1. Origin
and aims of the report
Too
little money harms football, too much is killing it. We need to
prevent football from self-destructing.
1. For several years, football
has been the victim of an almost continuous series of scandals,
at both national level, with cases relating to match fixing, and
international level, in particular regarding the procedures of the
International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA) for awarding
the organisation of the World Cup and various cases of financial
malpractices.
2. In response to the charges brought by prosecutors in New York’s
Eastern Division, based on investigations by the FBI’s Eurasian
Joint Organised Crime Squad, against 27 officials or former officials
of FIFA and the two American confederations
for
“racketeering, fraud, bribery and money laundering”, and following
a statement given on 3 December 2015 by Loretta Lynch, US Attorney
General, FIFA accused South Africa of having paid a bribe to secure
the organisation of the 2010 World Cup and, in March 2016, lodged
a claim with the US courts, seeking 38 million dollars in compensation.
This is the first and so far only
action of its kind.
3. There are also serious suspicions regarding the awarding of
the 2006 World Cup to Germany.
The Parliamentary Assembly, in
Resolution 2053 (2015) on the reform of football governance, felt that the
decision to award the 2022 World Cup to Qatar was “radically flawed”
and called on FIFA to open a new procedure for the award of the
2022 World Cup,
but this has not been acted upon.
4. This procedure is currently being investigated in Switzerland
and the United States. In 2016, France’s national financial prosecution
service opened a preliminary investigation into “private corruption”,
“conspiracy” and “influence peddling and the concealment of influence
peddling” in relation to suspicions of corruption at FIFA in connection
with the award of these two World Cups.
5. The recent publication by FIFA of the “Garcia Report” has
now made generally known the extent of the irregularities committed
in connection with this procedure as well as the systemic failings
that Mr Michael Garcia helped to uncover. Apart from the purely
legal issues involved – especially the question whether the actions
of Mr Bin Hammam (together with those of Qatar’s Aspire Academy)
substantially influenced the vote in favour of Qatar by the representatives
of the Confederation of African football (CAF). This report clearly shows
that the predominant culture at FIFA was such that power was a source
of personal enrichment and ensured the impunity of those who held
it.
6. Financial malpractices within FIFA, linked to a lack of transparency
which the Assembly has been criticising for several years, are a
further sign of this culture, of which FIFA and world football are
victims. In this respect, the sanctions imposed by the Court of
Arbitration for Sport (CAS) on Mr Sepp Blatter, former FIFA President,
and Mr Michel Platini, former President of the Union of European
Football Associations (UEFA) and former FIFA Vice-President, demonstrate
the seriousness of these actions.
7. Another case concerns Mr Sepp Blatter, Mr Jérôme Valcke, FIFA
Secretary General from 2007 to 2015, and Mr Markus Kattner, at that
time FIFA Finance Director. Following the election of Mr Gianni
Infantino as FIFA President, an internal investigation revealed
that these three senior officials had awarded themselves financial
benefits for US$80 million (€72 million) between 2011 and 2015,
via increases in their annual remuneration, bonuses linked to the
financial results of the football World Cup and other advantages.
8. Apart from the internal situation at FIFA, individuals at
the top of national and international football continue to be involved
in court cases. In April 2017, Sheikh Ahmad Al-Fahad Al-Sabah, a
member of the Kuwaiti royal family, an active member of the International
Olympic Committee (IOC) and President of the Olympic Council of
Asia (OCA), resigned from FIFA's ruling council after being (implicitly)
linked to an alleged illegal payment to Richard Lai, President of
the Guam Football Association, who pleaded guilty in a New York court
to charges of corruption and failure to disclose foreign bank accounts.
9. The Mail on Sunday revealed
that the 23 players of the Russian national football squad that
took part in the 2014 World Cup in Brazil were under FIFA investigation
for doping. Their names are on the list of the thousand Russian
athletes who, according to the report published by the World Anti-doping
Agency (WADA) in two parts in July and December 2016 following investigations
into the squad headed by Professor Richard McLaren,
“appear to have been involved in
or benefited from systematic and centralised cover up and manipulation
of the doping control process”.
Nonetheless, it is unlikely that
the disciplinary proceedings will result in any penalties since
there is in reality not enough proof.
10. In July 2017, the Spanish and international press reported
the arrest in connection with a judicial investigation of Mr Ángel
María Villar, President of the Spanish Football Federation since
1988 and acting President of UEFA in 2015 (following the suspension
of Mr Michel Platini). Mr Villar is suspected of having benefited
from his position to commit financial malfeasance (abuse of trust
and misappropriation) and private corruption. He is alleged to be
at the centre of an economic conspiracy that also involves several
national federations, whose support he is said to have “bought”
to ensure his re-election. Auditors identified irregularities in
the accounts of the Spanish Federation amounting to more than 50
million euros for the years 2013-2014.
11. Again in July 2017, the Italian press carried reports on a
double investigation conducted by the Public Prosecutor’s Office
in Prato (a town in Tuscany) into illegal immigration and sports
fraud, involving inter alia the President
of A.C. Prato (a third division club) and the President of Sestese
(a fifth division Florence club). The sports fraud investigation
concerns the manipulation of the results of 11 football matches,
while the other charge relates to the establishment of a system
to enable young footballers from Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal to enter
Italy illegally.
12. On 25 September 2017, a one-year ban and a fine of €20 000
were imposed by the Italian Football Federation (FIGC) on Mr Andrea
Agnelli, the President of Juventus, and three other club officials
for selling large numbers of blocks of tickets over a period of
five seasons to groups of ultra-fans (whereas under the rules no
more than four units may be sold per person). The sports tribunal
prosecutor had called for a 30-month suspension and the extension
to the European level of the penalty against Mr Agnelli, who had
just been elected Chairperson of the European Club Association.
The company Juventus Football Club was fined €300 000.
13. The leaks known as the “Panama papers” were followed by a
series of tax fraud investigations concerning several big names
in football, including Mr Lionel Messi and Mr Cristiano Ronaldo,
two of the biggest players of all time, as well as Mr José Mourinho,
one of the coaches who receives the most media attention, and Mr Jorge
Mendes, a top agent in the global football market. In short, the
rot is everywhere and the thirst for money and power is eating away
at “the beautiful game” from within. These tax fraud cases have been
described in detail in the book “Football Leaks”.
14. This summary of recent events substantiates the reasons for
presenting a new motion on “Good football governance”
following the adoption by our Assembly
of
Resolution 2053 (2015). On the one hand, I feel it essential for us to continue
monitoring the FIFA and UEFA governance reforms and this to ascertain
whether they continue to take into account the demands made by our
committee and by the Assembly in
Resolution 2053 (2015), and also for us to highlight and support any effort
to promote a culture of transparency within these two organisations
and ensure that they have exemplary governance, including with a
view to stimulating improvements within their member associations.
15. This new report is intended to focus on the governance of
football in Europe and step up our existing collaboration with UEFA
and other partners, including the organisations representing European
professional football leagues (EPFL), clubs (ECA) and professional
footballers (FIFPro), in order to reflect on how together we can
improve football governance in Europe, at national level and in
clubs, and to make European football a showcase for the promotion
of our core values.
16. Accordingly, this report will also look at the role which
these different partners play or can play to promote human rights
and, more particularly combat discrimination, safeguard the rights
of minors, and strengthen solidarity, social cohesion and respect
for human dignity.
2. Carrying on governance reforms at FIFA
and UEFA
17. Two information documents [
AS/Cult/Inf
(2017) 15 rev and
AS/Cult/Inf
(2017) 16 rev] and the synoptic tables therein provide
a detailed presentation of elements I consider most significant
regarding the state of governance reforms at FIFA and UEFA, and
the implementation of our specific recommendations. I will cover here
only some of these elements. My intention is not necessarily to
insist on all recommendations that have not yet been implemented;
though a general call to FIFA and to UEFA to implement these recommendations is
indispensable, I would suggest that we focus on some elements which,
I believe, have greater relevance. These elements mainly concern
the issue of the separation of powers, the control mechanisms and
the system of checks and balances.
18. Even though the analysis in this section aims to underline
the problematic issues, it would be unfair to ignore from the outset
the fact that improvements have been made at both FIFA and UEFA,
particularly with regard to financial transparency, a reduction
in certain types of spending, monitoring money flows to prevent misappropriations
and participatory governance. These are welcome changes; our insistence
on certain points has not been in vain. For practical reasons, readers
are referred to the documents mentioned above for more detailed
information on these aspects. In addition, the section of this report
focusing on the protection of human rights mentions considerable
advances made by the two organisations in this field.
2.1. Separation
of powers, control mechanisms and system of checks and balances
at FIFA
19. The high concentration of power
and the lack of proper checks and balances are two problematic elements
of the governance of sports institutions in general, including football
institutions. In this respect I welcome that the new FIFA Statutes
provide today for a clear separation of the strategic function –
performed by the FIFA Council (previously Executive Committee) –
from the management/executive function – performed by the general
secretariat under the authority of the Secretary General. For example,
the FIFA General Secretariat is responsible for the negotiation,
execution and performance of all commercial contracts, in accordance
with the standards, policies and procedures established by the Council.
20. However the control of the President over all FIFA activities
including over management functions seems to be as strong as under
the previous leadership. Of course, the administration must implement
strategic decisions taken by the “policy-making bodies” and in particular
by the President and the Council. What raises questions is the power
that I believe the President still has, in practice, over decisions
concerning, for example, the appointment and dismissal of staff
in key positions.
21. On 16 October 2017, at my meeting at FIFA with Mr Infantino,
Ms Fatma Samoura, Secretary General of FIFA, and senior FIFA officials,
Mr Infantino claimed that the idea that he retains control over
management functions was incorrect and not based on any specific
facts. In this connection, I wish to point out, first of all, that
this opinion does not in itself constitute “criticism”. For me,
it is simply a question of mentioning what I believe is relevant
in order to understand the internal dynamics at FIFA. I note that
some choices had been made before Ms Samoura arrived. As she is
fairly new to football, she is not as well-equipped as Mr Infantino –
an outstanding manager in the world of football – when it comes
to selecting the senior executives of a specialised organisation
such as FIFA. Furthermore, in the three hours that the meeting lasted
it was very much Mr Infantino who was in charge, so I find it impossible
to believe he is not at the helm concerning not only the macro but
also the micro-management.
22. The high number of people dismissed after the election of
Mr Infantino can possibly be explained, at least partially, by the
wish to remove staff who had been too close to the previous leadership
– with the exception of Mr Marco Villiger
– and maybe also by a certain desire
for renewal. However, the way in which these changes took place
appears somewhat “brutal”, as I have heard some of the people define
the process. To avoid misunderstanding: I do not question at all
the competences and skills of the FIFA senior officials who are
now in place.
23. I believe that the prominence of the President’s position
and his drive (also) on management issues are still a key element
of FIFA governance culture. It has been like this for decades and
it would be naïve to think that this could change just because a
new provision proclaims a different modus
operandi. It must be recognised that the FIFA President,
Mr Infantino, has long-standing and rich experience and an in-depth, comprehensive
knowledge of the functioning of football institutions. The Secretary
General, Ms Samoura, is a newcomer in this world, which is in many
regards excellent; nevertheless the consequence is that she needs time
to consolidate her role. She is a determined and competent person,
well-acquainted with managing complex files and who is deeply attached
to the protection of human rights; I hope that she can progressively strengthen
her position and implement a true separation of functions, which
the rules call for but which do not exist to date.
24. Regarding the recent developments at FIFA, I have especially
strong reservations concerning the loss of independence for the
so-called “independent” bodies. The President and the FIFA Council
have broad discretionary powers when it comes to the appointment
and removal of members of FIFA standing committees. The principle
as such sounds fine: it is not at all anomalous that the leading
positions in standing committees, whose role is to advise and assist
the Council in performing strategic policy making, are in the hands
of the FIFA Council.
25. Nevertheless, the main pillar of the reform initiated by the
FIFA Independent Governance Committee (IGC), headed by Professor
Mark Pieth, was to ensure the independence of the bodies entrusted
with key supervisory functions and responsible for preventing, detecting
and sanctioning abuses and wrongdoings, i.e.: the Audit and Compliance
Committee, the Ethics Committee in its two articulations (the Investigatory
Chamber and the Adjudicatory Chamber) and the Governance Committee.
True independence of their chairpersons was considered from the
outset to be a necessary condition for these bodies to work properly.
26. In the current FIFA structure, there are four bodies which
are qualified as independent: the Audit and Compliance committee
(including the Compensation Sub-Committee) and the three judicial
bodies, namely the Appeal, Disciplinary and Ethics Committees. A
consequence of this is that the members of these bodies including
their chairpersons and deputy chairpersons, are not appointed by
the Council, they are elected – and can be removed only – by the
Congress and they cannot be members of other FIFA bodies.
27. Although it is listed as a standing committee, the “Governance
Committee” is considered as (or at least assimilated to) an independent
body. Thus, the chairperson, deputy chairperson and members of the Governance
Committee are elected by the Congress upon the proposal of the Council,
they may not belong to the Council and they must fulfil the independence
criteria as defined in FIFA Governance Regulations.
28. All this sounds good, at least in theory. However independence
cannot be merely formal; in addition to enshrining it in the Statutes,
it should be substantially confirmed and upheld in practice. For
this reason, a major change implemented following the proposals
of the Independent Governance Committee was that true independence
of the chairpersons (and deputies) of these bodies should be secured
also through a transparent and independent process of identification
and selection of suitable candidates.
29. Proposals for the first chairmanships of the two chambers
of the Ethics Committee and of the Audit and Compliance Committee
came from the Independent Governance Committee itself and the persons
eventually appointed had the agreement of this committee; these
were:
- Mr Domenico Scala, elected
chairperson of the Audit and Compliance Committee (upon a proposal
by the IGC);
- Mr Hans-Joachim Eckert, elected chairperson of the Adjudicatory
Chamber of the Ethics Committee (upon a proposal by Professor Pieth,
Chairperson of the IGC);
- Mr Michael Garcia, elected chairperson of the Investigatory
Chamber of the Ethics Committee (upon a proposal by Interpol).
30. Notwithstanding the formal recognition of “independence”,
which remains in the Statutes, the concrete situation seems today
quite different from the one that Professor Pieth’s Independent
Governance Committee had wanted.
31. Following the decision by the 66th FIFA Congress (meeting
in Mexico City on 13 May 2016) to authorise the FIFA Council to
appoint the office holders for the remaining vacant positions of
the independent committees and the Governance Committee and to dismiss
any office holder of those committees until the 67th FIFA Congress,
Mr Scala immediately resigned from his functions. He considered
that this decision was a clear threat to the independence of the
bodies concerned, because such a power could be used by the Council
to impede investigations by dismissing the responsible committee
members or by keeping them acquiescent through the threat of a wanted.
32. FIFA stated that Mr Scala has misinterpreted the purpose of
the decision and explained that it had been taken to allow the Council
to appoint members on an interim basis to the vacant positions of
the new committees so that they could fulfil their roles. This explanation
is not entirely convincing however, because the problem was not
mainly in the power to appoint, but in the power to dismiss. In
this connection, at our meeting on 16 October 2017, Mr Infantino
gave me an explanation, namely the need to be able to intervene
quickly in the case of a committee member failing to meet his or
her obligations. This is a valid reason for an exceptional and temporary
power, but I wonder why the provision in question (which, it seems,
was ultimately not used) was not worded in such a way as to make
this clearer. Mr Scala was replaced by Mr Tomaž Vesel, an international
audit expert, who has now been elected for a four-year term by the
FIFA Congress which was held in Bahrain on 11 and 12 May 2017.
33. The Congress in Bahrain, upon the proposal of the Council,
decided, to everyone’s surprise,
not to renew the mandates of Mr Borbély (who had replaced Mr Garcia
in the presidency of the Investigatory Chamber of the Commission
of Ethics in December, 2014) and Mr Eckert and elected Ms Maria
Claudia Rojas (former President of the Council of State in Colombia)
and Mr Vassilios Skouris (a Greek judge, former President of the
European Court of Justice) as chairpersons of the Investigatory
Chamber and of the Adjudicatory Chamber of the Ethics Committee.
With them, all but two of the other members of the two Chambers
were replaced.
34. Mr Luis Miguel Maduro, a former European Court of Justice
Advocate General, who had been chairing the Governance Committee
and the Review Committee (which is, amongst other functions, responsible
for eligibility checks and independence reviews)
for
only eight months, was also replaced with his former deputy, Mr Mukul
Mudgal (former Chief Justice of the Indian High Court).
35. With regard to Mr Borbély and Mr Eckert, I note that the action
of these two chairpersons, also supported by Mr Scala's action regarding
checks on proper accounting for certain operations, led to heavy
sanctions for 70 official figures, including Mr Blatter and Mr Platini.
36. Mr Infantino believes that what really triggered the legal
action and the sanctions in question was the action of the FBI and
the American authorities. He is no doubt right in the sense that
the possibility for FIFA’s Ethics Committee to use evidence acquired
by the American investigators speeded up several proceedings and
was probably a determining factor with regard to the merits of the
cases. It is a fact that the Ethics Committee does not have the
investigative powers of the national judicial authorities. Even
though I am not sufficiently aware of all the facts to be able to
express my views on other cases, it seems to me that the case involving
Mr Blatter and Mr Platini has nothing to do with the FBI investigations.
37. Here, it is not my task to ascertain whether Mr Borbély and
Mr Eckert could have done better. However, I consider that the results
they obtained could never have been achieved without true independent
action. This independence requires suitable regulatory standards,
an organisational practice consistent with these standards (which
is never acquired once and for all) and also professional competence
and proven integrity among the people ultimately filling these positions.
However, it also requires open, transparent and objective procedures
for selecting candidates for these offices, and a limitation of
the role of management boards in appointment and removal procedures,
as well as other precautions such as limiting the length of terms
of office and introducing the principle of partial renewal, in order
to ensure the continuity of the work of these bodies.
38. The replacement of Mr Borbély and Mr Eckert raised lots of
questions. Apart from the fact that the standard procedure would
have required their being informed earlier, while the intention
of the Council was announced to them just a couple of days before
the Congress, the two former chairpersons publicly claimed that
the decision not to renew their mandate was “politically motivated”,
seriously hampered the pursuit of hundreds of pending investigations
and meant the end of reform efforts at FIFA. FIFA replied that the
new chairpersons, Ms Rojas and Mr Skouris, were recognised, high-profile
experts in their respective fields and that their election was also
to better reflect geographic and gender diversity within FIFA bodies.
This explanation is the same as the one that was given to our committee
by FIFA representatives at the hearing on 22 May 2017 and which
was given to me by Ms Samoura during my first visit to FIFA on 29
May 2017, and by Mr Infantino during the visit on 16 October 2017.
39. I consider that, whatever the quality of the chairpersons
in office and of their work, at some point in time it is wise to
foresee their replacement. Indeed, in this respect our position
was and is that a term limit must be set for key positions; I welcome
the fact that FIFA implemented this recommendation, including for
the chairpersons of the Ethics Committee.
40. However, I think the right course of action was neither to
manoeuvre in the shadows with virtually no notice to the interested
persons nor to replace 13 of the 15 members of the Ethics Committee
while the quality of the work delivered was considered (at least
officially) outstanding. At their hearing before our committee,
on 22 September 2017, Mr Borbély and Mr Eckert emphasised the impact
their replacement has already clearly had on the continuation of
the current investigations and procedures, stating that hardly any
decisions have been taken by the Ethics Committee since their departure.
41. The qualities of the new chairpersons elected by the FIFA
Congress cannot be questioned: Mr Skouris was President of the European
Court of Justice for 12 years and Ms Rojas was President of the
Council of State of her country, Colombia, and a judge on its Constitutional
Court. I had the opportunity to meet them during my visit to FIFA
on 16 October 2017 and gained an excellent impression. They are
two professionals of the highest level and of the highest integrity.
42. However, while the profile of Mr Skouris and his professional
experience are perfectly in line with the duties he has to perform,
the work of the President of the Investigatory Chamber of the Ethics
Committee calls for experience in the field of criminal investigations,
especially financial investigations, which Ms Rojas does not have.
She does not meet the profile of a “prosecutor”, which was clearly
the case of her two predecessors, Mr Garcia and Mr Borbély. Also,
her lack of knowledge of English and French is a major obstacle,
as almost all documents are in one of these two languages. This
is not merely a factor that risks slowing her down in her examination
of case files, even if she demonstrates the necessary willingness
to carry out her duties, but it also means – and this is much more
problematic – that she is more dependent on the secretariat that
assists her and that it is objectively difficult for her to enter
into confidential contacts with witnesses or experts.
43. I was surprised to learn that no meeting had taken place between
the former and new presidents. That is not too serious for cases
before the Adjudicatory Chamber but is not very effective as far
as the management of investigation files is concerned. Ms Rojas
told the press that there were no ongoing investigations concerning
Mr Infantino before learning about all of the files, including the
more sensitive files that her predecessor, Mr Borbély, still had
in his possession and had not been able to communicate to her.
44. According to
The Guardian newspaper
(information picked up by other
media), Mr Infantino was the subject of two preliminary inquiries:
- one concerning a false statement
about his campaign expenses for the FIFA presidency election (his statement
reports €500 000, when in fact UEFA had given him a budget of around
1 million euros);
- the other responding to complaints stating that Mr Infantino
and Ms Samoura tried to wrongfully influence the election of Mr Ahmad
Ahmad (Madagascar) to the presidency of the African Football Confederation
(CAF) by promising several African Federation leaders, during private
exchanges, a quicker transfer of development funds to their respective
countries if they voted for Mr Ahmad.
That does
not mean that Mr Infantino was responsible, but simply that Ms Rojas’s
statement might not have been made in full knowledge of the facts.
45. Mr Maduro, on 14 September 2017, stated publicly before the
Select Committee for Culture, Media and Sport of the House of Commons,
United Kingdom parliament, that he had been ousted from his term
of office as the chair of the FIFA Governance Committee after he
refused to bow to pressure placed on him by Mr Infantino, by Ms Samoura
(on behalf of the former) and by Mr Vesel, seeking to make the Governance Committee
reverse its decision announcing that Mr Vitaly Mutko, Russia’s Deputy
Prime Minister, was ineligible to sit on the FIFA Council. This
interference was confirmed by Ms Navi Pillay, former judge at the International
Criminal Court and former United Nations Commissioner for Human
Rights, in a letter of resignation from the FIFA Governance Committee.
Professor Joseph Weiler, former member of the Governance Committee,
had placed a complaint against Mr Infantino and others responsible
for attempting to block enquiries against football managers.
46. I asked Mr Borbély and Mr Eckert a direct question on the
matter; they replied that, if interferences of this kind were proven,
the provisions of the FIFA’s Code of Ethics should, in their view,
be applied. At this point, I would like to refer to the version
of the facts that Mr Infantino gave me on 16 October 2017 concerning Mr Maduro’s
allegations: he confirmed that he had discussed the question of
Mr Mutko’s ineligibility with Mr Maduro and had voiced his doubts
to him regarding the Governance Committee’s approach since he did not
believe that the ineligibility was covered by the provisions currently
in force. Mr Infantino felt that it was his duty to let Mr Maduro
know his opinion in that connection in view of the potential consequences
for the organisation of the 2018 World Cup in Russia. He saw no
undue interference (either by him or Ms Samoura) and considered
that the case involved a normal institutional exchange of views,
with due regard for each individual’s competences and responsibilities.
Moreover, once the Governance Committee’s decision had been taken
it had been implemented without any problem. I personally consider
that it is not our role to take sides in a case in which nuances
make all the difference. The body competent to rule on this case
is FIFA’s Ethics Committee, and I respect its role. However, I cannot
resist suggesting that, in order to avoid any misunderstandings,
the form of institutional dialogue with an independent supervisory
body should be something other than an off-the-record discussion:
it might have been preferable for Mr Infantino to have made an overt
statement to the Governance Committee.
47. Finally, I note that in less than one year the four chairpersons
of the FIFA key supervisory bodies were changed. I find this regrettable
and I believe this is a bad signal. The way all this happened cannot
be reasonably considered as a normal turnover of key positions and,
regretfully, the general feeling is that the FIFA Council and Mr Infantino
in particular wished to get rid of people who might have embarrassed
them.
48. It is far from me to denigrate FIFA or to engage in “FIFA
bashing” (as expressed by Mr Infantino). I will focus later on some
very significant progress made by FIFA. However, as far as checks
and balances are concerned, the President and the Council made it
clear that they are in command; those that are not with them are
against them and must leave. The true independence of FIFA supervisory
bodies does not seem to be secured. This is also the conclusion
of all the experts external to FIFA whom I met.
49. To remedy this situation, there are no ready-made solutions.
Some formal safeguards like the introduction of a “staggered board”
membership principle for bodies like the Ethics Committee could
help; we have already asked for it and can renew our demand; but
the main issue remains who proposes and selects the members of the
“independent bodies” (and the independent members of other standing
committees). If FIFA policy makers really accept that scrutiny of
their action is led by independent persons – meaning persons over
whom they have no control whatsoever – they must also accept that
they do not have such a prominent role in nominating people and
ending contracts. A system should be established whereby candidates
are put forward (and proposed for renewal or not) from outside the
FIFA system, building on the model of the first Independent Governance
Committee. It would also be appropriate, I believe, that the Congress
doesn’t only have a “take it or leave it” choice, but could elect
the chairpersons and their deputies among short lists of candidates
with comparable high quality profiles.
50. The effectiveness of many significant advances in FIFA governance
reforms is highly dependent on an effective room for manoeuvre of
the independent committees, including the Governance Committee,
to work truly independently. If this independence, while proclaimed
and formally safeguarded by many provisions, were tamed by practices
of the Council or the president, any attempt to build up a new culture
in FIFA governance would be doomed to fail.
51. I would like however to conclude this section on a positive
note and to welcome the fact that the new FIFA Statutes establish
term limits of no more than three terms of office of four years,
i.e. 12 years, for:
- the FIFA
President and Council members (Articles 33.2 and 33.3 of the Statutes);
- all members of the FIFA judicial bodies (Articles 52.5
and 52.6 of the Statutes);
- all members of the Audit and Compliance Committee (Articles
51.3 and 51.4 of the Statutes).
2.2. Separation
of powers and system of checks and balances at UEFA
52. Looking at the UEFA’s statutory
regulations, it does not appear that UEFA fully complies with the principle
of separation between the strategic function and the management
function, as the latter is explicitly the responsibility of the
Executive Committee which “manages UEFA”. However, this must be
viewed in context and analysed together with two other elements.
53. For one thing, UEFA has established “UEFA Events S.A.”, a
public limited liability company of which it has full ownership,
to manage its commercial and event operations. The Executive Committee
is therefore no longer responsible for managing UEFA’s commercial
events. The Statutes also explicitly entrust the management and
leadership of the Administration to the General Secretary and Article
30 lists among the latter’s duties the appointment and dismissal
of Directors, after consultation with the President; appointment and
dismissal of staff of the Administration; the submission of an annual
business plan; the drawing up of an estimate for income and expenditure;
and the approval of expenditure within the framework of the budget.
It can therefore be considered that the strategic function and the
management function are separated; and, indeed, in listing the Executive
Committee’s untransferable duties, the Statutes speak of the “overall supervision
of UEFA”, which is a strategic role rather than a management role.
54. As for the position of the President of UEFA, despite the
importance and prestige of his institutional role and the genuine
influence he can have on the decision-making process, his powers
are clearly delineated and he is far from being an all-powerful
figure who can decide on everything: the establishment of the Emergency Panel
is in itself a sign of the determination to distribute strategic
duties and this is reinforced by the stipulation that in carrying
out his responsibilities, the President shall consult the Executive
Committee (paragraph of Article 29 of the Statutes in fine). The President is also
responsible for ensuring that the decisions of the Congress and
the Executive Committee are implemented “by the Administration”,
which confirms the latter’s role. Generally speaking, therefore,
the situation of the UEFA with regard to the balance of power does
not seem to raise any issues.
55. I also note that, compared to the situation analysed by our
committee in the context of the report on “The reform of football
governance”, a major improvement has taken place. We had suggested
to UEFA that it limit the duration of the terms of office of the
President and the other senior officials elected, including the
Executive Committee; UEFA has followed this recommendation.
56. Article 22.1 of the new UEFA Statutes states that “[n]o person
may serve as President or member of the Executive Committee for
more than three terms of office (whether consecutive or not). Any
partial term of office shall count as one full term”. Article 22.2
keeps the already existing age limit: “A person aged 70 or more
shall not be eligible for election or re-election.”
57. Moreover, Article 21.3 stipulates that each member of the
Executive Committee to be elected by the Congress, except for the
President, “shall hold active office in their association”. The
idea is to promote closer links between the UEFA Executive Committee
and the national associations, thus avoiding “political parachuting”.
Finally, it is henceforth stipulated (Article 22.1) that 50% of
the Executive Committee shall be elected (or re-elected every two
years), thereby applying the principle of gradual renewal of the
terms of office of members of this body.
58. Concerning the other bodies, the requirement of independence
– which is also upheld by detailed provisions intended to prevent
conflicts of interests – is specifically underlined with regard
to members of the organs for the administration of justice. In this
respect, Article 32.1 of the Statutes stipulates that they “are independent
and may not belong to any other organ or Committee of UEFA. They
shall not take any measure nor exercise any influence in relation
to a matter where any conflict of interests exists or is perceived
to exist. They are bound exclusively by the UEFA Statutes, rules
and regulations and the law”.
59. These provisions are sound. I nevertheless have some observations
and proposals for improvement:
- There
does not seem to be any verification of eligibility and independence
prior to appointment, or at least they are not codified. The introduction
of specific statutory provisions in this respect should be considered.
- Article 32.2 stipulates that “[m]embers of the Control,
Ethics and Disciplinary Body and Appeals Body as well as the Ethics
and Disciplinary Inspectors shall be elected by the Executive Committee
(from candidates proposed by the Member Associations) for a term
of four years. Members of the Club Financial Control Body shall
be elected by the Executive Committee for a term of four years.
The elected members of the UEFA’s Organs for the Administration
of Justice shall be presented to the Congress for ratification”.
This means that the UEFA Executive Committee plays a decisive role
in the choice of members, which may be incompatible with their real
independence, particularly given that their (four-year) term of
office is indefinitely renewable. Consequently, even though it should
be noted that, in practice, it does not appear that there are any
problems of interference in the functioning of judicial bodies,
they should envisage changing their methods so that the President
of the Control, Ethics and Disciplinary Body and the Head Ethics
and Disciplinary Inspector are chosen through transparent procedures,
that candidates are able to apply not only from member associations
but also from other stakeholders and that the persons concerned
are elected (and possibly dismissed) by the Congress based on a
preselected list (of at least three members) and a list of suggestions
justified by the Executive Committee.
- There should be limits for the members’ terms of office
and these terms of office should begin and end at different times
to ensure that they do not all expire at the same time, in order
to ensure continuity of the work. The rules applicable to the members
of the Executive Committee could serve as a model.
3. Football
governance and human rights
3.1. Implementation
of Parliamentary Assembly recommendations concerning the inclusion
of human rights in the FIFA governance system
60. Assembly
Resolution 2053 (2015) on the reform of football governance called on FIFA
to request the authorities of Qatar to take all necessary measures
to secure respect for the fundamental rights of all foreign migrant
workers employed in their country and to co-operate with the International
Labour Organization (ILO) in verifying the effective observance
of these rights by both public and private enterprises operating
in Qatar. I am pleased to note the concrete initiatives taken by
FIFA in this respect and sincerely commend them. In particular,
I would like to highlight the establishment of monitoring systems
on working conditions in Russia and in Qatar, respectively for the
2018 and the 2022 FIFA World Cups.
61. The first report of FIFA’s Human Rights Advisory Board (see
below paragraph 65) indicates that, according to FIFA and the International
Workers of Building and Wood (BWI), the system of control has brought improvements.
Nevertheless, the Advisory Board notes that there is no public data
available on the global efficiency of the system and that there
is no consensus on the question whether the system duly handles
the causes at the origin of the accidents.
62. In Qatar, FIFA have engaged with the ILO, Amnesty International,
Human Rights Watch, the BWI and the Qatari authorities to improve
working conditions at construction sites. Workers’ welfare standards
(WWS) based on international standards are now an integral part
of the tendering process and are contractually binding for all companies
working on FIFA World Cup construction sites. The implementation
of the standards is monitored by a four-tier monitoring system,
including self-assessments by the contractors, audits by the Supreme
Committee, audits by an independent third-party (the British company
Impactt Ltd), and audits by the Qatari Ministry of Labour. In April
2017, Impactt Ltd published its first public report; significant
improvements have been acknowledged in the construction sites concerned
and these show that the mechanisms established are achieving concrete
results. However, the situation in Qatar still raises serious concerns.
Human Rights Watch, in a communication published on its website,
stresses the need for urgent measures
to enhance the situation of all building workers and not only those
employed on the World Cup construction sites.
63. In its
Resolution
2053 (2015), the Assembly also asked all international sports organisations,
and namely FIFA and UEFA, to:
- “ensure
that any country bidding for the organisation of major sports events
undertakes, in all activities linked to the organisation and conduct
of the event, to abide by international standards in respect of fundamental
rights, including the standards of the ILO;”
- “strengthen co-operation with the relevant intergovernmental
organisations to promote human rights through sport and foster their
effective protection, in particular through their development programmes”.
FIFA and human rights
64. I am pleased to note that steps
adopted by FIFA go beyond our demands and may really be a model
for other international organisations. The document AS/Cult/Inf
(2017) 15 rev and the tables therein include a presentation of concrete
actions that FIFA has undertaken to integrate the consideration
of human rights into its governance system. I would also refer to
two key documents which FIFA published in May 2017 concerning its
human rights policy and its implementation.
Here, I will just highlight a few
particularly significant elements.
65. FIFA’s commitment towards the promotion of human rights is
enshrined in the new Article 3 of its Statutes: “FIFA is committed
to respecting all internationally recognised human rights and shall
strive to promote the protection of these rights”. FIFA has set
up an independent Human Rights Advisory Board, which should provide
FIFA with advice on its efforts to implement Article 3 of the Statutes.
This is promising and we could explore
the possibility of collaborating with this Board on issues such
as the protection of minors or the fight against racism and discrimination.
66. In May 2017, the FIFA Council decided to integrate human rights
requirements into the bidding process for the 2026 FIFA World Cup.
The new guide to the bidding process has now been published. The
template “Bidding Registration”
appended to the “FIFA Regulations for the selection of the venue
for the final competition of the 2026 FIFA World Cup” provides (in
Article 8.2) that “[t]he Member Association(s) shall respect International
Recognised Human Rights, including workers’ rights, in respect of
all its/their activities relating to the Bidding Process in accordance
with the UN Guiding Principles [on Business and Human Rights]”.
Bidders and the selected host country or countries will be required
to make a public commitment to respect internationally recognised
human rights in line with the United Nations Guiding Principles
in all aspects of their activities relating to the hosting and staging
of the competition and to provide a human rights strategy and concept,
including a detailed risk assessment and strategy to address potential
adverse human rights impacts. An initial assessment and strategy
proposal will have to be provided by the bidders as part of the
bidding process. Human rights criteria and the information provided
by the bidders will then be an integral part of the bid evaluation
by the FIFA administration.
67. In addition, FIFA has started to integrate human rights considerations
into the bidding requirements for its other tournaments. Similarly,
in the framework of its commercial relationships, FIFA systematically
includes human rights considerations in its procurement process.
68. The first objective listed in Article 2 of the FIFA Statutes
is “to improve the game of football constantly and promote it globally
in the light of its unifying, educational, cultural and humanitarian
values, particularly through youth and development programmes”.
In line with this objective, FIFA plans to invest US$4 billion over the
next decade in football (including women football) development through
FIFA’s 211 member associations under a new “FIFA Forward Programme”
and additional funding initiatives. I would like to stress that
FIFA has now included human rights-related considerations in the
regulations of the new Forward Programme. Moreover, through the
Football for Hope programme, FIFA supports a wide range of non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) that tackle social issues in their communities through football
and contribute to the protection and promotion of human rights.
UEFA and human rights
69. I also welcome the genuine
effort of UEFA to promote human rights, of which the document AS/Cult/Inf (2017)16 rev
gives an overview. I will include here only some noteworthy examples.
70. UEFA has made it a requirement for all candidate countries
to host major sporting events to comply with international standards
in the area of fundamental rights in all activities connected with
the organisation of the event and its functioning. With regard to
the organisation of the EURO, according to Section 3.3 of the “EURO 2024
Tournament Requirements: “The Bidders have the obligation to respect,
protect and fulfil human rights and fundamental freedoms, with a
duty to respect human, labour and child rights during the Bidding
Procedure and, if appointed, until the end of the dismantling of
UEFA EURO 2024. … In order to respect at best human rights, the
Bidders should aim at: culturally embedding human rights; proactively
addressing human rights risks; engaging with relevant stakeholders
and implementing means of reporting and accountability.” Furthermore,
the “Staging Agreement” affirms the duty for the host association
to support and guarantee the respect of internationally proclaimed
human rights, and in particular the rights of the child, and to
ensure that it is not complicit in human rights abuses.
71. As part of its social responsibility programme, UEFA supports
activities which address social issues through football and has
set up partnerships with organisations which help to promote human
rights through their work, such as the Football against Racism in
Europe (FARE) network. UEFA also disseminates its message of zero
tolerance for racism and discrimination and increased respect for
diversity through its big competitions, namely the Champions League,
the Europa League and the UEFA EURO. The #EqualGame initiative,
launched in August 2017 in the context of the Respect Campaign,
should be welcomed.
72. Combating racism, intolerance and discrimination is a key
focus of the work of the Council of Europe and our Assembly, so
I would like us to be able to consider, together with UEFA, ways
of co-operating in this area. I hope that the co-operation agreement
between UEFA and the Council of Europe currently under discussion could
also provide an appropriate framework for closer collaboration between
UEFA and the Parliamentary Assembly.
73. I will also mention UEFA’s support for projects targeting
children and other activities intended to foster peace and reconciliation
through football, access to football for persons with disabilities
and the social integration and rehabilitation of the homeless. The
sums earmarked for these kinds of “social responsibility” activities
are somewhat limited compared to the organisation’s overall budget.
The financial report for 2015-2016 gives a total of €4.8 million.
I believe it would be possible to make an extra effort to support
these activities.
74. 74 However, it should be noted that UEFA’s social responsibility
funding also comprises awareness-raising activities, such as the
“Equal Game” TV advert, banners at football pitches (“Respect”,
“No to Racism”, “EqualGame”, “UEFA Foundation”), and the use for
educational purposes of advertising space (billboards and 30-second
TV adverts broadcast during half-time) the market value of which
would amount to roughly €290-340 million over four years.
3.2. Promotion
of gender equality: women in football and the development of women’s
football
75. The role of women in the world
of football is a subject to which I attach considerable importance,
as football can become a driving force for gender equality policies
and a powerful factor for changing attitudes, which is also necessary
in Europe.
76. In its report on “The reform of football governance”, our
committee called on UEFA and FIFA to encourage female candidates
to apply for key positions and seek to ensure a knock-on effect
on the national associations’ gender-equality policies (and on those
of the football federations too as far as FIFA is concerned). Here
too, I welcome the efforts being made by the two organisations.
– FIFA and the promotion of gender
equality
77. Internally, FIFA’s new Statutes
include provisions which target directly the gender equality issue. Remarkably,
Article 2.f sets as a new
objective: “to promote the development of women’s football and the
full participation of women at all levels of football governance.”
Article 4 of the Statutes prohibits discrimination of any kind on
account of gender (among others), punishing such discrimination
by suspension or expulsion.
78. A very concrete issue identified by our committee is a weak
female representation within the main FIFA bodies, which reflects
a male domination within the structures of confederations as well
as of national associations. In this respect, the FIFA Statutes
require that each confederation must ensure that they elect at least
one female member to the Council (Article 33.5). If a confederation
does not elect a female candidate, the seat will remain vacant until
the next election of members of the Council.
The
Council is responsible for ensuring adequate female representation
within the standing committees (Article 39.4) and, when proposing chairpersons,
deputy chairpersons and other members of judicial bodies to the
Congress, the Council shall take into account appropriate female
representation (Article 52.2).
79. The document “FIFA 2.0: the Vision for the Future” sets the
goal of doubling to 60 million the number of female football players
worldwide by 2026 through the development and execution of a strategy
to bring women’s football to the mainstream. A targeted leadership
programme
is designed to identify, support
and develop strong female leaders in football, while advocating
for women’s access to senior decision-making positions globally.
Within FIFA structures, a dedicated Women’s Football Division has
been established to build and execute a development and commercial
strategy for the women’s game.
– UEFA and the promotion of gender
equality
80. The UEFA Statutes do not contain
a principle provision setting the objective to promote women’s football and
gender equality. Gender equality is, however, one of the stated
priorities of UEFA’s new President and his team.
81. I would like to insist on the need to ensure a more gender-balanced
representation on UEFA’s various collective bodies. Article 19 of
the Statutes provides that at least one member of the Executive
Committee and at least one of the European members of the FIFA Council
(all of whom are elected by UEFA) must be a woman. At present there
is only one woman on the Executive Committee and one woman who has
been appointed as a member of the FIFA Council. I do not have any
information on the actual membership of other UEFA committees, but
of the 19, only two are chaired by a woman; I feel that this could
be improved.
82. UEFA must also continue to promote a change of culture in
all of Europe’s national football associations. In this connection,
it should be pointed out that UEFA has launched a specific long-term
programme to promote women to leadership jobs in European football
called the “Women in Football Leadership Programme”. The aim of
this programme is to identify women with the potential to take on
management functions and help them to develop their skills, enabling
them to get closer to occupying leadership positions. In addition,
women who are already in positions of responsibility will be offered
more support in their tasks.
83. UEFA sees the development of women’s football as a strategic
factor in the development of football as a whole and aims to promote
it as a stimulus to social progress. A new activity, the Together
#WePlayStrong campaign, which is aimed primarily at girls between
13 and 17, is intended to change perceptions of women’s football
and encourage girls to take up this sport so that football becomes
the number one women’s sport in Europe by 2020.
84. At national level, UEFA’s strategy is based on the implementation
of local participation programmes by all 55 member federations (which
UEFA will support in their efforts) and aims to reach out to girls
and offer them adapted content through the new media channels, as
they do not consult the media that is normally used to promote men’s
football. UEFA will also co-operate with a network of sponsorship
partners to reach an even wider target audience.
85. UEFA’s initiatives should be welcomed; but the exponential
growth of UEFA’s budget should make it possible for it to use a
higher percentage of its resources to promote women’s football,
particularly in countries where the associations are not so wealthy.
3.3. Protection
of minors
86. The question of the protection
of minors mainly arises in connection with international transfers,
which, apart from the risk of child trafficking, cause young players
to be uprooted from their country and culture of origin. However,
this question also arises regarding the uncertain fate of these
young expatriate players – and more generally all young players
with broken dreams – when they fail to meet their clubs’ expectations, because
they do not all turn out like Lionel Messi or Cristiano Ronaldo.
87. Following an agreement signed by the European Commission (now
the European Union), FIFA and UEFA on revising the system of international
football transfers,
which
also concerned the question of the protection of young players,
FIFA changed its regulations on player transfers and strengthened
the protection of minors with amendments made in 2005 and 2009.
88. In particular, Article 19 of FIFA’s Regulations on the Status
and Transfer of Players states that, in principle, “[i]international
transfers of players are only permitted if the player is over the
age of 18”. They do, however, provide for exceptions in the following
four cases:
- the minor’s parents
move to the country in which the new club is located for reasons
not linked to football;
- minors involved in transfrontier arrangements: the new
club is a member of a neighbouring association located no more than
50km from the border and the player’s domicile is no further than
50km from the national border and 100km from the new club. The associations
concerned must give their explicit consent;
- transfers within the European Union or the European Economic
Area (EEA) of players aged between 16 and 18. In this case, the
new club must fulfil a number of obligations that, in essence, relate
to a plan to provide sports training, education (school, academic)
and/or vocational training and the supervision of the minor. The
club must provide its association with proof that it is in a position
to comply with these obligations;
- the player has lived continuously for at least five years
in the country in which the first registration is applied for and
before the application is made.
89. Subject to compliance with certain strict conditions, an exception
can be made to allow international transfers of players who are
refugees or exchange students.
90. The provisions of Article 19 also apply to the first registration
of a minor who does not possess the nationality of the country in
which the application for registration is made. Each international
transfer and each first registration of a minor “is subject to the
approval of the subcommittee appointed by the Players’ Status Committee
for that purpose” (Article 19.4). Annexe 2 to the Regulations on the Status and Transfer of Players describes
the procedure governing applications to the subcommittee.
91. Article 19bis of the
same Regulations has introduced provisions to guarantee that all
academies or training centres – with or without links to the club
– inform the national association concerned about all minors who
participate in their activities. Each national association must
keep a register comprising the names and dates of birth of the minors
who have been reported to it by the clubs or academies. Paragraph
6 of this article provides that “Article 19 shall also apply to
the reporting of all minor players who are not nationals of the
country in which they wish to be reported”.
92. Article 7.8 of the Regulations on Working with Intermediaries
strengthens the protection of minors by prohibiting players and
clubs from making any payment to an intermediary whose services
are requested by a minor: “Players and/or clubs that engage the
services of an intermediary when negotiating an employment contract
and/or a transfer agreement are prohibited from making any payments
to such intermediary if the player concerned is a minor.”
93. In 2015, FIFA’s Executive Committee decided to reduce from
12 to 10 years the age limit from which an international transfer
certificate, which is obtained by making an application via the
Transfer Matching System (TMS) (see below), is compulsory. This
decision was taken to strengthen the protection of minors in view
of the increase in the number of international transfers involving
players under 12 years of age.
94. FIFA supervises international transfers through its TMS, which
is an online tool set up to encourage and maintain the transparency
of the international transfer market. Since 2009, the use of the
TMS has been compulsory for all applications for the international
transfer of a minor or for the first registration of a minor in
a country other than his/her own. A FIFA-owned company, FIFA TMS
GmbH, investigates potential breaches of the FIFA regulations and
brings certain cases before the FIFA Disciplinary Committee. For
example, in April 2014 the latter sanctioned the Real Federación
Española de Fútbol (RFEF) and the Spanish club FC Barcelona for
breaches relating to the international transfer and registration
of players under the age of 18.
95. For the FIFA Disciplinary Committee, the protection of minors
in the context of international transfers is an important social
and legal matter that concerns everyone involved in football, and
protecting the healthy and appropriate holistic development of a
minor must take priority over purely sporting interests.
96. It is precisely in order to place the interests of the minors
first that consideration should be given to how to continue to improve
the system of protection. At the moment, it appears to me to be
more important to ensure compliance with existing standards and
complement them with national measures aimed in particular at taking in
and supporting minors than introducing new global standards. In
this regard, I believe that clubs, national associations and confederations
have a direct responsibility according to their respective functions.
4. Football
governance and ethics: business or values?
97. Without money, sport could
not develop and fulfil its social function, so it is to be welcomed
that the football business is flourishing. Nonetheless, too much
money will sound the death knell for sport and football seems to
me most at risk in this regard.
98. At the hearing held by our committee on 22 May 2017, we discussed
several questions, some interconnected, including:
- the transparency of financial
flows (for example, amounts paid in connection with development programmes)
and monitoring their use;
- player ownership, a question that is linked to transfers
and which, notwithstanding the new standards adopted by FIFA, does
not seem to have been resolved in practice. In this connection,
the FIFA President, Mr Infantino, declared to the Extraordinary
UEFA Congress in Geneva on 20 September 2017 that it was everyone’s
responsibility to tackle the transfer system – which he described
as a “rat race” – in order to deal with the escalation of spending
in the game and make the system more transparent;
- financial fair play is another issue linked to transfers,
which is once again becoming topical after the new records set by
the transfer market in the summer of 2017 (nearly 65 000 transactions
worldwide, with total expenditure amounting to nearly 5 billion
euros) and the astronomical prices paid for the transfers of three
players: Neymar (who moved from FC Barcelona to Paris Saint-Germain
for 222 million euros) Kylian Mbappé (from Monaco to Paris Saint-Germain
for 180 million euros) and Ousmane Dembélé (from Borussia Dortmund
to FC Barcelona for 150 million euros);
- the growing gaps between the level of the various leagues
and (above all) between big and small clubs;
- solidarity between professional and amateur football;
- agents and intermediaries, i.e. the question of whether
they should be subject to a specific status to ensure better professional
supervision (including with regard to the level of their remuneration
and their responsibilities).
99. Another matter to which the partners of FIFPro attach considerable
importance is the status of players and protection of their rights.
Not all players are millionaires: quite the contrary, many of them
have to cope with significant financial insecurity, well away from
the spotlight and unnoticed by the media and the general public. Moreover,
two thorny issues should not be overlooked: match-fixing and doping.
We have discussed them in two separate reports but a great deal
still needs to be done and we should consider examining them further.
100. I will add three other sensitive issues:
- the first one concerns the role
that clubs, national associations and UEFA can and should play – alongside
the government authorities – to combat the phenomenon of tax evasion
in the world of football, which the “Panama papers” and the book
“Football Leaks” brought to light;
- the second concerns agreements between sports organisations
– including FIFA and UEFA – and States that host major sporting
events. These agreements incorporate clauses that constitute exceptions to
the common legislation, especially, but not only, by providing for
tax exemptions. In its report on the organisation of EURO 2016,
the French Court of Auditors was very critical and spoke of “agreements derogating
from national legislation”;
- finally, a key cross-cutting issue is the interconnections
between sport, politics, the economy and the media. A lack of knowledge
or poor understanding of the mutual influences between these four dimensions
is an obstacle to an effective search for solutions.
101. It is not possible to analyse all these questions in the context
of this report. But they are extremely important, so I intend to
table a motion for a resolution without delay to enable our committee
to continue its work in collaboration with FIFA, UEFA, the EPFL,
the ECA and FIFPro. In this respect, I have included in the draft
resolution a call to FIFA and UEFA to take the initiative to set
up a working table to discuss these and possibly other matters.
I hope the Assembly can be involved in this.
5. Conclusions
102. There is far more to football
than scoring goals and winning matches and titles. Sport in general,
and football in particular, as the most popular and universal sport,
must be based on values such as fair play, respect and tolerance.
To convey these values to players and fans, the leading bodies at
the local, national and international levels need to set a good
example and display irreproachable behaviour, which, unfortunately,
is far from being the case.
103. Manipulation, unlawful influence, corruption, money laundering,
etc. are taking place. Geopolitical considerations frequently influence
decision-making. Despite the commendable efforts made to update procedures,
they are often never applied in practice, which seriously threatens
the independence of the monitoring bodies, which are essential to
good governance.
104. Football does not belong to one person, it belongs to everyone.
With this in mind, public authorities cannot avoid taking responsibility
for ending negative behaviour in the interests of football. Football
cannot be a lawless zone. It is necessary to end the tendency to
conceal, ignore, play down and trivialise overindulgence and excess.
All those concerned, namely the public authorities, the world of
football, the sponsors and the press need to co-operate in bringing
about a change of culture so as to overcome resistance and prevent football
from self-destructing. Our Assembly should promote this change of
culture.
5.1. The
influence of politics in sports and the independence of supervisory
bodies
105. A first necessary step is to
avoid undue political influence over decisions by sports organisations.
The issue of the relationship between politics and sport should
be taken up again and considered in depth in a future report. Nonetheless,
I believe it is necessary to emphasise already in this report the
need to include in the FIFA and UEFA Statutes an explicit rule prohibiting
a member of a government from involvement in their decision-making
bodies. The same situation exists or may exist in other organisations,
including the IOC. The statutes of international sports organisations
should provide that no government (indeed, no individual with responsibility
within a government body) may sit on their decision-making bodies.
106. A second matter I consider crucial for giving lasting support
to the good governance of sports organisations is the independence
of supervisory bodies. For the sake of ensuring autonomy, sport
should regulate and supervise itself while complying with the law,
but the truth is that some federations are not capable of regulating
themselves. The presence within these organisations of independent
supervisory bodies may be a solution, but only if this independence
is genuine.
107. In order to avoid misunderstandings, I wish to make it clear
that it is not a question of checking whether the rules of the game
are appropriate. In my opinion, this should remain within the scope
of sports autonomy. However, I ask whether it is acceptable that
the heads of the major sports organisations are free to decide the salary
levels, allowances and the economic benefits they grant themselves,
to distribute money generated by sport without any effective checks
on its use and also to appoint those they want to strategic positions,
including the heads of bodies subsequently responsible for supervising
them.
108. The nub of the problem is, it seems to me, knowing who proposes
and chooses the members of “independent” bodies. It goes without
saying that if the body is to be “independent” its members must
be independent individuals, that is to say people over who sports
organisation decision-makers have no control whatsoever. Consequently,
executive boards cannot play such an important role in their appointment
and dismissal.
109. The question of independent scrutiny is a sensitive matter
that affects the entire world of sport; thus it is also dealt with
in the context of the report by our colleague Mr Mogens Jensen “Working
towards a framework for modern sports governance”.
I suggest that the Assembly asks
the authorities of the European Union set up an independent international
observatory in order to introduce mechanisms to monitor aspects
of the governance of football organisations and other sports bodies
by placing the emphasis on, amongst other things, ethics and the
integrity of elections. This will not confer on that observatory
the power to govern the sport but to ensure that the principles
of good governance are being implemented in practice.
5.2. Football
and human rights, protection of minors and gender equality
110. FIFA and UEFA have made progress
in this area and this should be welcomed. If they are duly implemented,
the measures that these two organisations have adopted are such
as to put them at the forefront with regard to taking account of
the “human rights” dimension in all the sporting and commercial
activities of an international sports organisation. It is now necessary
to ensure the implementation of these new measures and, in particular,
to introduce effective oversight of compliance with the obligations
that countries applying to hold major football competitions will
be required to undertake.
111. It is essential to ensure the protection of the human rights
of not only those working on building the World Cup infrastructures
or contributing in some other way to the organisation of the event
but also of all citizens of an applicant country. Therefore, I propose
asking FIFA to encourage the Qatari authorities to ensure that worker
welfare standards apply to all construction workers and not only
to those employed in building the World Cup stadiums.
112. I propose that FIFA and UEFA be asked to:
- insist with the governments
of the host country on the necessity of protecting fundamental civil
and political rights, and in particular the freedom of expression
– including the freedom of the media – and the freedom of peaceful
meeting, and not only in connection with their competitions, but
beyond;
- ensure that all the cases of serious breaches of human
rights, including the rights of the workers, by private companies
involved in the organisation of their competitions, starting with
those who build stadiums and infrastructures, are made public and
that effective penalties are applied when the follow-up measures
recommended by supervisory bodies are not implemented; the governments
of host countries have to accept this responsibility.
113. Despite the attention paid by FIFA to the question of transfers
of underage players and the rules and procedures that exist in this
connection, there is a risk of the football dream turning into a
nightmare for teenagers, or indeed children. For this reason, I
propose that FIFA and UEFA consider together with the Group of Experts
on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA) mechanisms
and measures required to put a stop to the chain of “forced transfers”
of players, which falls within the definition of human trafficking.
114. It is necessary both to ensure compliance with existing standards
to prevent any trading in children and to complement them with national
measures aimed in particular at the reception of and support for
underage players. This is not only a responsibility for FIFA, but
also a direct responsibility of the clubs, the national associations
and the confederations, according to their respective remits.
116. I would also propose that support programmes – such as the
Forward Programme – be designed in a way that they could uphold
not only football development per se,
but also the human development of players, thus helping them to
improve their competences and skills for life while enhancing their
capacity as athletes. In particular I would like to encourage efforts
towards the education and professional training of players. It is important
that young footballers receive not only sports training but also
an education and professional training to allow them to reintegrate
into the world of work at the end of their football career.
117. In this respect, I believe that the players’ clubs should
assume the main responsibility, and more detailed rules on this
subject could be adopted by the national associations; however,
FIFA at global level and UEFA at European level could play a role
of promotion and perhaps minimum standard-setting, working together
with FIFPro and the ECA. FIFA and UEFA could initiate a process
of reflexion on this matter.
118. In addition, UEFA should set as an objective a progressive
increase of the amounts earmarked to education projects implemented
at national level. In this respect, the UEFA solidarity programmes
can be considered.
UEFA could earmark higher percentages
for the promotion of:
- youth
football in general;
- women’s football in particular (currently, annual incentive
payments under the UEFA Women’s Development Programme are capped
at €100 000 per association, out of a maximum total of €1 025 000);
- good governance of national associations (currently, annual
incentive payments under the UEFA Good Governance Programme are
capped at €100 000 per association, out of a maximum total of €1 025 000);
- the leadership programme for women at national level.
119. Moreover, as a result of the significant increase in the receipts
from the two interclub competitions (€2 160 million net after deduction
of the direct costs of organising these competitions), UEFA has
been in a position to earmark €198.7 million specifically for “European
football”, which includes, among others, financing of football development
and education activities. It emerges from the financial report that
the “contribution to European football” amounts to 8.2% of the receipts
from interclub competitions. UEFA could consider raising this contribution
to 10% and allocating the increase to supporting education projects
launched at the national level.
120. Concerning the promotion of gender equality within sports
institutions, I would like to call for further efforts to correct
the significant imbalances between women and men. Even though this
is clearly a general problem, I believe football can and should
act as a role model in this area.
121. I am not in favour of women’s quotas as I believe that this
sometimes gives the impression of overlooking the professional skills
and attributes which women already possess and they give evidence
of when they are given the opportunity to enter positions of responsibility.
However, it should be possible to contribute to a change in culture
and mindset, there should be an acceleration in the process of bridging
the gap in this field of football leadership, which has traditionally
been monopolised by men.
122. I would therefore like to reiterate one of the proposals which
our committee made in its previous report and ask FIFA and UEFA
to promote the adoption of statutory rules by all national sports
federations in order to ensure that their executive boards and standing
committees contain a number of women at least proportional to the
number of women members registered, with a minimum number of places
reserved for women in all cases. The effectiveness of such an approach
depends on a process involving the development of women’s football.
Accordingly, FIFA and UEFA should use a higher percentage of their
resources to promote women’s football, especially in countries whose
associations are less well-off. In the European framework, it would
be interesting to study, in this connection, forms of co-operation
between UEFA and the national associations.
5.3. Working
together for better football governance
123. Last but not least: to be more
effective, football institutions should work together and we should
work with them. In this respect, I have formulated three proposals,
namely that our Assembly:
- should
invite FIFA and UEFA to take the initiative to set up a working
table to discuss these and other matters, expressing its readiness
to participate and calling for the European Commission to be involved;
- calls on the authorities of the European Union to set
up an independent international observatory in order to introduce
mechanisms to monitor aspects of the governance of football organisations
and other sports bodies by placing the emphasis on, amongst other
things, ethics and the integrity of elections. This will not confer
on that observatory the power to govern the sport, but to ensure
that the principles of good governance are being implemented in
practice;
- asks the public authorities to work with the international
sports bodies, especially FIFA and UEFA, to ensure that the law
is also applied with regard to financial and taxation matters.
5.4. Acknowledgements
124. I would like to thank all those
with whom I spoke who helped me to better understand the functioning
and dysfunctioning of football bodies: top managers from FIFA, UEFA,
EPFL, ECA and FIFPro, as well as to many independent experts and
journalists who offered their time.
125. I would like to end on the words of Rafael Buschmann – a journalist
for the German magazine Der Spiegel and
author of many books on sport – that clearly illustrate the perception
of football: “Football is an emotional rollercoaster, which is sometimes
difficult to understand. We forgive, hate and forgive again, quicker than
in everyday life. One victory, one defeat, one goal can change everything.”