1. Introduction
1. Migration from Eastern Europe
is a phenomenon of major importance. It is massive in scale: Eurostat data
shows that, in 2017, more than 4.5 million Ukrainians, 3 million
Romanians, approximately 2.5 million Poles and close to 1 million
Bulgarians had moved to a different European Union country. It is
mainly driven by economic incentives and thus it is mostly people
of active working age who choose to migrate.
2. Labour migration from Eastern Europe has both positive and
negative consequences for the socio-demographic development of the
countries concerned. Some of the net positive aspects for the countries
of origin are the influx of remittances from labour migrants, the
encouragement of investments into joint enterprises, the added skills
of former labour migrants who decide to return to their home country
to work or to start their own business, the reduction of unemployment
and the promotion of their cultures abroad.
3. However, emigration for employment purposes in some eastern
European countries has created significant social and demographic
problems: brain-drain, reduction of population, lack of contributions
to social funds, and serious family issues, including the worrying
social problem of children being left behind (children whose parents
have emigrated, leaving them with grandparents or other relatives).
4. In its
Resolution
2137(2016) on the impact of European population dynamics
on migration policies, the Assembly expresses concern “about the
negative impact of labour migration from some eastern European countries
and its effect on their population dynamics and on the social situation
of migrant families”. It also points out the problem of children
who are separated from their parents for extended periods of time
and left in the care of their extended family, after the parents
decide to travel great distances to work in countries where they
find employment with higher wages. I therefore decided to look deeper
into this problem, in particular concentrating on such countries
as the Republic of Moldova, Poland, Romania and Ukraine, where the situation
is of particular concern.
5. I was appointed rapporteur on 20 September 2017. The committee
authorised me to conduct a fact-finding mission to Poland, which
took place on 22-24 October 2018 and provided me with substantial
content for my work. The report is focused on countries with particular
labour migration issues, namely Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova,
my own country Romania and Poland.
2. Scope and aim of the report
6. This report addresses the economic,
social and demographic impact of Eastern European migrants’ decision
to migrate. I have decided to widen the scope of the report, especially
given that there is a report on the “Impact of labour migration
on left-behind children” by the Committee on Social Affairs, Health
and Sustainable Development
which touches upon the negative
impact of migration in their countries of origin with a specific
focus on children. I have only briefly addressed this issue in the
chapters below. I would also like to assess the impact of labour
migration on the country of origin as well as the impact on the
host country.
2.1. Definitions
7. The report takes as a departure
point the international commitments member States entered into at European
level, with regard, in particular, to Article 19 of the European
Social Charter (revised) (ETS No. 163). The existing UN instrument
– the United Nations International Convention on the Protection
of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families
– had not been ratified by European
Union member States, despite the calls by the European Economic
and Social Committee encouraging the European Union and its member
States to do this as early as 2004. The Conclusions of the European
Committee for Social Rights are cited as references in the decisions
taken with regard to the implementation of the relevant articles
of the European Social Charter (revised).
This
being said, I should recall that the European Social Charter (revised) has
been ratified by 34 Council of member States, and other 11 countries
have signed but not yet ratified it.
Moreover, a number of countries
that ratified the convention either did not accept at all the provisions
of Article 19, or only accepted a few of them.AS/Mig/Inf (2018)28.
8. A distinction should then be made between various categories
of labour migrants, since their acceptance, legal protection, and
impact in the receiving country differs tremendously: first, the
intra-European Union labour migrants, the labour migrants from countries
benefitting of an association agreement or visa-free arrangement
with European Union (some of the Council of Europe member States),
and labour migrants from outside Europe, the latter being at risk
of severe exploitation and trafficking.
9. Some thought is also given to what is meant under the term
“social and demographic impact” in this report, i.e. which social
and demographic characteristics should be assessed. Previous reports
focused mainly on the economic impact, which is different from the
social and demographic one. The term "socio-demographic" groups
the sociological and demographic characteristics, including, for
example, age, gender, education, migration background and ethnicity,
religious affiliation, marital status, average size of family/household,
heritage, employment and income, as well as medical history, birth
and death rates. Different index variables are formed on the basis
of socio-demographic variables.
10. In order to conduct a comparative analysis of such data, a
standardisation of the independent variables would be necessary.
This would mean clarifying the cultural or national concepts underlying
each variable in each culture and country participating in the relevant
surveys. For example, what dimensions are used to define private households; or how are the
education system, the labour market, the tax system, the welfare
system, etc. organised? Comparing behaviour of the respondents across
different surveys, using standardised data, would allow for a better
predictability of future trends and provision of public services
that would cater to the needs of those who demand such services.
2.2. An
overview of labour migration in some countries in Central and Eastern
Europe
11. Studies on demographic trends
in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) show that the region is a place
of significant migratory flows and of intense demographic changes
connected with increasing life expectancy and a decline in fertility
rates, leading to population ageing. These processes are particularly
intense which, combined with the general persistent dominance of
emigration over immigration, leads to serious demographic, social,
economic and political challenges. In the years 2005-2010 Slovakia,
Hungary, Poland and Romania were among the ten countries with the
lowest fertility rates in the world (1.33) (UN 2013).
12. Although world-wide the number of people will continue to
grow, mainly as a result of the demographic explosion in less developed
countries, especially on the African continent, a negative population
growth rate is expected from the second decade of the 21st century
on in the most developed countries. As a consequence, according
to moderate estimates, by 2050 the population in Europe will have
decreased by 96 million including 83 million in CEE. Thus, the population
in CEE will have shrunk by 27% (UN 2004). The largest (20 to 30%) decrease
in the number of people in the world is forecast in five countries
in the CEE region: Bulgaria, the Republic of Moldova, Serbia, Ukraine
and Belarus. The population of post-communist countries such as
Latvia, Romania, Croatia, the Russian Federation, Lithuania and
Georgia is projected to decrease by over 15%. In other CEE countries
a slightly lower population decline is expected, e.g. by around
11% in Poland (UN 2013). Additionally, the age structure of the
region’s population will be strongly affected, with the share of
people of working-age markedly decreasing. Statistics appear thus
to show that Europe would benefit from labour migration, which would
over time help invert the population ageing trend.
13. As regards the impact of labour migration on sending countries,
there are clear economic benefits such as decreased unemployment
and substantial remittances (9.3 billion USD
for Ukraine in 2017, 4.9 billion USD
for Romania
and almost 1.2 billion USD
for the Republic of Moldova), which
make up a substantial part of the national GDP and help improve
the trade deficit. On the other hand, there are very serious downsides,
for example the disruption of family life and of the demographic
equilibrium. Population projections for Eastern European countries
are generally negative, indicating a rapidly ageing population,
which raises questions about the viability of the current system
of social security. In addition to the social security system (pensions,
health care), one should also look at the problems related to the
changes to social support in families (grand parents’ ageing, no
longer able to assume the roles of care takers). These issues will
be looked into in greater details in the following chapters, with
specific examples from Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, as well
as from my own country, Romania.
2.3. Labour
migration in Ukraine
14. As shown in an assessment by
The World Bank, Ukraine is one of the five largest suppliers of
migrants in the world, along with Mexico, India, China and the Russian
Federation. More specifically, the number of Ukrainian migrant workers
abroad is close to 2 million, making up to 9.1% of the economically
active population of Ukraine.
The main
reasons that Ukrainian nationals leave their country is the very
low average remuneration namely of 237 euros per month and the high
level of unemployment (9.6%) which make external labour migration
the only way to provide for an agreeable level of living for many
working-age Ukrainians.
Their emigration process is
facilitated by the fact that citizens of Ukraine tend to receive
the highest number of residence permits in the European Union.
15. Labour migration has a double impact in Ukraine: economic
and demographic. Its impact on Ukraine’s economic development is
significant, yet ambiguous. On the one hand, the additional money
flowing into the country contributes to poverty reduction, stimulates
the domestic production and supports the balance of payments; on
the other hand, the outflow of workers abroad reduces the supply
of the domestic labour market and creates risks for the stability
of the social security system. In addition, migration leads to the
loss of skills, as highly trained people perform mainly unskilled
work abroad.
16. There is a danger of underestimating the entrepreneurial potential
of migrant workers and their relatives left behind in Ukraine. Migrants
engaged in business activity abroad are not inclined to get involved
in entrepreneurship upon their return to Ukraine, given the unsatisfactory
conditions for entrepreneurial activity there. That is why what
is vital for Ukraine is not so much the assessment of the existing
effects of remittances, so much as the assessment of the potential
effects of unimplemented entrepreneurial activity on return migrants
and their families. Apart from the economic effect, favourable conditions
for entrepreneurial activity – including an economic climate free
from corruption – are a prerequisite for the return nature of labour emigration,
which has become vital for Ukraine under the conditions of the prospective
shortage of labour. The possible financial effect of the entrepreneurial
activity of migrants is a practically un-researched area in terms of
the impact of migration on the socioeconomic development of Ukraine.
17. Regarding the demographic impact of labour migration, Ukraine
currently faces a severe demographic crisis as its population rapidly
shrinks and ages. With adults of child-bearing age and around 70%
of labour migrants being female, there are less and less children
being born every year, and as a result, the population had dropped
by nearly 20% by early 2016.
In addition to this, the majority
of migrants have a rural or small town origin, which means that
their migration seriously undermines the life of small communities.
2.3.1. The
situation of children left behind
18. Children left behind in Ukraine
are commonly divided into two categories: those who are left behind
but whose parents eventually will return and those whose parents
will not return. According to an IOM study, one in every five left-behind
Ukrainian children is permanently abandoned.
19. According to the Ministry of Family, Youth and Sport, there
are about 200,000 children left behind in Ukraine. In the regions
most affected by immigration, nearly one-quarter of all children
are raised by one parent. The majority are adolescents, an age during
which many studies find that children are most vulnerable and in
the case of transnational families in Ukraine, many left-behind
children experience abandonment and neglect, which could prove detrimental
to their development and transition into adulthood.
Juvenile delinquency
is also a widespread problem among children left behind.
20. Furthermore, labour migration not only has an effect on the
children but also on the family as a whole. It often happens that
the departure of the primary caregiver, especially the mother, is
accompanied by a general crisis of family relations and socio-economic
conditions.
In
particular, long periods of parents being away from their families
seriously undermine parent-children relationships and families could
be indefinitely separated causing the alienation of children from
their mothers.
2.3.2. Ukraine’s
response to the challenges of labour migration
21. Projects initiated in Ukraine,
in collaboration with IOM and the Italian government address job
creation and reduction of pressure to migrate by supporting the
voluntary return of migrants; maximizing the value and directing
the flow of remittances; and establishing intercultural development
programs. Programs also include transnational welfare initiatives
to support left-behind children and migrant parents, and to provide
training for psychologists, caregivers, parents, and school teachers
to better address the needs of the left-behind and migrants themselves.
22. Moreover, in 2007, a joint ordinance from the Ministries of
Education, Public Health, Family and Youth, Labour, and the Interior
encouraged the main social service providers to improve collaboration
and to consider families separated by migration as potential beneficiaries
of services created more generally for families in difficult situations.
Alternatively there are also other provisions in place for children
left behind who can find a home in one of the SOS families in Ukraine
where they can stay until they can return to their families or move to
another form of family-based care.
2.4. Labour
migration in the Republic of Moldova
23. Another country deeply affected
by the demographic and social consequences of labour migration is
the Republic of Moldova where this phenomenon seems to be particularly
prominent. According to recent statistics, emigrants comprise 17.3%
of the total population of the country,
due to the lack of jobs, low
wages and high cost of goods and services.
24. Regarding the positive impact of labour migration, the Republic
of Moldova has one of the highest proportions of money transfers
from abroad (otherwise known as remittances) relative to its GDP
(gross domestic product), reaching the 31%. Nevertheless, these
transfers do not directly contribute towards building the country’s
economy, since they are used for private domestic consumption, therefore
not helping create sustainable economic growth.
25. However, the most significant negative impact that labour
migration has on the Republic of Moldova, is undoubtedly the demographic
one. The base scenario for 2035 is that the Republic of Moldova
will have 28.4% fewer citizens compared to 2014, taking into account
the fact that its Total Fertility Rate is the lowest of all European
Union, Balkan and Eastern Partnership Countries.
According to the Border Police of
the Republic of Moldova, in 2014, there were 761.970 migrants out
of 3.5m Moldovans,
a
phenomenon that has been described as “demographic winter”.
Consequently, the Republic of Moldova
is currently placed as the country with the highest decline in the
world, estimated to lose 54.4% of its population by 2100.
Additionally, the forecasts prepared
by the researchers confirm that by 2050, one in every three persons
will be over 60 years old in the Republic of Moldova and the share
of the elderly could constitute about 35–50% of the country’s population.
2.4.1. The
situation of children left behind
26. The situation of children left
behind is a particularly worrying side effect of Moldovan labour
migration, with around 100,000 girls and boys considered to be social
orphans because their fathers or mothers work.
Those children are a vulnerable category
unlike any other and the consequences of their parent’s migrating are
rather significant.
According to
some experts, left-behind children face numerous adverse effects including
problems related to school, such as deteriorating academic performance,
declining attendance and a lack of motivation. More specifically,
the parents’ involvement in organizing the school schedule is very important
as they exercise a monitoring and orientating role. Subsequently,
the lack of control and support created by the parents being abroad
leads to 22% of migrants’ children missing school.
Health
concerns may also arise, as children with migrant parents often
do not have an easy access to healthcare services as needed. The
use of drugs seems to be especially problematic, since the youth
in the Republic of Moldova experiences a higher prevalence of injecting
drugs than youth in European Union countries with 93.5% of young
people knowing someone who uses drugs.
Family stability and personal
development are also at stake, since children run the risk of developing
psycho-emotional problems which can lead to youth unemployment and juvenile
delinquency. Between 1993 and 2000, children left behind accounted
for almost 60% of juvenile offenders.
2.4.2. The
Republic of Moldova’s response to the challenges of labour migration
27. The first law on migration
was adopted following the Moldovan independence in 1991 but the
problem of the children left-behind was not dealt with until much
later. Under the 2010-11 National Action Plan of the Republic of
Moldova on the protection of children left without parental care,
a partnership was created among the Ministry of Labour, Social Protection,
and Family, Czech Development Agency, IOM, UN Fund for Population,
and the State University of Moldova in order to build a comprehensive
body of research to help create meaningful policies addressing the
issues of left-behind children, families, and the elderly.
28. Even though some first steps have been made, there are still
important measures to be taken. In order to improve the well-being
of children left behind, the governments could provide training
to psychologists, social workers, and teachers who work with children
and families left behind.
A recent campaign by Terre
des hommes Moldova included activities and informative material
providing advice on how to maintain a sound relationship between
children and their parents working abroad.
Additionally, the International
Migration Organisation also proposes that Moldovan authorities obtain
additional support in the field of linking diaspora organisations
in different countries, as well as considering diaspora associations
as interlocutor and actor in the design and implementation of migration
and development policies.
Finally,
the UNDP proposes the Swiss approach which linked migrants with
their native communities in the Republic of Moldova through a five-pillar approach:
1) appointing local migration focal points acting as connectors
between diaspora and their communities of origin, 2) creating databases
that map the impact of migration and make it easy to capture investment
opportunities, 3) listening to migrant’s voices and consulting them
on local priorities, integrating their suggestions in development
plans, 4) establishing Hometown Associations that bring together
local governments, local populations, internal migrants and the
diaspora to collaborate on local development initiatives and 5)
strengthening transparency and building trust between the diaspora
and the local governments in the process. This approach has been
already used in the Chiscareni village and has shown great results.
29. A number of measures could help mitigate the effects of this
emigration, including structural changes in the economy, creation
of jobs in sectors where labour migrants are employed abroad, fighting
bad governance and corruption, legal reforms encouraging the return
of skilled workers, and prevention of human trafficking and smuggling
of migrants.
2.5. Labour
migration in Romania
30. The negative effects of labour
migration were similar to those mentioned above as regards Ukraine
and the Republic of Moldova. Besides these negative aspects, however,
migration has a number of positive consequences on sending countries’
socio-economic development, in addition to the most commonly known effect
of direct monetary transfers, or remittances. The most positive
short-term impact is decreasing unemployment, as it can be experienced
in all large sending countries such as Romania, but also Poland, Slovakia,
Bulgaria. If migration includes mainly otherwise unemployed people,
also the budgetary impacts are positive (less unemployment benefit
to be paid). Moreover, neither the favourable socio-political impact
should be ignored, since high unemployment is generally accompanied
by higher social tensions and, as a consequence, by higher budgetary
expenditure on social stability (particularly in regions with very
high unemployment rate). Migration reduced reform pressure on the
Romanian government. For some areas/regions, migration for employment
abroad released the pressure from the local labour markets, as well
as the pressure from the social assistance schemes with respect
to migrants which were their potential beneficiaries.
31. As mentioned previously with regard to Ukraine, one of the
socio-economic effects of labour migration on sending countries
is the increased entrepreneurial activity. Work migration and the
entrepreneurship are life strategies tightly interconnected. Work
experience abroad positively associates both with entrepreneurial behaviour,
and with the intentions to develop a business. As the migrant accumulates
financial, human and relational capital abroad and satisfies his/her
basic needs, he/she tends to invest this capital in productive activities,
becoming an entrepreneur on his/her own. For an important part of
the Romanian migrants, working abroad represents an intermediate
strategy before putting into practice the entrepreneurial strategy,
fact revealed by the strong connection between the work experience
abroad and the entrepreneurial orientation.
2.6. Labour
migration in Poland
32. On 22-24 October 2018, I carried
out a fact-finding visit to Poland. I had the opportunity to meet
with Mr Kilion Munyama and Mr Jarosław Obremski, members of the
Polish Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly in this committee;
representatives of the Government (Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Mr Jerzy
Baurski, Mr Janusz Wołosz, Mr Hubert Czerniuk), Ministry of Interior
and Administration Affairs (Ms Beata Szczęch, Under Secretary of
State) and Office for Foreigners (Mr Tomasz Cytrynowicz), and Ministry
of Family, Labour and Social Policy (Mr Stanisław Szwed, Secretary
of State); representatives of international organisations (Ms Anna
Rostocka, Director of the International Organization for Migration’s
(IOM) Office in Poland, and Mr Witold Naturski, Vicedirector of
the European Commission Office in Poland); and, finally, representatives
of civil society and academia (Council of the Polish Migration Forum
(Ms Agnieszka Kosowicz, President of the Board), and Centre of Migration
Research (CMR) (Dr hab. Paweł Kaczmarczyk, Director), as well as
Prof. Jean-Pierre Cassarino at the European Neighbourhood Policy
Chair of the College of Europe in Natolin).
33. Over the past decade, Poland has become a prominent destination
for non-European Union nationals,
mainly citizens of Ukraine, based
on a so called “Pole's Card”, a document proving the connection
with Poland as a country of origin, Polish descent and Polish culture.
This is due to a number of factors,
including growing demand for cheap labour, geographical and cultural
proximity, and relatively liberal migration policies compared to
those of other Central European countries.
Labour migration into Poland had
shaped the development of some sectors, such as construction and
farming, filling the gap for Poles that left the country. Ukrainians
also account for over 53% of all foreign students in Poland, which
as a whole is also growing. These statistics however do not systematically
reflect temporary and seasonal labour migration. As regards asylum seekers,
the main countries of origin are the Russian Federation, Ukraine,
and Tajikistan.
34. It should be noted, however, that despite a dynamic increase
in immigration to Poland, it remains strongly a country of emigration
with 2 397 000 Poles staying abroad, mostly in the United Kingdom,
Germany, The Netherlands and Ireland. According to a 2013 survey,
approximately 14% of adult Poles have worked abroad since 2004 (approximately
a quarter for over a year); 69% have a family member or a close
friend who lives abroad, and approximately 24% are open to immigration.Majority
of Polish migrants or those considering leaving are young; according
to a 2014 survey approximately 90% of Poles under 34 have considered
some form of migration. Over the past decade or so, there has been
a visible trend that migrants are increasingly likely to be young
and well-educated. Most recently, Poland took measures to encourage
return of those who left the country
and settled, in particular, in the
United Kingdom. The effect of these policies needs to be further
assessed and the measures taken could serve as an example to countries
such as Romania.
3. Integration
of migrants and their ability to contribute effectively to the economic,
social and cultural development of European societies
35. Europe faces great challenges
in its efforts to ensure that migrants and their descendants are
included and participate in society. Intolerance, xenophobia and
racism, fuelling hate crime and discrimination against migrants
or refugees and their descendants, raise concerns in many member
States. At the same time, a number of European Union member States
are promoting the equitable participation of migrants and their descendants
in society, so that they can contribute to the European Union’s
objectives for inclusive growth. The Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA)
recognised in its Strategic Plan 2013-2017 that integration should
take place in a framework that respects fundamental rights. One
of the main challenges it identified was the integration of migrants
and the rights associated with their ability to contribute effectively
to the economic, social and cultural development of European societies.
36. European Union policies have an impact on labour migration
in Central and Eastern Europe. The European Union is a major migration
destination. According to the OECD, the European Union welcomes
more migrants than any other single OECD destination – half of all
recorded flows in the OECD are to its European Union members (European
Union-OECD).
In the 2000s, the population of
adults born outside the European Union rose by more than 42% in
the EU15 countries alone, to more than 30 million, one-third of
all migrants in OECD countries.
37. European Union member States have put in place labour migration
frameworks to compete with other OECD destinations. Labour migration
policy in individual European Union member States is the product
of national policies that have evolved over past decades, driven
by different national goals. However, there has been convergence
across the European Union member States around the need to attract
talents, including international students. Each European Union member
State boasts its own comparative advantage in the competition for
skills from abroad, and some benefit from the historical links with
third countries which shape migration flows. Many member States
impose education, occupation or salary requirements which can be barriers
to recruitment, while others manage migration largely through numerical
limits or volumes of admission. Still others rely on labour market
tests or trust the market to regulate itself as long as conditions
are respected. A number of member States deny entry to all less
skilled labour migrants, while others only admit them for seasonal
activities.
38. The European Union External Action Service inherited a framework
for relations with third countries – the Global Approach to Migration
and Mobility (GAMM) – in which the European Union can support negotiations
with third countries but cannot offer them guaranteed channels for
labour migration. The European Union also co-ordinates relations
with third countries through its Mobility Partnerships, which act
as an umbrella for co-operation, and by supporting different forms
of exchange and capacity-building programmes. The European Union
has taken on a public relations role, too, promoting the European
Union abroad and providing information on migration policies in
European Union member States.
39. To develop human capital applicable in more than one European
Union member State, training measures and co-operation with education
institutions could improve the talent mobility component of Partnerships.
The European Union Blue Card Directive had contributed to open the
path for regular labour migration. One should however, insist on
the importance of streamlining the procedure for recognition of
foreign qualifications – one of the main barriers to integration
of labour migrants. More could be done as well to reduce the time
it takes to obtain permanent residence.
40. According to the OECD, to improve the integration of labour
migrants, the European Union could start by improving the framework
for recognition of qualifications for third-country nationals and
related support procedures. It could develop European Union-wide
job-matching databases compatible with labour migration channels
and schemes. It could also increase opportunities for intra-European
Union mobility by lowering barriers, including for seasonal workers,
students who have graduated, and other legally present third-country nationals.
Harmonisation of European Union residence permits and other relevant
policies could create an additional safety-net to support integration.
A certain degree of standardisation may be necessary (test procedures,
application forms for labour migrants, portability of residence
periods in mobility, lower income thresholds for younger workers
and new European Union graduates).
41. Finally, measures should be taken to allow refugees to access
more favourable European Union labour migration schemes. The Council
of Europe initiative for the recognition of refugees’ qualification
should be made better known and applied in Europe. The European
Qualifications Passport for Refugees, developed by the Council of
Europe, is a document providing an assessment of the higher education
qualifications based on available documentation and a structured
interview. It also presents information on the applicant’s work experience
and language proficiency. The document provides reliable information
for integration and progression towards employment and admission
to further studies, even for those who cannot fully document their
qualifications upon arrival.
4. Conclusions
42. The persistently high level
of emigration from Eastern Europe couples with demographic changes, connected
with the decline in fertility rates and increasing life expectancy,
which lead to the permanent decrease in, and ageing of, native populations
in this region. On the one hand, this may lead to decreases in the
rate of emigration. On the other hand, modernisation, economic development
and increasing labour market segmentation will bring about an influx
of immigrants. As can be predicted, the demand for labour in certain States
will result in a new immigration status for these countries.
43. Labour migration is a key factor for changing domestic legislation
and practices in receiving States, including through standard setting
based on the European Social Charter (revised) and European Union
labour law.
More needs to be done for the implementation
of Article 19 of the European Social Charter (revised) by the Council
of Europe member States, beginning with the acceptance of all provisions
of this article by those member States that ratified the Charter,
and the ratification of the Charter by those that only signed it.
44. Greater efforts towards the integration of labour migrants
could significantly enhance the positive impact of labour migration
in the receiving countries. It would promote diversity and better
living together. More needs to be done, however, for such processes
to become self-evident and naturally imbedded in the everyday functioning
of European societies. The recommendations in this report will propose
ways in which these efforts could be translated into concrete measures
at national and international levels, and how they could be promoted
by national parliaments and the Council of Europe.