1. Introduction
1.1. Overall
context
1. Iceland declared independence
from Denmark in 1944 and became the Republic of Iceland. The first mention
of Iceland is around 874 AD and its parliament, the Althingi, the
oldest in the world, was established in 930 AD. The fishing industry
has been at the heart of Iceland’s substantial economic growth over
the last hundred years. Its economy diversified after the country
joined the European Economic Area in 1994, but Iceland was particularly
affected by the global financial crisis in 2008, which exposed a
vulnerable economic model. This led to a series of economic, political
and societal changes. The Icelandic economy is now back on track,
fuelled primarily by tourism and construction. Iceland exited from
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout in 2011, and in early
2017 lifted its capital controls. It ranks among the most developed
countries in the world, ranking 6th out of 189 countries according
to the United Nations Human Development Index
and also ranking 4th out of 156
countries according to the World Happiness Index.
2. Iceland is a parliamentary republic with a Constitution dating
back to June 1944. The President is the head of State, and a prime
minister, usually the leader of the largest party, is head of government.
The Althingi is unicameral. The current president is Gudni Thorlacius
Johannesson, who was elected in 2016. The same year, Iceland had
snap parliamentary elections and a coalition government was formed
between the Independence Party, the Reform Party and the “Bright
Future” Party, with Bjarni Benediktsson becoming Prime Minister
on 11 January 2017. New elections were held on 28 October 2017,
due to the disbanding of the parliament following a breach of confidence
within the ruling coalition.
1.2. International
organisations and Iceland
3. Iceland became the 12th member
State of the Council of Europe on 7 March 1950. Iceland has ratified 86
Council of Europe conventions since its accession and signed 37
additional conventions, including the Additional Protocol to the
Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention of Terrorism (CETS
No. 217) in 2015.
There
are currently 47 applications pending before a judicial formation
of the European Court of Human Rights (as at 1 July 2018). The Committee
of Ministers adopted one resolution related to Iceland in 2016,
none in 2017 and two in 2018. One particular convention, which Iceland
signed in 1995 but has yet to ratify, is the Framework Convention
for the Protection of National Minorities (ETS No. 157). This is
related to the fact that Iceland still sees itself as a homogeneous
country in terms of identity.
4. Iceland is not a member State of the European Union, although
it has been part of the European Economic Area since 1994 and the
Schengen Area since 2001, which opened Icelandic participation in
certain EU agencies and programmes, including enterprise, environment,
education and research programmes. Iceland contributes financially
and otherwise to “social and economic cohesion” in the European
Union/European Economic Area, to EU civilian peacekeeping missions
and the Dublin Convention
on justice and home affairs co-operation.
Despite this close co-operation, the issue of EU membership is still
a divisive issue between the different political parties, Iceland
and the European Union, having formally opened accession negotiations
in 2010. In 2015, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iceland sent
a letter to the European Union withdrawing the application for membership,
without the approval of the Althingi. However, the European Union stated
that Iceland had not formally withdrawn the application.
5. This periodic report was drafted in line with Resolution 2018
(2014) and the explanatory memorandum approved by the Committee
on 17 March 2015. It is based on the most recent findings of the
Council of Europe monitoring mechanisms, the reports of the Parliamentary
Assembly and the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights
and, when relevant, reports and evaluations prepared by other international
organisations and civil society.
6. This report is not an exhaustive survey of the country, but
an analysis of the country’s developments with regard to the standards
of the Council of Europe. It focuses on major issues identified
by the rapporteur, based on geopolitical, political and social development
as well as reports of the monitoring bodies. The report will focus
on post-crisis developments in Iceland and the changes the crisis
triggered in re-evaluating democracy, the rule of law and human
rights standards. It will also look at the most significant human
rights issues, mainly discrimination towards asylum seekers, people
with disabilities and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex
(LGBTI) people.
1.3. Icelandic
financial crisis 2008-2011
7. The Icelandic financial crisis
led to a severe economic depression and significant political tensions.
It involved the default of all three of the country's major privately
owned commercial banks in late 2008, following their difficulties
in refinancing their short-term debt and a run on deposits in the Netherlands
and the United Kingdom. The Icelandic Government guaranteed all
domestic deposits in order to stabilise the situation and imposed
strict capital controls to stabilise the Icelandic currency. It
also borrowed from the IMF and the Nordic countries in order to
cover a budget deficit and to finance the restoration of the banking
system. The international bailout support programme led by the IMF
officially ended in 2011, while the capital controls, which were
imposed in 2008, were lifted in March 2017.
8. Iceland’s economy suffered greatly from the financial crisis,
which plunged the country into a severe economic depression. Some
visible effects were the sharp fall in the value of the national
currency and the fall by more than 90% of the market capitalisation of
the Icelandic stock exchange. Iceland started to recover in 2011
with positive gross domestic product (GDP) growth, which has helped
foster a gradual decline in the unemployment rate. Also, according
to a report of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD), income inequality in Iceland, after taxes and transfers,
is the lowest among OECD countries.
9. The financial crisis had clear political consequences. One
of them was the start of a constitutional reform process. Part of
Icelandic society feels that the 1944 Constitution, which could
be considered as a document that was intended to be provisional
at the end of the Second World War, carries some of the blame for
the financial crisis that hit Iceland. A new Constitution is seen
as offering the country a chance to review its fundamental law by
enshrining the democratic values and rule of law through a very
transparent and participatory process. The proposed new Constitution,
while it would maintain the current form of government – a parliamentary
republic – would increase direct participation of citizens in decision-making
through a series of complex mechanisms, including through modern
communication technologies. The draft of the new Constitution was
reviewed by the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice
Commission) and received mixed feedback. There were two major issues
that were raised by the Venice Commission regarding the Constitutional
reform. One concerned the actual need for Constitutional reform,
and the other concerned the clarity, consistency and precision of
language, which would lead to serious difficulties of interpretation
and application.
The constitutional reform process
has been on hold since 2013 after it failed to be voted upon before
dissolution of the last parliament for snap parliamentary elections.
10. Another troubling consequence was the criminal trial brought
against the Prime Minister at the time, Geir Haarde, for the role
his decisions had in triggering the financial crisis. The parliament
set up a Special Investigative Commission in December 2008, similar
to a truth commission, in order to identify mistakes made by different
actors prior to the financial crisis and ways and means to avoid
such mistakes in the future. The commission came to the conclusion
that the crisis was caused by unsound banking practices (including
“weak capital”, the expansion of lending and borrowing spiralling
out of control, and insider trading practices), which the government
had failed to stop in time. In addition to leading bankers, the
commission found that four members of the government had been “negligent”:
the Prime Minister, his Deputy (and Foreign Minister), the Finance
Minister and the Minister for Business Affairs.
In April 2012, the Court
of Impeachment found the former Prime Minister criminally responsible
of one of four charges brought against him, namely that he had failed
to hold a Cabinet meeting on whose agenda the financial crisis needed
to appear. No sentence was passed. Nonetheless this triggered concern
about Iceland’s system of checks and balances. In a report by the Assembly’s
Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, it is clearly stated
that one of the standards of democracy and the rule of law requires
that politicians should be effectively protected from criminal prosecutions
based on their political decisions. Political decisions should be
subject to political responsibility, not criminal charges. The dissenting
opinion underlines the fact that under the Icelandic Constitution,
ministers are accountable for all executive acts. Therefore, the
former Prime Minister’s failure to place the banking crisis on the
Cabinet of Ministers’ agenda was not breaching the “guiding principles
on keeping political and criminal responsibility separate”.
On
23 November 2017, the European Court of Human Rights, in the case
Haarde v. Iceland,
found that the impeachment proceedings
against him had not violated Article 6 or 7 of the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 5, “the Convention”), and rejected his
claim that the offence for which he was convicted was not clearly
defined in law.
11. The financial crisis and its aftermath also brought about
the fall of Iceland’s traditional four-party system,
with support for the four main political
parties dropping constantly over the last elections and new political
parties gaining considerable seats in the parliament and government.
2. Democracy
2.1. Institutional
make-up including checks and balances
12. Iceland is a stable democratic
country in which respect for human rights, the rule of law and democratic values
is implemented through good governance,
at both national and
local levels. Iceland has a good track record when it comes to an
efficient, independent and accountable judiciary and public administration apparatus,
including its law-enforcement system. Iceland is also a country
with a long record of high respect both in law and in practice for
human rights, without discrimination.
13. While historically coming out on top in Transparency International’s
Corruption Perception Index, in recent years corruption, especially
within Iceland’s financial sector and government circles, has increasingly become
an issue of public concern and controversy.
This was strengthened
by the financial crisis of 2008, which for many in Iceland was also
caused by deep-rooted conflicts of interests, clientelism and abuse
of power.
While the extent of corruption
in Iceland’s society is an issue of debate, matters related to corruption and
the effectiveness of the existing structure of checks and balances
have become important topics in political debate in Iceland,
inter alia contributing to the fall
of two successive governments in recent years.
14. In response, Iceland started a process of constitutional reform
which focused on “increasing democratic safeguards, strengthening
checks and balances, improving the functioning of State institutions
and better defining their respective roles and powers”
as well as on forms of direct democracy
and a whole experimental process of revision with the so-called
crowd sourced Constitution handed to the Althingi by the Constitutional Council.
The Venice Commission was consulted
and issued an opinion on the draft Constitution, with mixed conclusions
as highlighted earlier. The draft Constitution law was dropped by
the current legislative.
2.2. Elections
15. The President is elected through
direct vote for a four-year term, without term limits, and, while
enjoying certain constitutional powers, has a largely ceremonial
role. The candidate who obtains the highest number of valid votes
in a single-round election process becomes President.
16. The parliament – the Althingi – is unicameral, composed of
63 deputies and is elected through direct voting for a four-year
term. There are currently eight parties represented in the Althingi.
A new parliamentary election was
held on 28 October 2017 following the stepping down of the Prime
Minister and the dissolution of the governmental coalition.
The Needs Assessment Mission Report
of the Office for
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE/ODIHR) of 9 October “recommend[ed]
deploying an Election Expert Team (EET) for the 28 October early
parliamentary elections to review the effects that the interaction
between various bodies in charge of administering elections has
on a uniformity and consistency of the process, as well as to review
the oversight of campaign finance”. It is nonetheless noted that
“elections in Iceland are conducted in a pluralistic and transparent
manner and voters enjoy a wide choice of political options. The
electoral process benefits from a high degree of respect for fundamental
rights and freedoms and trust in the impartiality of the election
administration”.
17. Women are well represented in political life, including 38%
women members
of parliament.
As mentioned before, the traditional
four-party system in Iceland has been recently challenged. Young
people became key actors in the shift in public support for political
parties. At the moment, eight political parties are represented
in parliament, including the Pirate Party, which obtained 14,5%
of the votes in the 2016 and 9,2% in the 2017 elections, marking
a significant victory for a party from outside the establishment.
In the 2016 elections, parties outside the traditional four obtained
more votes than ever before (38%). The 2017 elections saw two new
parties entering the parliament,
although one of them is a party
formed by the splitting of the Progressive Party. Moreover, one
party lost all its seats in the parliament as a result of the election.
18. The financial crisis, combined with a series of scandals involving
ruling politicians, created an environment of general disenchantment
with traditional politics and gave rise to unprecedented mass demonstrations.
Furthermore, fresh elections were held on 28 October 2017, following
another snap election just one year earlier in October 2016. The
2016 parliamentary elections were caused by the Progressive Party Prime
Minister stepping down following large-scale protests after leaked
documents revealed that the Prime Minister and his wife had a potential
financial conflict of interest related to an offshore company when
he entered the parliament in 2009. In 2017, the Prime Minister also
had to step down, triggering snap elections, due to a breach of
trust within the governing coalition over a scandal involving the
Prime Minister’s father and the “restoring of the honour”
of a convicted paedophile. These developments
contributed to the changing of the political landscape of Iceland,
with low voting turnout and more support than ever for non-traditional
political parties such as the Pirate Party.
2.3. Freedom
of expression, freedom of the media, freedom of association
19. Iceland is a pluralistic country
in which freedom of expression and freedom of the media and of association
are all core societal values. Ranking 15th in the Freedom House
Freedom of the Press report 2017,
Iceland enjoys a free and stable
press with well-defined legal protection and a favourable political
and economic environment. Journalists enjoy a good status and no
attacks were recorded against them. As mentioned in the recent GRECO
report, most media in Iceland are controlled by large media groups
which have well developed links to business and political interests
in the country. This, as well as the use of legal provisions regarding
defamation, has hindered independent investigative journalism in
Iceland.
A number of judgments in defamation cases
have been brought before the European Court of Human Rights which
found violations of Article 10 of the Convention (freedom of expression).
20. The Council of Europe’s European Commission against Racism
and Intolerance (ECRI)
notes that, as in the rest of Europe,
there is increasing and more visible racist public discourse, targeting
mostly Muslims and that social media hate speech is on the rise.
Iceland punishes racist and homo/transphobic hate speech under Article
233 of its Criminal Code. Several politicians made Islamophobic
remarks, linking Muslims to terrorism, in the aftermath of the decision
by Reykjavik City Council to grant permission for construction of
Iceland’s first mosque. There is an increase in hate speech on social
media that extends towards LGBTI communities as well. A database
has recently been established to monitor online hate speech as well
as a new position within the law-enforcement agencies in the area
of Reykjavik focusing on investigating hate crime. To date, there
is no data indicating any violent incident based on discriminatory
grounds in Iceland. There are 10 cases pending in national district
courts involving homophobic hate speech.
3. Human
rights and fundamental freedoms
3.1. Human
rights framework
21. Iceland’s overall record regarding
the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms is good, both
in terms of the legal and normative framework and implementation.
Between 1956 and 2016, the European Court of Human Rights delivered
16 judgments, most of them concerning Article 6 (right to a fair
trial) and Article 10 (freedom of expression) of the Convention.
In 2016, 15 out of 19 applications were found to be inadmissible
by the Court.
22. Iceland has a series of institutions dedicated to the protection
of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the Parliamentary
Ombudsman, the Office of the Ombudsman for Children, the Centre
for Gender Equality and the Data Protection Authority. Iceland does
not have an institution that has accreditation as a national human
rights institution under the UN Paris Principles, a set of international
standards that guide and frame the work of national human rights
institutions.
The Icelandic Human Rights Centre,
an independent non-governmental institution, albeit mostly funded
by the State, substitutes that role including through carrying out
research, monitoring and awareness raising to enhance the country’s
system for human rights protection. Several international organisations,
including the Commissioner for Human Rights, stress the importance
of establishing an institution with a broad mandate to promote human
rights.
There
is a draft law pending that would establish a National Human Rights
Institution, in accordance with international standards, which would be
the umbrella structure to promote and protect human rights in Iceland
and provide a collaborative space for all human rights actors in
Iceland. In late 2016, the Ministry of the Interior sent the draft
law for review and recommendations to the OSCE/ODIHR.
23. Notwithstanding its reputation as a very inclusive nation,
Iceland still does not have a comprehensive anti-discrimination
legislative framework, nor does it have institutional mechanisms
to promote its implementation in all spheres of life, including
to combat racism and racial discrimination. Mr Nils Muižnieks, the
Commissioner for Human Rights, and ECRI repeatedly pointed out the
urgency for Iceland to establish a comprehensive anti-discrimination
legislation.
This is also an obligation
towards the European Union as Iceland needs to adopt the European
acquis communautaire under its membership of the European Economic Area.
3.2. Women’s
rights
24. Iceland ranks number one in
the World Economic Forum´s Global Gender Gap Report 2016, a report that
evaluates the state of gender equality in the world in areas such
as politics, education, employment and health. Iceland’s performance
is based on its achievements in improving gender equality in all
areas, making the country a role model for women’s rights. However,
there is still a gender pay gap and women still seem to have limited
representation in executive management positions in Iceland.
Unemployment rates among women are
still higher than among men. In the last decade, the participation
of men in the labour market has decreased while women’s participation
in the labour market has increased, though women do more part-time work
than men.
25. The 2016 parliamentary elections saw the highest number of
women in parliament in history, namely 30 (48%). This dropped sharply
in the 2017 elections with a ratio of 39-24 men/women, the lowest
representation since the 2007 elections. In 2016, women held the
majority in three parties: Bright Future, The Progressive Party,
and the Left Green Party. However, only three women were made ministers
out of eleven possible positions (27%)
in 2016. As for women’s representation in
the current Government, five out of eleven ministers are women.
26. Several legislative acts targeting gender equality have been
passed in the last five years in Iceland, such as amendments to
laws on companies foreseeing quotas for women on boards,
a law on the protection of victims
of violence in close relationships,
improvements
of definitions of direct and indirect discrimination, gendered harassment
and sexual harassment
and a law
on banning discrimination regarding products and services.
27. Iceland has a new Equality Action Plan for 2016-2020, which
includes an innovative chapter on men and gender equality. The previous
action plan, which expired in 2014, included the creation of a working
group of men to discuss and present a report on gender equality
from men’s perspective as well as proposing solutions to various
problems of gender inequality. The aim of this chapter is to involve
more men in all aspects of gender equality policy and decision making
both domestically and internationally. Other chapters include integration
of a gender perspective into all aspects of governmental policy
and decision making, promoting equal pay for equal work, fighting
against gender stereotypes in the workforce and in the media, promoting
gender equality in schools, and promoting a less gendered labour
market and equal opportunities for all.
28. An amendment was made to the criminal law 19/1940 in 2016
in order to fulfil the requirements of the Council of Europe Convention
on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic
Violence (CETS No. 210, “Istanbul Convention”),
which obliges
States to protect and assist women who have been victims of sexual
and domestic abuse as well as to educate the public, the government
and professionals about the dangers involved and offer perpetrators
some form of rehabilitation. The changes include an amendment on
stalking, more severe punishment for domestic abuse and the extension
of the statute of limitations for victims under the age of 18. Recent
data suggests that about 42% of women have suffered from violence
at least once in their lifetime.
The US Department of State also points out
that women face a heavy burden of proof in rape cases. There is
currently no action plan against domestic violence and sexual violence.
The last valid government action plan against domestic and sexual
violence expired at the end of 2011.
The new plan should
include a focus on educating police officers, prosecutors and judges
on the prevention of sexual violence. The services offered to women
and girl victims of sexual and domestic violence will have to be strengthened
and the action plan should be sensitive to the needs of immigrant
women and girls, and women and girls with disabilities.
3.3. Trafficking
in human beings
29. Iceland ratified the Council
of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings
(CETS No. 197) in February 2012. The Group of Experts on Action
against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA) issued a first evaluation
report
in
2014 mainly focusing on expanding the focus of the Icelandic authorities when
it comes to human trafficking to cover more than just sexual exploitation,
and include labour exploitation, particularly in the definition
of “trafficking in human beings”. The definition should also include
explicitly “the irrelevance of the consent of a victim to the intended
exploitation”. The evaluation also includes recommendations on the
integration of preventive measures in human trafficking policies
for unaccompanied children, migrant workers and asylum seekers as
well as recommendations on bettering the data collection and “the
multi-agency involvement to victim identification and a proactive
approach by front-line actors”.
30. In 2013, the government implemented a national action plan
against trafficking in human beings valid from 2013 to 2016, which
was unfortunately underfunded.
There is a need for sufficient
financial and human resources for the police to increase its capacity
to investigate cases of trafficking of persons and ensure that victims
of trafficking receive justice and compensation. Awareness raising
and education of professionals and the general public when it comes
to trafficking issues is also needed, in order to ensure prevention
as well as efficient intervention in cases of human trafficking.
Further recommendations include active involvement of relevant stakeholders
such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and trade unions in
the development, implementation and evaluation of anti-trafficking
policy and establishing as a criminal offence the use of services
which are the object of labour exploitation, with the knowledge
that the person is a victim of trafficking in human beings.
31. The US Department of State’s latest country report
on Iceland also underlines the increased vulnerability
to human trafficking of the non-native Icelanders, who are discriminated
against by their employers.
3.4. Prevention
of torture and other ill-treatment
32. Iceland has a good legislative
framework on prevention of torture and other ill treatment. It ratified
the European Convention on Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment (ETS No. 126) in 1990 and the
last periodic visit took place in 2012.
33. According to the 2012 report of the European Committee for
the Prevention of Torture or any Inhuman and Degrading Treatment
or Punishment (CPT),
persons detained by the police in
Iceland run little risk of ill-treatment and conditions of detention
in police establishments are generally adequate. In prisons, the
situation is similar, with hardly any allegations of deliberate
physical ill-treatment of prisoners by staff.
34. Iceland lacks effective national preventive mechanisms in
accordance with the Optional Protocol to the United Nations Convention
against Torture and monitoring bodies for all types of places of
deprivation of liberty. That role is currently undertaken by the
Parliamentary Ombudsman and whose financial and human resources are
both inadequate, in order to effectively carry out such tasks, and
who de facto responds only
to individual complaints, skipping all monitoring and awareness-raising
activities.
3.5. People
with disabilities
35. Iceland ratified on 24 September
2016 the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
(CRPD). The parliament also vowed to ratify the Optional Protocol
to the Convention by the end of 2017, allowing for individual and
collective complaints. Regrettably this has not yet been done. As
the Commissioner for Human Rights noted, the ratification of the
CRPD comes against the background of a “paradigm shift”
in disability policy in Iceland
from legislation and policies based on the assumption that people
with disabilities are not able to exercise the same rights as non-disabled
people and focusing on rehabilitation and social security, towards
ensuring participation in society on an equal footing with people without
disabilities, creating opportunities for people with disabilities,
promoting independent living, eliminating discrimination and social
exclusion and involving people with disabilities in decision-making.
A new National Action Plan for Human Rights was supposed to be presented
to the parliament in 2017. However, this has reportedly not yet
taken place.
36. The Commissioner for Human Rights also recommended as a priority
the “abolishment of full deprivation of legal capacity and plenary
guardianship of persons with disabilities, including persons with
psycho-social and intellectual disabilities”. He also raised concerns
regarding the issue of involuntary hospitalisation and the use of
coercion in mental health care, which requires reforms that envisage
objective criteria which do not discriminate against persons with
psychosocial disabilities. The issue of data collection in this
field is also an area of concern since it is done sporadically or
not at all, which impacts on the development of evidence-based legislation
and policies. The issue of free and fully informed consent when
medical treatment is provided is also highlighted as an area that
needs further positive development.
37. According to the latest report on Iceland by the US Department
of State, employment and access to public places are some other
fields in which people with disabilities face occasional discrimination.
3.6. LGBTI
rights
38. LGBTI rights in Iceland are
very progressive. In February 2009, the newly elected Prime Minister, Jóhanna
Sigurðardóttir, was the world's first openly gay head of government.
The Althingi amended the country's marriage law in 2010 to define
marriage as between two individuals, thereby making same-sex marriage
legal. Also, since 2006, same-sex couples have had equal access
to adoption and in vitro fertilisation (IVF). It therefore comes
as a surprise that Iceland ranks only at 47% of fully respecting
the human rights of LBGTI people, ranking 16th out of 49 countries.
This is mostly due to the fact that
on the indicators relating to “equality and non-discrimination “and
“asylum”, Iceland has very limited or non-existent laws or policies
that impact on the lives of LGBTI people. The recommendation of
ECRI
regarding the development of a comprehensive
anti-discrimination legislation in all fields and covering all grounds,
including sexual orientation, gender identity and intersex, is of
particular importance. Indeed, the anti-discrimination legislation
in Iceland does not yet include explicit prohibition of discrimination
on the grounds of sexual orientation, gender identity, and sexual
characteristics, which makes the effective protection of the rights
of LGBTI people unnecessarily difficult.
39. According to the ILGA Europe Annual Review of 2017, there
is a lack of protection for LGBTI people in anti-discrimination
legislation, there are gaps in hate crime legislation and no legislation
or positive measures in the area of asylum seeking. Current legislation
still imposes a series of deterrent conditions on transgender people
to access legal gender recognition, and there is no legislation
to protect the physical integrity of intersex people. The Ombudsperson
for children had previously expressed concerns about this issue,
and in 2016, a University of Iceland symposium was organised to
discuss the human rights violations faced by intersex people.
40. Hate speech is reportedly on the rise in Iceland, with the
Reykjavik prosecutor having issued official charges in eight cases
of hate speech on the grounds of sexual orientation in 2016. The
charges were mainly based on information from the LGBT NGO Samtökin
78. Bullying in schools is also an issue targeting primarily young
people perceived as belonging to the LGBTI community.
3.7. Rights
of migrants and asylum seekers
41. Iceland has a long tradition
of receiving refugees through the resettlement programme of the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
Following the European refugee and migrant crisis, Iceland increased
its refugee reception numbers. During 2015 and 2016, Iceland approved
the resettlement of around 90 people from Syria through the UNHCR
resettlement programme. In Ísafjörður, there is a Multicultural
and Information Centre, the government institution which protects
the interests of immigrants and offers a wide range of services.
However there is a greater need for such a structure in Reykjavik,
where the majority of the population lives and where it would be
closer to other key institutions. In 2015, a Ministers Council for
Refugees and Asylum was established with a budget of 2 billion krona
for assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in response to the
refugee crisis. However, Iceland does not currently have a national policy
or programme on the integration of refugees.
42. As for integration policies, there are several recommendations
coming from different international monitoring bodies, including
the Council of Europe,
that Iceland
should consider. Upholding the right to family reunification, ensuring
fair and non-discriminatory labour laws and policies that target
all services and employers, access to quality education including
language and integration courses, access to adequate housing and
more effective equality bodies and anti-discrimination legal frameworks
are just a few of these recommendations. In 2016, there was also
a drastic increase, by 350% compared to 2015, in the numbers of LGBTI
asylum seekers who requested the services of Samtökin 78, highlighting
the need for asylum legislative and policy framework to be revised
and inclusive of all.
43. According to the Icelandic Human Rights Centre and Icelandic
Women’s Rights Association’s shadow report to the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW),
violence against immigrant women is high, though poorly researched.
One study commissioned by the Ministry of Social Affairs in 2010
found that “many immigrant women lack knowledge about resources
available, lack financial resources to afford interpreters and avoid
seeking help for abuse for fear of deportation”.
44. The national statistics centre indicates that immigrants make
up 9.6% of the Icelandic population or 31 812 migrants out of the
total of 338 349 people living in Iceland.
The largest immigrant contingent
is Polish, totalling 11 988 people, or 3.5% of the citizens of Iceland.
The last Government Policy on the Integration of Immigrants from
2007 was not as successful as hoped. Many immigrants report labour
market discrimination, with employers taking advantage of their
little or no knowledge of Icelandic, leading to unfair employment
conditions, increased risk of occupational accidents, difficulties
in learning Icelandic, and accessing information, unfair employment
conditions, early school drop-out and vulnerability to human trafficking.
4. Rule
of law
4.1. Fight
against corruption and money-laundering
45. Iceland ranks 14th out of 176
countries in the Transparency International Corruption Index of
2017. While doing very well overall, Iceland scored 77 points, which
is one point lower than in 2016, and five points lower than in 2012.
46. On 27 March 2015, GRECO adopted its Compliance Report in the
framework of the Fourth Evaluation Round report. In this report,
GRECO concluded that Iceland had not implemented satisfactorily
any of its 10 recommendations and concluded that Iceland’s compliance
was “globally unsatisfactory”.
In 2016, GRECO passed an interim
compliance report in the framework of its Fourth Evaluation Round
report, which concluded that “Iceland has made credible efforts
as regards the implementation of the recommendations found to be
not or partly implemented in the Fourth Round Compliance Report.
Two of the ten recommendations contained in the Fourth Round Evaluation
Report have been implemented”
and six partly implemented. On 8
December 2017, GRECO adopted its Second Compliance Report on Iceland.
It concluded that Iceland had satisfactorily implemented five of
the 10 recommendations in the Fourth Round Evaluation report, partially
implemented 3 recommendations and had not implemented the remaining
two recommendations.
47. A Code of Conduct for the Members of the Althingi was adopted
on 16 March 2016, including a provision requiring members of parliament
to disclose when a conflict arises between their private interests
and a particular parliamentary procedure.
Positive reforms have been registered
also in the prosecution service, ensuring greater impartiality and
independence as well as addressing the issues of conflict of interests. According
to the OECD, an aspect that needs to be addressed is legislation
protecting whistle-blowers, which requires improvements particularly
regarding anonymity of public sector whistle-blowers and incentives
for whistle-blowers to disclose wrongdoing.
In its Second Compliance report,
GRECO welcomed the adoption of the Code of Conduct, but emphasised
that more needed to be done with regard to “further strengthen[ing] the
transparency, efficacy and credibility of the existing financial
declaration system”.
48. On 23 March 2018, GRECO adopted its Evaluation Report on Iceland
in the framework of the Fifth Evaluation Round that focuses on “Preventing
corruption and promoting integrity in central governments (top executive
functions) and law-enforcement agencies”.
In this report, GRECO notes the increased
awareness and intolerance of corruption in Iceland, especially following
the 2008 financial crisis and the fall of two successive governments.
In that context, it finds it striking that Iceland has not yet elaborated
a coherent strategy and policy to fight corruption and promote integrity
in State institutions.
While different codes of conduct
and integrity rules have been adopted, they often lack credible
enforcement and are not used in daily practice. Moreover, several
areas, for example contacts with parties seeking to influence government
policies and the systematic declaration of assets and interests
are not, or not adequately covered. With regard to law enforcement,
the report welcomes the fact that law-enforcement agencies are the
most trusted public institutions in Iceland. At the same time, it
notes that these agencies lack resources which increase vulnerability to
corruption and conflicts of interest, especially given the lack
of prohibition of secondary employment for police officers. It notes
that according to the structure of the police, the Minister of Justice
is the supreme head of the police with the National Police Commissioner
and the District Police Commissioners directly appointed by him,
reporting to him. This structure gives the Minister of Justice considerable
powers and direct control over the police and has hindered the establishment
of internal control and disciplinary structures.
49. In the fight against money laundering, Iceland has seen several
high profile cases. In the most prominent, in April 2016, Prime
Minister Gunnlaugsson resigned amid mounting public outrage that
his family had sheltered money offshore. Iceland has a Financial
Supervisory Authority which investigates offences in financial activities,
and has extensive powers. It was established in 1999 and played
an important role during the 2008 crisis, and in October 2008 it
was given significant additional powers over Icelandic financial institutions
by the Icelandic Government. The Authority also had its share of
controversy when a new director had to be appointed after criminal
charges were brought against the previous director who was subsequently dismissed
by the Board of the Authority in 2012.
50. Iceland also had an Office of the Special Prosecutor, which
was established in the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008,
and had the task of investigating the Icelandic banking collapse.
The Office was closed in 2015, after legislation was passed in the
Althingi and all its ongoing projects were moved under the District Prosecutor.
The new office is responsible for
the investigation and prosecution of economic crimes and excess
cases from the Director of Tax Investigations and the Financial
Intelligence Unit.
51. Since 1992, Iceland is a member of the Financial Action Task
Force (FATF),
which undertakes Mutual Evaluation
Reports on the implementation of its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist
financing standards. Based on the evaluation of Iceland from 2006,
the country has “a rigorous legal framework in place to combat money
laundering, although the available penalties and the number of convictions
are low”.
The fourth round of evaluation was
published on 6 April 2018 and concluded that Iceland “has undergone
important reforms since the last assessment in 2006”.
52. According to the FATF,
Iceland’s legislation on
combating terrorist financing is generally comprehensive but it
has not yet been tested on a concrete situation. There is room for
improvement to its system for freezing suspected terrorist financing-related
assets. Iceland has a strong system for domestic co-operation, which
is strengthened by informal networks of communication within the
government. Iceland’s international co-operation framework is also
wide-ranging and generally comprehensive.
4.2. Independence
and effectiveness of the judiciary/criminal justice system
53. The Icelandic judicial system
continues to meet high standards of independence and effectiveness. Iceland
has a court system of three levels: district courts; the Supreme
Court, whose decisions are final, and, since 1 January 2018, an
intermediary court or “
Landsrettur”.
The Landsrettur is the court of second
instance to which judgments of the district courts can be appealed.
It was established to guarantee due justice and to strengthen the
role of the Supreme Court of Iceland in setting precedents in jurisprudence.
There was reportedly some controversy
surrounding the appointment of judges to the Landsrettur, when the
Minister of Justice did not follow the recommendations of the Selection
Commission.
There
are 8 district courts dealing with both civil and criminal cases.
The Icelandic system includes also two special courts: the Court
of Impeachment, which deals only with alleged breach of law of the
government members and the Labour Court, which deals with legal
disputes under the Act on Trade Unions and Industrial Disputes.
54. According to its Annual report, there were 869 registered
cases before the Supreme Court and 762 judgments delivered.
The Supreme Court is the highest
court of appeal and has nationwide jurisdiction. It is composed
of nine judges, of which only one woman, appointed for an indefinite
period of time by the President of Iceland upon proposals by the
Minister of Justice. GRECO and the European Union in its 2009 Progress
Report expressed concern over the recruitment procedures for judges,
particularly appointments to the
Labour Court. The lack of prerequisites to be a judge prior to appointment
to the Labour Court and the lack of procedures for the selection
and appointment of the Supreme Court nominee for the Labour Court
are the main cause of concern. The Icelandic authorities need to
put extra effort into ensuring that the recommendations regarding
the appointment of the members of the Labour Court are implemented,
as well as recommendations regarding disclosure of financial interests
by members of parliament.
55. According to the United States Department of State’s latest
country report on Iceland, there are a few human rights issues concerning
the criminal justice system, including holding pretrial detainees
with convicted prisoners, the obligation to reimburse the government
for the lawyer’s services when defendants who used public defenders
were found guilty and the potential use of illegally obtained evidence
in court.
5. Conclusions
and recommendations
56. Overall, the functioning of
democratic institutions in Iceland complies with Council of Europe
standards. Iceland globally honours its membership obligations to
the Council of Europe. It is in general a well-functioning democracy.
However, as a result of the size and relatively homogeneous make-up
of its society, it has chosen in a number of cases to regulate issues
via informal rules and arrangements in society rather than by clear
rules and norms codified in law. This has led to vulnerabilities
in the functioning of democratic institutions, especially with regard
to checks and balances. They came to the foreground in the financial
crisis that hit Iceland in 2008 and led to the start of a constitutional
reform process with a view to “increasing democratic safeguards, strengthening
checks and balances, improving the functioning of State institutions
and better defining their respective roles and powers”. Regrettably,
this reform process seems to have stopped before tangible results have
been achieved. The reform of the country’s democratic institutions,
especially with regard to strengthening its system of checks and
balances remain of key importance and I would therefore strongly recommend
that the Icelandic authorities elaborate and implement comprehensive
and coherent reforms to that extent, either through rekindling the
constitutional reform process or by common law.
57. The 2008 financial crisis also underscored the vulnerability
of the country’s democratic institutions and financial interests
to corruption and conflicts of interest. Although the country remains
in the top rankings of Transparency International’s corruption perception
index, corruption has increasingly become an issue of concern and
political debate in Iceland and has contributed to the fall of two
successive governments in recent years. In that context, the absence
of a coherent strategy to combat corruption and promote integrity
in State situations, as noted by GRECO in its evaluation report
on Iceland in the framework of its Fifth Evaluation round, is difficult
to understand. I would therefore recommend that the Icelandic authorities,
as a priority, develop a coherent and comprehensive strategy with
regard to corruption and integrity issues in State institutions
that will fully address the recommendations of GRECO contained in
the evaluation reports for Iceland in the framework of its Fourth
and Fifth Evaluation rounds, and in particular:
- develop a strategy to improve
integrity and management of conflicts of interest of persons holding
top executive functions in the government, as well as clear and
harmonised codes of conduct for them;
- review the rules regarding secondary activities as well
as employment after leaving government functions;
- ensure the proper funding of law-enforcement agencies
and develop a clear, transparent merit-based appointment and promotion
process free from political interference.
58. Iceland should complement its record of protecting fundamental
rights and freedoms. The establishment of a national human rights
institution, in accordance with international standards, would further
strengthen this record and is recommended. Notwithstanding its reputation
as a very inclusive nation, Iceland still does not have a comprehensive
anti-discrimination legislative framework, nor does it have institutional
mechanisms to promote its implementation in all spheres of life,
including to combat racism and racial discrimination. In line with
recommendations by ECRI and the Human Rights Commissioner, I therefore
recommend that the authorities develop a comprehensive anti-discrimination
legislation.
59. Iceland’s track record with regard to gender equality is generally
considered as a role model. However, a gender gap, including with
regard to representation of women in top executive functions, still
exists and domestic and sexual violence against women remains a
point of concern that deserves the continuing attention of the authorities.
60. Iceland has a well-developed legal framework for LGTBI rights,
which is, however, hindered by the previously mentioned absence
of a comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation. Regrettably,
reports of hate speech against LGTBI people have increased.