating young people. Some Roma and Travellers
moreover hold leading positions at national and European level and
within the United Nations. The question is thus not whether it is
possible to break the cycle of exclusion, but rather how to achieve
this for all people belonging to these groups.
4. The persistent marginalisation of significant groups of the
population – their exclusion from the labour market, lower health
status, etc. – has immediate and long-term costs for society as
a whole. We therefore have a collective interest in tackling these
issues. Promoting the inclusion of Roma and Travellers is not only
about removing long-term injustices: it is also about building stronger
societies and more resilient economies, in which all can participate
on an equal footing and in which individuals’ life chances are not
determined by their ethnic origins.
5. The Council of Europe has been at the forefront of efforts
to raise awareness and improve the situation of Roma and Travellers
for decades.

A new impetus was given to European efforts
in this field by the Committee of Ministers’ 2010 Strasbourg Declaration
on Roma,

followed
up on through a Thematic Action Plan on the Inclusion of Roma and
Travellers (2016-2019),

together
with the Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies adopted
at European Union level in 2011.

Moreover,
building on the achievements of the Decade for Roma Inclusion 2005-2015,
the Roma Integration 2020 initiative launched in June 2016 aims to
help reduce the socio-economic gap between the Roma and non-Roma
population in the western Balkans and Turkey and to ensure that
Roma integration goals are included in mainstream policy developments.

The momentum
created by all of these initiatives provides a unique opportunity
for progress, which member States must now seize.
2. Aims and scope
6. This report focuses on turning
declarations about equality and inclusion of Roma and Travellers
into reality. I also wish to raise awareness and promote examples
of practices that have already proved effective in this field. Of
course, the wide variety of situations existing in member States
means that not all good practices can be translated directly from
one context to another. Nonetheless, understanding the factors that
contribute to the success of existing good practices helps to strengthen
efforts elsewhere.
7. Bearing in mind the breadth and scale of the issues at stake,
this report does not claim to deal exhaustively with all aspects
of inclusion. I have chosen to focus in particular on employment
as a specific and powerful means of integration. I will examine
the situation of Roma and Travellers with respect to the labour market
and the barriers that hinder their access to employment, as well
as policies and programmes that may be adopted to turn the situation
around. I will also look at the cross-cutting factors that need
to be taken into account in order to avoid common pitfalls and increase
the chances of success of such efforts.
8. As is the case in any group, widely differing opinions, expectations
and priorities may be found among Roma and Travellers and their
representatives. This is indeed one of the challenges faced when
seeking to define policies and measures to promote the inclusion
of Roma and Travellers. But despite the challenges involved, it
makes no sense to talk about promoting the inclusion of Roma and
Travellers while at the same time excluding them from the discussion.
I have therefore sought to involve Roma and Travellers in the preparation
of this report by, inter alia,
meeting their representatives during my fact-finding visits to Hungary and
Bulgaria in April 2016; inviting representatives of Roma and Travellers
to speak at hearings of the Sub-Committee on the Rights of National
Minorities in September 2015 and of the No Hate Parliamentary Alliance in
May 2016; and using research carried out by Roma and Traveller researchers
and civil society organisations. I am also grateful for having had
the opportunity to enrich the contents of this report through meeting
the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the Council
of Europe for Roma Issues in Strasbourg and attending the 11th meeting
of the Ad hoc Committee of Experts on Roma and Traveller Issues
(CAHROM) in Bulgaria in April 2016.
3. Employment as a path to
inclusion
9. Jobs are an element of our
self-identity and of how others see us. They are part of how we
define our roles in society and how we fit in with others. Having
a job usually helps to improve one’s own standards of living and
foster better opportunities for one’s children. In parallel, working
creates new links between people and can contribute to social cohesion.

Conversely, exclusion
from the labour market may create a diminished sense of self-worth
and is often associated with lower standards of living. When certain
groups face disproportionate levels of unemployment, they may moreover
be perceived by other members of society as lazy, parasites or a
burden on society. Tensions rise and social cohesion is threatened.

Access to employment is in short
a crucial factor in social inclusion.
3.1. The employment situation
of Roma and Travellers
10. It is not always easy to compare
the employment situation of Roma and Travellers with that of other members
of the population, or the population as whole, due to a lack of
data disaggregated by ethnic origin. However, surveys on the labour
market situation of Roma and non-Roma conducted in 2011 in 18 Council
of Europe member States with substantial Roma populations

showed
that the employment rates of Roma were overall significantly lower
than those of both non-Roma living in the same regions and the general
population. Roma tend to be in more precarious employment and to
be over-represented in the informal employment sector. Their average
monthly wages are consistently lower than those of non-Roma – including
for Roma having completed upper secondary or post-secondary education.

The
disparities nonetheless varied greatly between States.

Travellers
likewise face much lower employment rates than the rest of the population.

11. Age and gender are crucial aspects of access to employment.
The situation of Roma men and women vis-à-vis employment may differ
greatly.

Roma
men tend to join the economically active population earlier than
Roma women.

Gender
differences also exist among Roma youth (aged 24 or under) who are economically
inactive: more than 50% of Roma men in this group are engaged in
formal studies, whereas more than 70% of Roma women in this group
are taking care of the home.

Overall,
although there are again important variations between States, Roma
women are more vulnerable in the field of employment and face greater
barriers than Roma men in accessing the labour market.

3.2. Structural barriers facing
Roma and Travellers
12. As one recent study noted,
“[w]ithout jobs, competitive skills, and a fair access to the labour
market, many Roma lack the tools to succeed and advance economically”.

In order to turn this situation around,
a number of structural barriers must be overcome.
3.2.1. Education and skills of
Roma and Travellers
13. Enrolment levels of Roma and
Traveller children in primary school and parents’ educational aspirations for
their children are similar to those of the majority population.
However, Roma and Travellers have, on average, lower educational
outcomes, with far fewer Roma and Traveller children completing
secondary education than their counterparts. Levels of illiteracy
are higher than average. Many Roma children do not have the benefit
of quality pre-school education and Roma children are frequently
channelled into education streams intended for children with disabilities,
with less challenging academic programmes and correspondingly reduced
professional options. Bullying and discrimination against Roma and
Traveller pupils are also reported. Absenteeism and repeated years
tend to be higher among Roma children, as does early school drop-out. Segregation
between schools and within schools also leaves Roma at a disadvantage.

I wish to underline that segregation
is not automatically based on ethnic origin: in this matter the
different regional and social situations also play an important
role. Not all of the above factors are present to the same extent
in every country or region, but each tends to reduce the capacity
of Roma and Travellers to compete equally on the labour market,
and increase the likelihood that they will be confined to unskilled
or semi-skilled jobs. Access to better-paying jobs is thus diminished,
and the chances of finding stable work outside the informal labour
market reduced.

14. In countries that previously had command economies, unskilled
or semi-skilled Roma were often employed in heavy industries, for
which demand dropped after the transition to market-driven economies. Educational
qualifications played a greater role in determining who had access
to jobs, and Roma were no longer able to compete on an equal footing
in the labour market.

Employment
rates have dropped over the years for both Roma and non-Roma in
such countries. However, the ratio of Roma/non-Roma employment rates
has worsened overall – in other words, there has been a greater
drop in the employment rate of Roma compared with non-Roma. The
economic crisis may furthermore have aggravated existing inequalities.

3.2.2. Discrimination, prejudice
and other barriers on the labour market
15. Although many Roma are seeking
work, limited work experience and long periods of unemployment tend to
act as barriers to employability.

A 2007 survey of Roma of working
age in five States of central and eastern Europe found that 42%
of respondents had experienced continuous employment lasting five
years or more and 78% had experienced continuous employment lasting
at least one year. However, at the time of the survey, 62% of the
respondents were out of work and 34% had been out of work for at
least a year. In other words, despite the fact that Roma were able
and willing to hold down jobs for sustained periods, a high proportion
of Roma experienced long-term unemployment.

16. Discrimination by employers against Roma and Travellers is
widespread, in particular as regards access to employment. Reports
that employers refuse to hire Roma and Travellers because of their
ethnicity are common; a classic experience for these applicants
is to be informed in response to their phone enquiry that an advertised
vacancy is still open, only to be told when they present themselves
in person that the vacancy has just been filled. Practices of requiring
excessively high educational qualifications for unskilled work also indirectly
discriminate against Roma. Such discrimination is sometimes overt,
with some companies openly applying a policy of refusing to hire
Roma, and others freely admitting to Roma applicants that they were rejected
because of their ethnic origin. In some cases, public employment
offices turn a blind eye to such practices, tacitly or even openly
approving them. Individuals and their peers’ lack of success in
seeking work moreover create a vicious cycle of discouragement and
disengagement, as the labour market ceases to be perceived by Roma
as having the potential to help them improve their situation.

17. The types of work to which Roma have access also tend to be
limited. Qualified Roma are often confined to working in Roma-related
jobs. Thus, Roma with tertiary qualifications as social workers,
teachers or journalists are almost always employed to work with
Roma or on Roma-related issues. In the retail, restaurant or hotel
industries, some employers appear deliberately to keep Roma away
from work involving direct contact with customers, although such
positions could offer key opportunities to unqualified Roma. This
situation has been described as a “glass box” that limits the possibilities
for employed Roma to progress upwards, horizontally or in new directions.

18. Issues related to housing and the location of Roma and Traveller
communities also influence access to employment. Many marginalised
Roma communities are located in regions where unemployment is structurally high,
and/or in isolated settlements with little access to public transportation.
Residential segregration is thus a further barrier to employment
for many Roma. The effects of this segregation are often heightened
by the lack of a social network creating links to the labour market.
Moreover, Roma who lack financial capital are not usually in a position
to launch their own business.

For
Travellers, not having a permanent address may significantly increase
the difficulties faced in finding employment, including self-employment.
Evictions aggravate these difficulties. Regulations governing the
use of sites where Travellers reside may also prevent them from
exercising traditional professions, even when they own the site
on which they live.

3.3. Specific measures to promote
the access of Roma and Travellers to employment
19. As stated above, the exclusion
of significant groups of the population from the labour market is
both costly and discriminatory. Promoting the inclusion of Roma
and Travellers through fair access to employment is a win-win scenario.
Below, I look at some of the key measures that can be taken to this
end, and note some pitfalls to be avoided when designing and implementing
such measures. I also give examples of practices aimed at improving
Roma and Traveller employment rates which have been presented to
me during my work on this report.
3.3.1. Measures to improve education
outcomes and skills
20. Overcoming differences in education
outcomes is key to promoting better access to employment of Roma
and Travellers. States must tackle this issue comprehensively. The
Assembly has already made detailed recommendations in this field,
which remain as pertinent as ever today.

I wish to emphasise nonetheless
that early childhood development has a crucial impact on subsequent
life chances, and it is essential to ensure that all Roma and Traveller
children have genuine access to quality pre-school education. In
this context, I was interested to learn about measures taken by
Hungary such as the Sure Start programme, which provides support
to parents and children mostly aged 0-3 years and helps to build
trust and break down barriers to education from nursery school age.
The lowering of the compulsory kindergarten age in Hungary to 3
years is also a positive step, although it must be accompanied by
support measures to ensure that the lowest-income families can comply
with this requirement. Contrasting with these good practices, the
European Court of Human Rights has found in a series of cases concerning
several States that school segregation is in breach of the European
Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5).

It
must be put to an end, and an inclusive environment for Roma and
Traveller children has to be created in the education system. Bullying
and discrimination in the education system must moreover not be
tolerated. All of the above measures can moreover contribute to
reducing absenteeism, repeated years and early school drop-outs,
which are major factors in lower education outcomes. Here again,
I was pleased to learn during my visit to Hungary about effective
initiatives in place in that country such as the Tanoda after-school
support programme and the Second Chance programme to help those
who had dropped out of the education system to complete their qualifications later.
21. I wish to underline the central role that parents have to
play in ensuring that their children regularly attend pre-school,
and subsequently school, and that they continue to do so until at
least the statutory school leaving age. It is crucial that programmes
designed to improve education outcomes of Roma and Traveller children engage
their parents, especially where the latter have low levels of educational
attainment themselves and/or little faith in an education system
that previously failed them. The Hungarian way of connecting the
parental duty of care with access to social benefits (in cases of
school drop-out) is an appropriate instrument in my view, and is
implemented in other member States of the Council of Europe.
22. It has to be noted however that although there have been welcome
improvements in the educational participation of Roma and Travellers
in a number of States in recent years, these do not automatically
translate into better employment rates or a better quality of employment
for Roma and Travellers. As yet, there appears to have been little
analysis of the reasons for this.

However,
it is a clear signal that although education is an indispensable
lever towards promoting inclusion, focusing solely on education
is not enough in itself to promote the effective integration of
Roma and Travellers in the labour market.
23. In countries that have transitioned from command to market
economies, insufficient public investment in retraining unskilled
or semi-skilled Roma workers may be a factor in their long-term
unemployment.

Providing adult
vocational training and opportunities to complete secondary education
after compulsory school age is crucial. Such training should however
not be limited to those who have completed secondary education,
as this excludes many Roma.

Additional support
needs to be provided in order to make such education and training accessible
to all, including Roma and Travellers.
3.3.2. Measures to create a more
inclusive labour market
24. Effective anti-discrimination
laws are, of course, a necessary part of the arsenal to eliminate discrimination
against Roma and Travellers in the field of employment. However,
to have maximum impact and provide effective remedies for victims,
such laws must provide for accessible complaints procedures and simplified
means of demonstrating discrimination (such as testing and a shared
burden of proof), combined with dissuasive sanctions against employers
who are found to have discriminated. Capacity-building is also needed
in order to ensure that Roma and Travellers have effective access
to existing remedies.

25. Legal requirements of equal treatment are however not enough
to provide equality of opportunity when, as is the case for Roma
and Travellers, certain groups face radically different circumstances:
for those starting from a position of serious disadvantage, the
playing field is clearly not level. Positive measures are needed
in order actively to promote inclusion in such situations. Employers
need to be part of the solution, and governments have a role to
play in making that happen. Both public and private employers having
more than a specified minimum number of employees can for example
be made subject to positive obligations to monitor and report on
the diversity of their workforce, encourage applications from under-represented
groups, and ensure that their training and promotion practices also
promote inclusion.

This
kind of measure supports all forms of diversity in the workplace
and can benefit all under-represented groups, including Roma and Travellers.
Including equality requirements in public procurement processes
is also a powerful way to promote equality in employment.
26. Governments can also take specific measures, as in Hungary
and Germany, to stimulate job creation and thereby promote access
to employment. Active labour market policies that are adapted to
the populations they are intended to serve can be useful instruments
in this respect. Measures such as public works schemes

may
for example be relevant in countries where many Roma or Travellers
live concentrated in economically depressed regions, in particular
as they may contribute to the economic development of such regions.
They may also lead to short-term reinsertion in working structures
and provide a temporary solution for unemployment. However, studies
have found such schemes to be of little direct benefit as regards
labour market integration in market or transition economies, as
very few participants find regular employment upon completing such
programmes.

In
the words of the European Commission, “instead of providing a bridge
to the open labour market, they [have] had a lock-in effect keeping
participants in low-quality, low-income jobs that are insufficient
to break out of poverty”.

To produce longer-term benefits,
public works schemes must provide an opportunity to receive additional
training or qualifications that will promote integration in the
primary labour market.

This was moreover a strong message
from my exchanges with Roma participants in such schemes during
my visit to Hungary. They also stressed the importance of ensuring
that work provided through these schemes is attributed fairly, and
that remuneration should be sufficient to help improve family situations.
27. A programme that has been particularly successful in promoting
Roma employment is
Acceder,
which has been implemented in Spain by the Fundación Secretariado
Gitano (a non-governmental organisation (NGO) involving both Roma
and non-Roma) since 2000, with significant funding from the European
Social Fund. Based on the precept that integration in the labour
market is the gateway to social inclusion, it focuses on improving
the employability of Roma through enhancing basic skills and professional
qualifications. In this programme, individual participants receive
personalised support and accompaniment, tailored to the person and
context. The programme is implemented in close co-operation with
employers, in order to match labour supply with employer demands.
Nearly 58 000 employment contracts have been signed, with 53% of
these going to women, and more than 22 000 persons have found a
job since the launch of the programme. Since 2009, a second arm
has been added:
Promociona,
a tutoring and educational counselling programme that has also been
highly successful in ensuring that increasing numbers of young Roma
– both girls and boys – complete compulsory secondary schooling
and obtain their diploma.

A further initiative in place
since 2013 is the
Aprender trabajando project,
providing theoretical instruction and practical work experience
to 18- to 30-year-olds. In parallel, a series of awareness-raising
campaigns have been run in order to mobilise Roma to participate
in these programmes.
28. Amongst the factors that may have contributed to the success
of the above programmes in Spain, (long) funding periods of seven
years enabling longer-term planning are worth noting, as well as
a focus on objectives and results that are measurable and comparable
with the rest of the population. Initially implemented in 30 Spanish
cities, the
Acceder programme
has since expanded to a total of nearly 50 cities in Spain and has also
been launched in Romania (in 2008) and Italy (in 2014).

The “Fit to job” model applied in
several German
Länder is also
based on an individualised approach, including career guidance,
vocational training, work with families and employment services,
and has also been cited by the European Commission as a promising practice.

29. Measures to promote self-employment or entrepreneurship should
also be explored. The relevance to Roma of the self-employment and
business formalisation programme set up in “the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia”, with promising initial results, has for
example been welcomed as it helps to address the disproportionate
involvement of Roma in the informal economy in that country.

As noted earlier, financial exclusion
can however be a barrier for Roma and Travellers when it comes to
setting up their own enterprise. Establishing a business can moreover
be extremely daunting, and support and accompaniment throughout
the process may be needed.

Access to microcredit
schemes needs to be facilitated and accompanied, for example, by
training in financial literacy and business skills.

4. Transversal factors
30. An important point relayed
to me by international NGOs during my visit to Hungary is that approaches to
promoting the inclusion of Roma and Travellers that are based solely
on alleviating poverty ignore the racism that is at the heart of
the discrimination they continue to experience. As Soraya Post,
MEP, and Martin Collins of the Pavee Point Traveller and Roma Centre
(Ireland) made clear at the No Hate Parliamentary Alliance’s hearing
on anti-Gypsyism in Stockholm in May 2016, anti-Gypsyism pervades
all fields of life, from political discourse to calls to anti-Gypsyist
violence on social networks to housing to judicial decisions, etc.
If anti-Gypsyism and direct or indirect discrimination are ignored,
then the measures taken to promote the inclusion of Roma and Travellers
will be hollow and ineffective. The negative effect of anti-Gypsyism
on the employment prospects of Roma and Travellers can be clearly
seen, and is a key finding of all the studies referred to above. Fighting
anti-Gypsyism must therefore be an integral part of efforts to promote
the inclusion of Roma and Travellers in the labour market. To date,
insufficient attention has been paid to this element in many national Roma
integration strategies, and this needs to be rectified when amending
or developing new strategies.

31. Inclusion is however not only about fighting discrimination:
it is also, importantly, about ensuring effective participation.
A major criticism of Roma and Traveller representatives about the
policies, strategies and programmes that are already in place at
national, regional and local levels to promote their inclusion is
that such measures are frequently designed, implemented and evaluated
without sufficient involvement of and input from Roma and Travellers
themselves. When this is the case, the measures adopted are often
based on assumptions that do not reflect or adequately respond to
the reality of their experience. Promoting effective participation
in policy- and decision-making processes is about moving from a
situation in which Roma and Travellers are treated merely as passive
recipients of assistance to one in which they play an active role
in shaping their destinies, and in which they take ownership of
this responsibility. Such participation can have a direct and positive
impact on the capacity of the policies and measures adopted to improve
the everyday lives of Roma and Travellers. It also creates opportunities
for interaction and exchange that can help to overcome stereotypes,
prejudice, and one of the greatest barriers of all to equality for
Roma: mutual lack of trust.
32. Sustainability is also crucial to achieving long-term results.
There are many examples of good initiatives that work locally, thanks
to the commitment of the local authorities and/or NGOs, or in the
short-term – but the dots still need to be joined up in order to
ensure that the measures implemented can be of long-term benefit
to Roma and Travellers. Moreover, even obviously effective projects
and programmes will be compromised if they are reliant on funding
that needs to be constantly renewed on a short-term basis.

The seven-year funding period of the
Acceder programme referred to above
is a good practice that allows for medium- to long-term planning
and that can and should be replicated. In this context, I also wish
to draw attention to the ambitious strategy for Roma inclusion presented
to the No Hate Parliamentary Alliance by Sweden’s Minister for Culture and
Democracy in Stockholm in May 2016. The strategy, launched by the
Swedish authorities in 2012, aims to ensure that Roma born that
year should by 2032 have the same life chances as all other persons
born in Sweden. The 20-year commitment made by the Swedish authorities
to improving the situation of Roma provides a rare and welcome opportunity
for long-term planning and continuity in efforts.
33. The gender dimension also needs to be taken into account in
strategies aimed at promoting the inclusion of Roma and Travellers,
in particular in those communities where traditional gender roles
are still prevalent. If this aspect is ignored, funding for education
programmes, for example, may have little impact on girls living
in such communities, as was emphasised by Cerasela Bănică of the
Centre for Advocacy and Human Rights (CADO), Romania, at the hearing
held by the Sub-Committee on the Rights of Minorities in September
2015. The Acceder and Promociona programmes mentioned
above are examples where, thanks to specific efforts to take account
of the gender dimension, there has been a high success rate in involving
women.
34. The local level, and especially mayors, are a lynchpin as
far as social inclusion is concerned – for all groups, including
Roma and Travellers. This is in part because Roma and Travellers
(like other minorities) are not a homogeneous group, and situations
may vary widely from one place to another, but also because local authorities
are responsible for the integration of minorities and for implementing
many of the measures that have a direct impact on the daily lives
of their citizens, including Roma and Travellers. In Bulgaria and
north-eastern Hungary I was pleased to meet Roma representatives
elected to their local councils, as well as (in Hungary) members
of Roma minority self-governments. I also heard about the difference
that Roma liaison officers can make within local authorities in
helping to build trust and promote good relations between Roma members
of the community and the authorities. Also of particular interest
as regards the local level is the ROMACT programme – a joint programme
of the European Commission and the Council of Europe, implemented
by the latter, which aims to build the capacity of local authorities
to develop and implement policies and public services that are inclusive
of all, including Roma.
35. The reservations of and restrictive constitutional or legislative
provisions in force in many States as regards the collection of
ethnic data are well known, but it has to be noted that many strategies
and programmes intended to promote the inclusion of Roma and Travellers
suffer from a lack of available data that would enable their design
to be appropriately tailored and the impact of measures taken to
be effectively assessed.

Implementing recommendations that
have already been made on collecting ethnic data in conformity with
data protection requirements would certainly help to fill the data
gap.

36. Finally, many representatives of Roma and Travellers that
I met during the preparation of this report stressed the importance
of promoting a positive sense of Roma and Traveller identity, so
that people who belong to these groups feel confident to identify
their ethnic affiliation publicly. Without this, the high proportion of
Roma and Travellers who do not fit the persistent negative stereotypes
associating them with an endless cycle of poverty will rarely be
willing to publicly acknowledge their ethnic origins and culture,
and there will be few successful role models for younger generations
to identify with.
37. In this context, I welcome the decision of the German authorities
to propose Berlin as the seat of a new European Roma Institute for
Art and Culture. I am convinced that promoting understanding about
the rich and varied culture and history of Roma and Travellers is
central to breaking the cycle of prejudice, ignorance, generalisations
and stigmatisation that go hand in hand with anti-Gypsyism and discrimination.
5. Conclusions
38. Nobody’s life chances should
be determined by their ethnic origin. States are increasingly recognising that
integrating Roma and Travellers is in everyone’s interests, and
adopting strategies to this effect. Major initiatives to promote
the inclusion of Roma and Travellers have moreover been taken by
the Council of Europe, the European Union and other regional bodies
in recent years. It seems fair to say that there has never been a
better chance to make progress throughout Europe in overcoming disadvantage
and promoting the inclusion of Roma and Travellers. The question
is not “if”, but “how”.
39. Sustainable change has to involve people. Empowerment matters.
Roma and Travellers should not be seen, whether by themselves or
by others, as passive targets of government measures, but as actors
in their own destiny. The success of efforts to promote the inclusion
of Roma and Travellers depends not only on the commitment of governments
(although this is indispensable) but also on Roma and Travellers
themselves taking ownership of their futures. Measures to promote
the inclusion of Roma and Travellers should be designed together
with them so as to boost the will to integrate, to create networks
and share positive examples, and to ensure that young Roma and Travellers
growing up today can in future take the floor in public life, and
advocate for and influence the fate of their minority.
40. Discrimination against Roma and Travellers exists in a wide
range of fields, but I am convinced that promoting access to employment
is a key path to inclusion. It not only boosts individual confidence
and improves families’ financial security, but also helps to foster
social cohesion by creating new links between people and overturning
persistent stereotypes of long-term unemployed Roma and Travellers
as lazy, parasites or a burden on society.
41. Achieving lasting results in this field requires investment
both in education and skills and in eliminating other barriers to
participation in the labour market, such as discrimination. A wide
variety of issues and situations exist both between and within member
States, and there is no one-size-fits-all solution. Each country has
to face its own challenges in its own way, based on a detailed analysis
of the situation of the Roma and Travellers in its jurisdiction
and of the causes of this situation. I hope nonetheless that this
report will contribute to building a better understanding of the
common causes of disadvantage of Roma and Travellers vis-à-vis employment
and give greater visibility to good practices for promoting their
inclusion in this crucial field of life. For it is not only Roma
and Travellers who stand to gain from this, but our societies as
a whole.